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\l  . 


THE 


HISTORY 


NEW- HAMPSHIRE. 


VOLUME    I. 


COMPREHENDING    THE    EVENTS    OF    ONE    COMPLETE 

CENTURY    FROM    THE    DISCOVERY    OF    THE 

RIVER  PASGAFAQUA. 


B  v     JEREMY     BELKNAP,   A.M. 

Member  of  the  American  Fhilofophical  Society  held  at  Philadelphia 
for  promoting  uielul  Knowledge. 


Tenipus  edax  reruni,  tnjuc  inv'-diofi  vetiiftas 

Omn'u  deftruitis  :  vitiataque  dtntibus  evi 

Paulatim  Icr.ta  confumitis  omnia  morte. 

H.tc  pcrftant.  Ovid. 


PHILADELPHIA: 

FR1NTED    FOR     THE     AUTHOR.     BY     ROBERT     AITKEN,      IH 
MARKET     STREET,    NEAR     THE     COFFEE-HOUSE. 


M.DCC.LXXXIY. 


nty- 


4 


I  DO  certify,  that  on  this  18th  day  of  June,  1784,  a  Book,  in- 
titled,  "  The  Hiftory  of  New  Hampjhirc,  Vol.  I.  by  Jeremy  Belknap," 
printed  at  Philadelphia  by  Robert  Aitken,  was  entered  according 
to  Act  of  AfTembly  in  the  Prothonotary's  office  of  Philadelphia 
county  by  Ebenezer  Hazard,  Efqtiirc,  in  behalf  of  the  author. 

J.  B.  SMITH,  Prothon. 


(     Ui     ) 


PREFACE. 


WHEN  a  new  publication  appears,  fomc 
prefatory  account  of  the  reafons  which 
led  to  it,  and  the  manner  in  which  it  has  been 
conducted,   is  generally  expected. 

The  compiler  of  this  hiftory  was  early  impel- 
led by  his  natural  curiofity  to  enquire  into  the 
original  iettlemeni,  progrefs,  and  improvement 
of  the  country  which  gave  him  birth.  When  he 
took  up  his  refidence  in  New-Hamplhire  his  en- 
quiries were  more  particularly  directed  to  that 
part  of  it.  Having  met  with  fome  valuable  ma- 
nuscripts which  were  but  little  known,  he  began 
to  extract  and  methodize  the  principal  things  in 
them  ;  and  this  employment  was  (to  fpeak  in  the 
ftyle  of  a  celebrated  modern  author)  his  lt  hobby 
"  horfe." 

The  work,  crude  as  it  was,  being  communicated 
to  fome  gentlemen,  to  whofe  judgment  he  paid 
much  deference,  he  wasperfuaded  and  encouraged 
to  go  on  with  his  collection,  until  the  thing  be- 
came generally  known,  and  a  publication  could 
not  decently  be  refufed. 

He  owns  himfelf  particularly  obliged  to  the 
public  officers  both  in  this  and  the  neighbouring 
ftate  of  MafTachufctts,  under  the  former  as  well  as 
the  prefent  conftitutions,  for  their  obliging  at- 
tention in  favouring  him  with  the  ufe  of  the  pub- 
lic records  or  extracts  from  them.     He  is  under 

equal 


In  PREFACE. 

equal  obligation  to  a  number  of  private  gentlemen, 
who  have  either  admitted  him  to  their  own  col- 
lections of  original  papers  or  procured  fuch  for 
him.  In  the  cuurfe  of  his  enquiry  he  has  fre- 
quently had  reafon  to  lament  the  lofs  of  many 
valnahle  materials  by  fire  and  other  accidents  : 
But  what  has  pained  him  more  feverely  is  the  in- 
attention of  iome  perfons  in  whofe  hands  original 
papers  have  been  depofited,  and  who  have  fufFer- 
ed  them  to  be  wafted  and  destroyed  as  things  of 
no  value.  The  very  great  utility  or  a  public  re- 
pofitory  for  fuch  papers  under  proper  regulations, 
has  appeared  to  him  in  the  itrongeft  light,  and  he 
is  perfuaded  rhar  it  is  sn  object  worthy  the  atten- 
tion of  an  enlightened  legiflature. 

The  late  accurate  and  indefatigable  Mr. Prince 
of  Bofton,  (under  whofe  miniftry  the  author  was 
educated  and  whofe  memory  he  fhall  always  re- 
vere} began  fuch  a  collection  in  his  youth  and 
continued  it  for  above  fifty  years.  By  his  will  he 
left  it  to  the  care  of  the  Old  South  Church,  of 
which  he  was  paflor,  and  it  was  depofited  with  a 
library  of  ancient  books  in  an  apartment  of  their 
meeting-houfe.  To  this  collection,  the  public 
are  obliged  for  fome  material  hints  in  the  pre- 
fent  work,  the  author  having  had  frequent  accefs 
to  that  library  before  the  commencement  of  the 
late  war.  But  the  ufe  which  the  Britifh  troops 
in  1775  made  of  that  elegant  building  having 
proved  fatal  to  this  noble  collection  of  manufcripts ; 
the  friends  of  fcience  and  of  America  muft  de- 
plore the  irretrievable  lofs.  Had  we  fuffered  it 
by  the  hands  of  Saracens,  the  grief  had  been 
lefs  poignant  ! 

Hiftorians  have  mentioned  the  affairs  of  New- 
Hampfhire  only  in   a  loofe  and  general  manner. 

Neale 


PREFACE. 

Neale  and  Douglas,  though  frequently  erroneous, 
have  given  foine  hints,  which  by  the  help  or  ori- 
ginal records  and  other  manufcripts,  have  in  this 
work  been  carefully  and  largely  puriued.  Hutch- 
infon  has  faid  many  things  which  the  others  have 
omitted  ;  his  knowledge  of  the  antiquities  of  the 
country  was  extenfive  and  accurate,  and  the  pub- 
lic are  much  obliged  by  the  publication  of  his 
hifrory  ;  but  he  knew  more  than  he  thought  pro- 
per to  relate.  The  few  publications  concerning 
New-Hampfhire  are  fugitive  pieces  dictated  by 
party  or  intereft.  No  regular  historical  deduc- 
tion has  ever  appeared.  The  late  Mr.  Fitch  of 
Portfmouth  made  a  beginning  of  this  fort  about 
the  year  1  728  :  Prom  his  papers  fome  things  have 
been  collected  which  have  not  been  met  with  eife- 
where.  The  authorities  from  which  information 
is  derived  are  carefully  noted  in  the  margin. 
Where  no  written  tcftimonies  cculd  be  obtained, 
recourfe  has  been  had  to  the  moft  authentic  tra- 
dition, Selected  and  compared  with  a  (crapulous 
attention,  and  with  proper  allowance  for  the  im- 
perfection of  human  memory.  After  all,  the 
critical  reader  will  doubtlefs  find  fome  chafms 
which  in  fuch  a  work  it  would  be  improper  to  fill 
by  the  help  of  imagination  and  conjecture. 

The  author  makes  no  merit  of  his  regard  to 
truth.  To  have  difguifed  or  mifreprefented  facts 
would  have  been  abufing  the  reader.  No  perfon 
can  take  more  pleafure  in  detecting  miftakes  than 
the  author  in  correcting  them  it  he  mould  have 
opportunity.  In  tracing  the  progrefs  of  contro- 
verfy  it  is  impofftble  not  to  take  a  fide,  though 
we  are  ever  fo  remote  from  any  perfonal  inteitft 
in  it :  Cenfure  or  applaufe  will  naturally  follow 
the  opinion  we  adopt.  If  the  reader  fhould  hap- 
pen 


vi  PREFACE. 

pen  to  entertain  different  feelings  from  the  writer, 
he  has  an  equal  right  to  indulge  them  ;  but  not 
at  the  expence  of  candor. 

The  Mafonian  controverfy  lay  fo  directly  in  the 
way  that  it  could  not  be  avoided.  The  rancour 
fliewn  on  both  fides  in  the  early  ftages  of  it  has 
now  fubiided.  The  prefent  fettlement  is  fo  ma- 
terially connected  with  the  general  peace  and  wel- 
fare of  the  people,  that  no  wife  man  or  friend  to 
the  country  can  at  this  day  wifh  to  overthrow  it, 

Mr.  Hubbard,  Dr.  Mather  and  Mr.  Pen- 
hallow  have  published  narratives  of  the  feveral 
Indian  wars  :  Thefe  have  been  compared  with  the 
public  records,  with  ancient  manufcripts,  with 
Charlevoix's  hiftory  of  New-France,  and  with 
the  verbal  traditions  of  the  immediate  fufferers 
or  their  defcendants.  The  particular  incidents 
of  thefe  wars  may  be  tedious  to  ftrangers,  but 
will  be  read  with  avidity  by  the  pofterity  of  thofe 
whofe  misfortunes  and  bravery  were  fo  confpicu- 
ous.  As  the  character  of  a  people  muft  be  col- 
lected from  fuch  a  minute  feries,  it  would  have 
been  improper  to  have  been  lefs  particular. 

The  writer  has  had  it  in  view  not  barely  to  re- 
late facts,  but  to  delineate  the  characters,  the  paf- 
fions,  the  interefts  and  tempers  of  the  perfons  who 
are  the  fubjedts  of  his  narration,  and  to  defcribe 
the  moft  ftriking  features  of  the  times  in  which 
they  lived.  How  far  he  has  fucceeded,  or  where- 
in he  is  defective,  mull  be  left  to  the  judgment  of 
every  candid  reader^  to  which  this  work  is  moft 
refpcctfully  fubmitted. 

Dover >  June  i,    1784. 

CON- 


(      vii      ) 


CONTENTS. 


CHAP.       I. 

T\ISCOVERY  of  the   country.     Efiablijbment 

of  the  council  of  Plymouth.  Their  grants  to 
Mafon  and  others.  Beginning  of  the  fettlements 
at  Portfmouth  and  Dover.  H 'he lew right's  In- 
dian purchafe.  Nealc's  adventures.  Difcourage- 
ments.  Diffolution  of  the  council.  Mafon's 
death.      Caufcs  of  the  failure  of  his  enterprize. 

Page  I. 

II.  Troubles  at  Dover.  Settlements  of  Exeter  and 
Hampton.  Story  of  Underhill.  Defertion  of 
Mafon's  tenants.  Combinations  at  Portfmouth 
and  Dover.  Union  of  New-Hampflnre  with 
Maffachufetts.  3  2 

III.  Obfervations  on  the  principles  and  conduct  cf 
the  firfl  planters  of  New-England.  Caufe  of 
their  removal.  Their  religious  fentiments.  For- 
titude. Care  of  their  pofierity.  Jujlice.  Laws. 
Principles  of  government .  Theocratic  prejudices. 
Intolerance  and  perfecutions.  60 

IV.  Mode  of  government  under  Majfachufetts. 
Mafon's  efforts  to  recover  the  property  of  his 
ancefior.  Tranfatlions  of  the  king,s  commijjion- 
ers.  Oppofition  to  them.  Internal  tranj aft ions. 
Mafon  difcou raged.  100 

V.  Remarks 


a 


viii  CONTENTS. 


V.  Remarks  on  the  temper  and  manners  of  the  In- 
dians. The  fir Jl  general  war  with  them,  called 
Philip's  war.  120 

VI.  Maf on's  renewed  efforts.  Randolphs  mifiion 
and  tranfatlions.  Attempts  for  the  trial  of 
Mafon's  title.  New-HampfJjire  feparatedfrom 
Maffachufetts  and  made  a  royal  province.       Ab- 

flratl  of  the  commij/ion.      Remarks  on  it.       164 

VII.  The  adminift ration  of  the  firjl  council.  Ma- 
fon's arrival.    Oppofition  to  him.    His  departure. 

State  of  trade  and  navigation.  175 

VIII.  The  adminift  ration  of  Crai field.  Violent  mea- 
fures.  Infurretlions.  Mafan's  fuits.  Profe- 
cution  of  Moody  and  Vaughan.  Arbitrary  mea- 
fures.  Complaints.  Tumults.  Wcare's  agency 
in  England.  Cranfield's  removal,  Barejoote's 
admin  ijlration .  188 

IX.  Admin  if  rat  ion  of  Dudley  as  prefident,  and 
Androfe  as  governor  of  New -England.     Mafon's 

further  attempts.  His  dif appointment  and  death. 
Revolution.  Sale  to  Allen.  His  commijfion for 
the  government.  2  23 

X.  The  war  with  the  French  and  Indians,  com- 
monly called  King  William's  war.  242 

XI.  The  civil  affairs  of  the  province  during  the 
adminift  rat  ions  of  Ufljer,  Partridge,  Allen,  the 
Earl  of  Bellamont  and  Dudley,  comprehending  the 
whole  controverfy  with  Allen  and  his  heirs.     288 

XII.  The  war  with  the  French  and  Indians,  called 
Shieen  Anne's  war.  Conclufion  of  Dudley's  and 
Ufher's  adminijl ration.  •       329 

Appendix. 

CHAP. 


CHAP.       I. 

Difcovery  of  the  country.  Eft abli foment 
of  the  Council  of  Plymouth.  Their  Grants 
to  Mafon  and  others.  Beginning  of  the 
fett lenient s  at  Portfmouth  and  Dover. 
Wheleivngh?  s  Indian  pur  chafe.  NeaPs 
adventures.  Difcouragcments.  DiJJ'o- 
lution  of  the  Council.  MafirCs  death. 
Caufes  of  the  Jailure  of  his  enterprize. 

IT  is  happy  for  America  that  its  difco- 
very and  fettlement  by  the  Europeans 
happened  at  a  time,  when  they  were 
emerging  from  a  long  period  of  ignorance 
and  darkneis.  The  difcovery  of  the  mag- 
netic needle,  the  invention  of  printing, 
the  revival  of  literature  and  the  reforma- 
tion of  religion,  had  caufed  a  vaft  alterati- 
on in  their  views,  and  taught  them  the 
true  ufe  of  their  rational  and  active  pow- 
ers. To  this  concurrence  of  favourable 
caufes  we  are  indebted  for  the  prcciiion 
with  which  we  are  able  to  fix  the  begin- 
ning of  this  great  American  empire  :  An 
advantage  of  which  the  hiitorians  of  other 
countries  almoft  univerfally  are  deftitute  j 
their  firft  seras  being  either  difguifed  by 
B  fi&ion 


i  HISTORY     OF 

fiction  and  romance,  or  involved  in  impe- 
netrable obfcurity. 

Mankind  do  not  eafily  relinquish  anci- 
ent and  eftablifhed  prejudices,  or  adopt 
new  fyftems  of  conduct,  without  fome 
powerful  attractive.  The  profpect  of  im- 
menfe  wealth,  from  the  mines  of  Mexico 
and  Peru,  fired  the  Spaniards  to  a  rapid 
conqueft  of  thofe  regions  and  the  deftruc- 
tion  of  their  numerous  inhabitants  ;  but 
the  northern  continent,  prefenting  no  fuch 
glittering  charms,  was  neglected  by  the 
European  princes  for  more  than  a  century 
1406.  after  its  difcovery.  No  effectual  care  was 
vxv>J  taken  to  fecure  to  themfelves  the  pofTefli- 
limSl  on  °f  f°  extenfive  a  territory,  or  the  ad- 
vantage of  a  friendly  traffic  with  its  na- 
tives, or  of  the  fifhery  on  its  coafts  ;  till 
private  adventurers  at  a  vaft  expence,  with 
infinite  hazard  and  perfevering  zeal,  efta- 
blifhed fettlements  for  themfelves,  and 
thereby  enlarged  the  dominions  of  their 
fovereigns. 

Of  the  voyagers  who  vifited  the  nor- 
thern coaft  of  America,  for  the  fake  of  its 
furs  and  fifh,  one  of  the  moft  remarkable 
1 61 A  was  Captain  John  Smith;  who  ranged  the 
fhore  from  Penobfcot  to  Cape  Cod,  and  in 
this  route  difcovered  the  river  Pafcataqua ; 
which  he  found  to  be  a  fafe  harbour  with 

a  rocky 


v^ryvj 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE.  3 

a  rocky  fhore.     He  returned  to  England     161 4. 
in  one  of  his  fhips,  and  there  publifhed  a      ^^ 
defcription  of  the  country,  with  a  map  of 
the  fea-coaft,  which  he  prefented  to  Prince 
Charles,  who  gave  it  the  name  of  New-    smith's 
England.     The  other  fhip  he  left  be-    ?oya8fc 
hind  under  the  care  of  Thomas  Hunt, 
who  decoyed  about  twenty  of  the  natives 
on  board  and  fold  them  for  (laves  at  Ma- 
laga.    This  perfidious  a&ion  excited  a  vi- 
olent jealoufy  in  the  natives,  and   bitter- 
ly enraged  them  againft  fucceeding  ad- 
venturers.    Two  of  thole  lavages  having 
found  their  way  back  as  far  as  Newfound- 
land, then  under  the  government  of  Cap- 
tain John  Mafon,  were  reftored  to  their 
native  country  by  his  friendly  interpofi- 
tion,  and  reported  the  ftrong  difapproba- 
tion,  which  the  Englifh  in  general  enter- 
tained of  the  milchievous  plot  by  which 
they  had  been  carried  off.    By  this  means, 
together  with  the  prudent  endeavours  of 
Captain  Thomas  Dermer,  and  afterward 
of  the  Plymouth  fettlers,  tranquillity  was    panted  ' 
re-eftablifhed  between  the  Indians  and  the    3tEt*L 
adventurers,  which  was  tolerably  preferv-    S^i'JJ 
ed  for  many  years.     However  fond  we    ans'  p-  * 
may  have  been  of  accufing  the  Indians  of 
treachery  and  infidelity,  it  mull  be  con- 
feifed  that  the  example  was  lirft  fet  them 
B  2  by 


4  HISTORY    OF 

1 6 14.     by  the  Europeans.     Had  we  always  treat- 
'v^°'     ed  them  with  that  juftice  and  humanity 
which  our  religion  inculcates,  and  our  true 
mtereft  at  all  times  required,  we  might 
have  lived  in  as  much  harmony  with  them, 
as  with  any  other  people  on  the  globe. 
1620.         The  importance  of  the  country  now 
v"^y^-'      began  to  appear  greater  than  before,  and 
fome  meafures  were  taken  to  promote  its 
fettlement.     A  patent  had  been  granted 
by  King  James  in  1606,  limiting  the  do- 
minion of  Virginia,  from  the  thirty-fourth, 
to  the  forty-fourth  degree  of  northern  la- 
titude; which  extent  of  territory  had  been 
divided  into  two  parts,  called  North  and 
South  Virginia.     The  latter  was  affigned 
to  certain  noblemen,  knights  and  gentle- 
men of  London,  the  former  to  others  in 
Gorges's       Briftol,  Exeter  and  Plymouth.    Thofewho 
Narrative.     were  interefted  in  the  northern  colony* 
finding  that  the  patent  didnotfecure  them 
from  the  intrufions  of  others,  petitioned 
for  an  enlargement  and  confirmation  of 
their  privileges.     After  fome   time,  the 
NoT  .        king,  by  his  fole  authority,  conftituted  a 
council,    confifling    of  forty    noblemen, 
knights  and  gentlemen*,  by  the  name  of 

"  The 

*  The  Duke  of  Lenox,                         Earl  of  Arundel, 
Marquis  of  Buckingham,  Bath, 


~Hsmilton,  Southampton, 

Earl  of  Pembroke,  .^—  Salisbury, 

Earl 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE. 

"  The  council  eitablifhed  at  Plymouth,  In 
"  the  county  of  Devon,  for  the  planting, 
"  ruling  and  governing  of  New-England,  Ms  Copy 
"  in  America."  They  were  a  corporati-  c*urtfii»fc 
on  with  perpetual  fucceffion,  by  election 
of  the  majority  ;  and  their  territories  ex- 
tended from  the  fortieth  to  the  forty- 
eighth  degree  of  northern  latitude.  This 
patent,  or  charter,  is  the  foundation  of  all 
the  grants  that  were  made  of  the  country 
of  New-England.  But  either  from  the 
jarring  interests  of  the  members,  or  their 
indiftinct  knowledge  of  the  country,  or 
their  inattention  to  buiinefs,  or  fome  other 
caufe  which  does  not  fully  appear,  their 
affairs  were  trania&ed  in  a  confufed  man- 
ner from  the  beginning  ;  and  the  giants 
which  they  made  were  lo  inaccurately  de- 
fcribed,  and  interfered  fo  much  with  each 
other,  as  to  occafion  difficulties  and  con- 
troversies, 

Fail  of  Warwick,  Sir  Allen  Apfley, 

Vifcount  Haddington,  Warwick  Heal, 

Lord  Zouche,  Rirhard  Cotchmay, 

Sheffield,  John  BourgJ'iae, 

Gorges.  Nathaniel  Rich, 

Sir  Ed*ard  Seymour,  < Edward  Giles, 

Robert  Man  (el,  Giles  Mompeflon, 

Edward  Zouche,  Thomas  Wroth,  Knights. 

Dudley  Digges,  Matthew  SutclirTe, 

Thomas  Roe  Robert  Heath, 

"        Ferdinando  Gorges,  Henry  Boingchiere, 

Francis  Popliam,  John  Drake, 

John  Riooks,  Ra-.vlcy  Gilbert, 

Thomas  Gates  George  Chudlcy, 

Richard  Hawkins,  Thomas  Hammond, 
Richard  Edgecombe,  John  Argall,    Eiquires. 


6  HISTORY     OF 

1620.     troverfics,   fome  of  which  are   not  yet 
^^      ended. 

Two  of  the  mod  active  members  of  this 
council  were  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges  and 
Captain  John  Mafon.  Gorges  had  been 
Hume.  an  officer  in  the  navy  of  Queen  Elizabeth, 
intimately  connected  with  Sir  Walter  Ra- 
leigh, of  whofe  adventurous  fpirit  he  had 
a  large  lhare.  After  the  peace  which  King 
James  made  in  1604,  he  was  appointed 
governor  of  the  fort  and  ifland  of  Ply- 
mouth in  Devonfhire.  While  he  refided 
there,  Captain  Weymouth,  who  had  been 
employed  by  Lord  Arundel  in  fearch  of  a 
northweft  paffage,  but  had  fallen  fliort  of 
hiscourfeand  put  in  atPemaquid,  brought 
from  thence  into  the  harbour  of  Plymouth, 
five  natives  of  America,  three  of  whom 
were  eagerly  feized  by  Gorges,  and  re- 
tained in  his  fervice  for  three  years.  Find- 
ing them  of  a  tractable  and  communicative 
difpofition,  and  having  won  their  affecti- 
ons by  gentle  treatment,  he  learned  from 
them  many  particulars  concerning  their 
country,  its  rivers,  harbours,  iflands,  fifh- 
eries  and  other  products  ;  and  the  num- 
bers, force,  difpofition  and  government  of 
the  natives ;  and  from  this  information  he 
conceived  fanguine  hopes  of  indulging  his 
genius,  and  making  his  fortune,  by  a  tho- 
rough 


NEW-H  AMP  SHIRE.  7 

rough  difcovery  of  the  country.     For  this     1620. 
purpofe  he,   in  conjunction  with  others,    oorgcs's 
ventured  feveral  (hips,  whereof  fome  met    NairaU*c- 
with  peculiar   misfortunes  ;    and   others 
brought  home  accounts,  which,   though 
difcouracrina:  to  fome  of  his  aflbciates,  made 

o      o 

him  determine  upon  farther  attempts, 
wherein  his  refolution  and  perfeverance 
were  more confpicuous  than  anyfolid  gain. 
Thefe  tranfactions  were  previous  to  the 
eftablifhment  of  the  council;  in  foliciting 
which,  Gorges  was  fo  extremely  active, 
that  he  was  appointed  their  prefident,  and 
had  a  principal  (hare  in  all  their  tranfac- 
tions.  Mafon  was  a  merchant  of  London, 
but  became  a  fea-officer,  and,  after  the 
peace,  governor  of  Newfoundland,  where 
he  acquired  a  knowledge  of  America,which 
led  him,  on  his  return  to  England,  into  a 
clofe  attachment  to  thofe  who  were  en- 
gaged in  its  difcovery  ;  and  upon  fome 
vacancy  in  the  council,  he  was  elected  a 
member  and  became  their  fecretary  ;  be- 
ing alfo  governor  of  Portfmouth  in  Hamp- 
fhire.  He  procured  a  grant  from  the  coun-  162 1, 
cil,  of  all  the  land  from  the  river  Naum- 
keag,  [now  Salem]  round  Cape  Anne,  to 
the  river  Merrimack ;  and  up  each  of 
thofe  rivers  to  the  fartheft  head  thereof; 
then  tocrofs  over  from  the  head  of  the  one 

to 


March  y. 


8  HISTORY    OF 

1 62 1.  to  the  head  of  the  other;   with  all  the 
K^r^J      iilands   lying  within  three  miles  of  the 

coaft.     This  diftricl;  was  called  Mariana. 

1622.  The  next  year  another  grant  was  made, 
^~^      to  Gorges  and  Mafon  jointly,  of  all  the 

lands  between  the  rivers  Merrimack  and 
Sagadehock,  extending  back  to  the  great 
lakes  and  river  of  Canada,  and  this  was 
called  Laconia. 

Under  the  authority  of  this  grant, 
Gorges  and  Mafon,  in  conjunction  with 
fevcral  merchants  of  London,  Briftol,  Ex- 
eter, Plymouth,  Shrewsbury  and  Dorche- 
fter,  who  ftyled  themfelves  u  The  Com- 
"  pany  of  Laconia,"  attempted  the  efta- 
blimment  of  a  colony  and  fifhery  at  the 
river  Pafcataqua  ;   and  in  thd  fpring  of  the 

1 623.  following  year  fent  over  David  Thomp- 
^^^~>      fon,   a  Scotfman,   Edward  and  William 

Hilton,  fifhmongers  of  London,  with  a 
number  of  other  people,  in  two  divifions, 
furnifhed  with  all  neceflaries  to  carry  on 
their  defign.  One  of  thefe  companies 
landed  on  the  fouthern  fliore  of  the  river, 
at  its  mouth,  and  called  the  place  Little- 
Harbour  :  Here  they  erected  falt-works, 
and  built  an  houfe  which  was  afterward 
called  Mafon-Hall  ;  but  the  Hiltons  fet 
up  their  ftages  eight  miles  further  up  the 
river  toward  the  northweft,  on  a  neck  of 

land 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE.  9 

land  which  the  Indians  called  Winnicha-  1623. 

hannat,   but  they   named  Northam,  and  Huffifts 

afterward  Dover.     Thompfon,  not  being  Ms- 
pleafed  with  his  fituation,  removed  the  next       ^ 

fpring  to  an  ifland  in  the  Bay  of  Maffa-  0-^^ 
chufetts  ;   this   the   General  Court  after- 

.  .  .  Prince's 

ward  confirmed  to  him  and  ftill  Dears  his    Annals, 
name. 

Thcfe  fettlements  went  on  but  (lowly  for 
feveral  years,  but  the  natives  being  peace- 
able and  feveral  other  fmall  beginnings 
being  made  along  the  coaft  as  far  as  Ply- 
mouth, a  neighbourly  intercourie  was 
kept  up  among  them,  each  following  their 
refpe&ive  employments  of  fi  filing,  tra- 
ding and  planting,  till  the  diforderly  beha- 
viour of  one  Morton,  at  Mount  Wollaflon 
in  the  Bay  of  Maflachufetts,  caufed  an  r  Q 
alarm  among  the  fcattered  fettlements  as  ^^J 
far  as  Pafcataqua.  This  man  had,  in 
defiance  of  the  king's  proclamation,  made 
a  practice  of  felling  arms  and  ammuniti- 
on to  the  Indians,  whom  he  employed  in 
hunting  and  fowling  for  him;  fo  that 
the  Englilh,  feeing  the  Indians  armed  in 
the  woods,  began  to  be  in  terror.  They 
alfo  apprehended  danger  of  another  kind; 
for  Morton's  plantation  was  a  receptacle 
for  difcontented  fervants,  whofe  defertion 
weakened  the  fettlements,  and  who,  be- 
ing 


io  HISTORY     OF 

1628.  ing  there  without  law,  were  more  formi- 
^^^      dable  than  the  favages  themfelves.     The 

principal  perfons  of  Pafcataqua  there- 
fore readily  united  with  their  neighbours, 
Annaft  m  making  application  to  the  colony  of 
Plymouth,  which  was  of  more  force  than 
all  the  reft,  to  put  a  ftop  to  this  growing 
mifchief ;  which  they  happily  effected  by 
feizing  Morton  and  fending  him  prifoner 
to  England. 

1629.  Some  of  the  fcattered  planters  in  the 
^"^      Bay  of  Maflachufetts,  being  defirous   of 

making  a  fettlement  in  the  neighbour- 
hood of  Pafcataqua,  and  following  the  ex- 
ample of  thofe  at  Plymouth,  who  had 
purchafed  their  lands  of  the  Indians, 
which  they  confcientioufly  thought  ne- 
cefTary  to  give  them  a  juft  title,  procured 
May  17.  a  general  meeting  of  Indians,  at  Squam- 
fcot  falls,  where  they  obtained  a  deed 
from  Pafiaconaway  Sagamore  of  Pena- 
cook,  Runnaawitt  of  Pantucket,  Wah- 
angnonawitt  ofSquamfcot,  and  Rowls  of 
Newichwannock:  wherein  they  exprefs 
their  '  defireto  have  the  Englifh  come  and 
4  fettle  among  them  as  among  their  coun- 
4  trymen  in  Maflachufetts,  whereby  they 
'  hope  to  be  ftrengthened    againft  their 

*  enemies  the  Tarrateens;  and  according- 

*  ly  ivith  the  unvverfal  confent  of  their 

'  fubjecls) 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE.  1 1 

'fubjefls,  for  what  they  deemed  a  valua-     1629. 

4  ble   confideration   in   coats,    fhirts   and 

'  kettles,  fell  to  John  Whelewright  of  the 

i  Maffachufetts  Bay,  late  of  England,  mi- 

'  nifler  of  the  gofpel,  Auguftine  Story  [or 

4  Storer]  Thomas  Wight,  William  Went- 

'  worth,  and  Thomas  Leavit,  M  all  that 

"  part  of  the  main  Land  bounded  by  the 

"  river  Pafcataqua  and  the  river  Merri- 

"  mack,    to    begin    at    Newichwannock 

"  falls,  in  Pafcataqua  river  aforefaid,  and 

"  down  faid  river  to  the  fea;   and  along 

"  the  fea-fhore  to  Merrimack  river;  and  up 

"  laid  river  to  the  falls  at  Pantucket;   and 

M  from    thence  upon    a    northweft  line, 

"  twenty  Englifh  miles  into  the  woods ; 

"  and  from  thence  upon  a  ftrait  line  north- 

"  eafl:,  till  it  meet  with  the  main  rivers 

"  that  run  down  to  Pantucket  falls,  and 

"  Newichwannock   falls  aforefaid*;    the 

"  faid  rivers  to  be  the  bounds  from  the 

"  thwart   or   head   line  to   the   aforefaid 

"  falls,  and  from  thence  the  main  chan- 

"  nel  of  each  river  to  the  fea  to  be  the 

"  fide  bounds ;  together  with  all  the  iflands 

"  within  the  faid  bounds;  as  alfo  the  ifles 

of 


*  The  NW  tine  here  defcribed  will  end  within  the  townfhip  of 
Amhcrrt;  and  the  NE  line  from  thence  will  crofi  the  river  Merri- 
mack about  Arruifkecg  falls;  and  pnffini:  through  Chefter,  Not- 
tingham, Harrington  and  Rochelrer  *il!  flrike  Newichwannock 
rircr  about  ten  miles  above  tht  Salmon  falls. 


12  HISTORY    OF 

1629.  "  of  fhoals  fo  called."  The  conditions 
**^°  of  this  grant  were,  «  that  Whelewright 
'  mould  within  ten  years,  begin  a  plan- 
4  tation  at  Squamfcot  falls;  that  other  in- 
4  habitants  Ihould  have  the  fame  privi- 
4  leges  with  him;  that  no  plantation  mould 
4  exceed  ten  miles  fquare;  that  no  lands 
4  mould  be  granted  but  intownfhips;  and 

*  that  thefe  mould  befubjedtto  thegovern- 

*  ment  of  the  MafTachufetts  colony,  until 

*  they  mould  have  a  fettled  government 

*  among  themfelves;  that  for  each  town- 
1  fhip  there  fliould  be  paid  an  annual  ac- 

*  knowledgementof  "one  coat  of  trucking 
44  cloth,"  to  Paflaconaway  the  chief  Sag- 

*  amOre  or  his  fucceffors,  and  two  bufh- 
4  els  of  Indian  corn  to  Whelewright  and 
4  his  heirs.  The  Indians  referred  to  them- 
4  felves  free  liberty  of  fifhing,  fowling, 
4  hunting  and  planting  within  thefe  limits.' 
The  principal  perfons  of  Pafcataqua  and 

mp  Copy      the  province  of  Maine  were  witnefles  to 

in  Super.  r  t   r     •■%  •  C  1  •     •     n  1      * 

court  files,    the  fubfcribingof  this  inttrument,  and  giv- 
ing poffemon  of  the  lands. 

By  this  deed  the  Englim  inhabitants 
within  thefe  limits  obtained  a  right  to  the 
foil  from  the  original  proprietors,  more  va- 
luable in  a  moral  view,  than  the  grants  of 
any  European  prince  could  convey.  If  we 
fmile  at  the  arrogance  of  a  Roman  Pontiff 

in 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE. 


*3 


1629. 


in  affuming  to  divide  the  whole  new  world 
between  the  Spaniards  and  Portuguefe, 
with  what  confiftency  can  wc  admit  the 
right  of  a  king  of  England,  to  parcel  out 
America  to  his  fubje&s,  when  he  had  nei- 
ther purchafed  nor  conquered  it,  nor  could 
pretend  any  other  title,  than  that  ibme  of 
his  fubjecls  were  the  firft  Europeans  who 
difcovered  it,  while  it  was  in  pofleffion  of 
its  native  lords  ?  The  only  validity  which 
fuch  grants  could  have  in  the  eye  of  rea- 
fon  was,  that  the  grantees  had  from  their 
prince  a  permiflion  to  negotiate  with  the 
poffeflbrs  for  the  purchafe  of  the  foil,  and 
thereupon  a  power  of  jurifdi&ion  fubor- 
dinate  to  his  crown. 

The  fame  year  Captain  Mafon  procured  Mot.  7. 
a  new  patent,  under  the  common  feal  of 
the  council  of  Plymouth,  for  the  land 
"  from  the  middle  of  Palcataqua  river  and 
"  up  the  fame  to  the  farthefi  head  there- 
"  of,  and  from  thence  northwestward  until 
"  fixty  miles  from  the  mouth  of  the  har- 
"  hour  were  finiihed  ;  alio  through  Mer- 
"  rimack  river,  to  the  fartheft  head  there- 
"  of,  and  ib  forward  up  into  the  landweft- 
"  ward,  until  fixty  miles  were  hnifhed  ; 
u  and  from  thence  to  crofs  over  land  to 
"  the  end  of  the  fixty  miles  accounted  from 
"  Pafcataqua    river  ;    to-ether    with    all 

illands 


Msj  in  filfs 

:'.-ri<jr 
Court. 


t. 


H  HISTORY    OF 

1629.     <;  iflands  within  five  leagues  of  the  coanV* 
\^r^,>     Thistra&of  land  was  called  New-Hamp- 
shire :  It  comprehended  the  whole    of 
Whelewright's  purchafe;   and  unlefs  Ma- 
fon's  intention  was  to  fruftrate  his  title, 
it  is  difficult  to  affign  a  reafon  for  the  pro- 
curement of  this  patent,  as  the  fame  land, 
with   much   more,   had  been  granted  to 
Gorges  and  Mafon  jointly,  feven  years  be- 
fore.    If  there  was  an  agreement  between 
them  to  divide  the  province  of  Laconia, 
and  take  out  new  patents  from  the  coun- 
cil, in  preference  to  the  making  a  deed  of 
partition  ;   it  is  not  eafy  to  conceive  why 
the  weftern  boundary  mould  be  contract- 
ed to  fixty  miles  from  the  fea,  when  the 
ewer's       lakes  and  river  of  Canada  were  fuppofed 
meriea^p.     to  De  Dut  ninety  or  an  hundred  miles  from 
4*-  Pafcataqua.     If  this  grant  was  intended  as 

an  equivalent  for  the  patent  of  Mariana, 
J  which  the  council  had  the  preceding  year 
included  in  their  deed  to  the  Maflachuf  etts 
company  ;  it  is  impoihble  to  account  for 
the  extenfion  of  New-Hampfhire  to  the 
river  Merrimack,  when  the  grant  of  Maf- 
fachufetts  reached  to  "  three  miles  north 
"  of  that  river  and  of  every  part  of  it*." 

The 

•  Mr.  Hubbard  in  his  MS  hiftory  fays  *'  it  bath  been  affirmed 
by  Mr.  Joflelyn,  who  fir  ft  came  over  into  New  England  on  Cap- 
tain Mafon's  account,  that  there  was  an  agreement  made  between 

Mr. 


N  E  W-H  AMPSH1RE.  15 

The  weft  country  adventurers  were  not     1 630. 
lefs  attentive  to  their  intereft;  for   in  the    ny~^ 

/  March  ia. 

following  fpring  they  obtained  a  patent 
from  the  council  whereby  "  all  that  part 
"  of  the  river  Pafcataqua  called  or  known 
"  by  the  name  of  Hilton's  Point,  with 
"  the  fouth  fide  of  the  faid  river  up  to 
"  the  falls  of  Squamfcot,  and  three  miles 
"  into  the  main  land  for  breadth,"  was 
granted  to  Edward  Hilton.  This  patent, 
fealed  with  the  common  feal  of  the  coun- 
cil, and  fubferibed  by  the  Earl  of  War- 
wick, fets  forth,  that  Hilton  and  his  affo- 
ciates  had  at  their  own  proper  coft  and 
charges  tranfported  fervants,  built  houfes 
and  planted  corn  at  Hilton's  Point,  now 
Dover,  and  intended  the  further  increafe 
and  advancement  of  the  plantation.  Wil-  MS  Copy 
liam  Blackllone,  William  Jefferies  and  taryoifecc' 
Thomas  Lewis  or  either  of  them,  were 
impowered  to  give  poflemon  of  the  pre- 

mifes ; 


1 63 1. 


Mr.  Matlicw  Cradock  ^thc  firft  Governor  of  the  MafTachuiltts 
company)  and  Captain  John  Mafon,  that  the  hounds  of  the  Maf- 
fachufetts  fhould  reach  to  three  miles  northiuc.rd  of  Merrimack  and 
the  remainder  cf  the  land  betwixt  that  line  and  Tafcataqiia  river, 
fhould  be  left  for  Captain  Maion's  patent". 

ThecommiiTioners  lent  by  Charks  11  in  1664,  report  that  "  Mr. 
Mafon  had  a  patent  for  fome  land  about  Cape  Anne  before  the 
Maflachufetts  had  their  fir  ft  patent;  whereupon  Captain  Ma- 
fon and  Mr.  Cradock  agreed  that  the  Maflachufetts  fhould  have 
that  land,  which  was  granted  to  Captain  Mafon  about  Cape  Anne, 
and  Captain  Mafon  fhould  have  that  land,  which  -was  beyond  Mer- 
rimack and  granted  to  the  Maffachufetts.  This  agreement  was  fent 
to  Mr.  Henry  Jocelyn  to  get  recorded  at  Bolton,  hut  before  he 
could  have  leifurc  to  go  there  he  heard  that  Captain  Mafon  was 
dead  and  therefore  went  not.  Of  this  lie  made  affidavit,  before 
the  commifliuiicrs".        Hutch.  Collection  Papers,  p.  423. 


iG  HISTORY    OF 

1 63 1.  mifes;  which  was  done  by  Lewis  and  the 
^y-u  livery  and  feizin  endorfed.  Within  theie 
limits  are  contained  the  towns  of  Dover, 
Durham,  and  Stretham,  with  part  of 
Newington  and  Greenland.  It  was  com- 
monly called  Squamfcot  patent,  but  fome- 
times  Bloody-point  patent,  from  a  quar- 
rel between  the  agents  of  the  two  com- 
panies about   a  point  of  land  in  the  river 

Hubbard's  which  was  convenient  for  both ;  and  there 
being  no  government  then  eftabliihcd, 
the  controverfy  would  have  ended  in 
blood,  if  the  contending  parties  had  not 
been  perfuaded  to  refer  the  decifion  of  it 
to  their  employers. 

The  London   adventurers  alfo  thought 
it  prudent  to  have    fome  fecurity  for  the 

Novem.  3.  mtereft  which  they  had  advanced,  and  ac- 
cordingly obtained  a  grant  from  the  coun- 
cil, of  "  that  part  of  the  patent  of  Laco- 

Hutch.voi.    «  nia?  on  which  the  buildings  and  fait- 

I .  p .  3 1 6 .  _ 

"  works  were  erected,  fituate  on  both 
"  fides  the  harbour  and  river  of  Pafcata- 
"  qua  to  the  extent  of  five  miles  weft* 
"  ward  by  the  fea-coait,  then  to  crofs 
u  over  towards  the  other  plantation  in 
"  the  hands  of  Edward  Hilton."  The 
grantees  named  in  this  patent  *  were,  Sir 

Ferdinando 

*  Mr.  Hubbard  fays,  that  this  patent  was  in  the  hands  of  fome 
gentlemen  at  Portfmouth  when  he  wrote.  1  have  feen  no  copy  of 
it  but  what  is  preserved  io  his  MS  hiiiory.  There  is  among  the 
ancient  files  in  the  Recorder's  office,  an  invoice  of  goods  fent  over 
in  1631,  fubferibed  by  all  the  above  names,  except  the  laft,  in 
whofe  ftead  is  fubferibed  William  Gyles. 


K^T^J 


IluhbarJ'fi 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE.  17 

Ferdinando  Gorges,  Captain  John  Mafon,  1 63  r . 
John  Gorton,  Henry  Gardner,  George 
Griffith,  Edwin  Gay,  Thomas  Warner- 
ton,  Thomas  Eyre  and  Eliezer  Eyre,  who, 
it  is  faid,  had  already  expended  three 
thoufand  pounds  in  the  undertaking. 
They  were  to  pay  forty-eight  pounds  per 
annum  by  way  of  acknowledgment  to 
the  prefident  and  council,  if  demanded. 
Captain  Camocke,  a  relation  of  the  Earl 
of  Warwick,  with  Henry  Jocclyn,  who  ms. 
were  then  intending  a  voyage  here  were 
appointed  to  put  the  grantees  in  polTcflion. 
Within  this  patent  are  comprehended  the 
towns  of  Portlmouth,  Newcaftle,  and  Rye, 
with  part  of  Newington  and  Greenland. 

The  whole  intereft  being  thus  divided 
into  two  parts,  Captain  Thomas  Wiggen 
was  appointed  agent  for  the  upper,  and 
Captain  Walter  Neal  for  the  lower  pi 
tation ;  with  him  were  aflbciated  Ambroie 
Gibbons,  George  Vaughan,  Thomas  War-  ms  ut* 
ncrton,  Humphry  Chadbourne  and  one 
Godfrie  as  fupcrintendants  of  the  (everal 
bufmeffes  of  trade,  filhery,  falt-making, 
building  and  hufbandry.  Neal  refided  at 
Little-Harbour  with  Godfrie  who  had  the 
care  of  the  filhery.  Chadbourne  built  an 
houle  at  Strawberry-bank,  which  was  cal- 
led the  great  houfc,  in  which  Warnerton 
C  refidcd, 


ten 


18  HISTORY    OF 

1 63 1 .     refided.     Gibbons  had  the  care  of  a  faw- 

v-nr>^'  mill,  and  lived  in  a  palifaded  houfe  at 
Newichwannock,  where  he  carried  on 
trade  with  the  Indians.  He  afterward  re- 
moved to  Sander's-point,  where  the  ad- 
venturers gave  him  a  fettlement  for  his 
faithful  fervices.  He  was  fucceeded  at 
Newichwannock  by  Chadbourne,  whofe 
pofterity  are  perfons  of  principal  figure 
and  intereft  there  at  this  day.  The  pro- 
prietors were  alio  careful  to  provide  for 
the  defence  of  their  plantations,  and  fent 
over  feveral  cannon  which  they  directed 
their  agents  to  mount  in  the  moll  conve- 
nient place  for  a  fort.  They  accordingly 
placed  them  on  the  northeaft  point  of  the 
Great-Ifland  at  the  mouth  of  the  harbour, 
and  laid  out  the  ground  "  about  a  bow- 

ms  in  the  "  fhot  back  from  the  water-fide  to  an  high 
"  rock,  on  which  it  was  intended  in  time 
"  to  build  the  principal  fort." 

A  great  part  of  Captain  Neal's  errand 
wras  to  penetrate  the  interior  part  of  the 
province  of  Laconia,  concerning  which 
the  adventurers  had  formed  very  fanguine 
expectations.     It  was  defcribed  as   con- 

Hirt°of  a.    taining  divers  lakes,  and  extending  back 

merica,  p.  °  .  .  _ 

47-  to  a  great  lake  and  river  in  the  country  01 

the    Iroquois.     This  river  was  faid  to  be 
fair  and  large,  containing  many  fruitful 

iflands ; 


Rccoide 
tiles 


Goiges's 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE.  19 

iflands;  the  air  pure  and  falubrious;  the  1 631. 
country  pleafant,  having  fome  high  hills;  ^-^^^ 
full  of  goodly  forefts,  fair  vallies  and  fer- 
tile plains;  abounding  in  corn,  vines, 
chefnuts,  walnuts,  and  many  other  ibrts 
of  fruit;  the  rivers  well  ftored  with  lifh, 
and  environed  with  goodly  meadows  full 
of  timber-trees.  In  the  great  lake  were 
(aid  to  be  four  iflands,  full  of  pleafant 
woods  and  meadows,  having  great  itorc 
of  flags,  fallow-deer,  elks,  roe-bucks, 
beavers  and  other  game,  and  thefe  iflands 
were  fuppofed  to  be  commodioufly  fituat- 
ed  for  habitation  and  traffic,  in  the  midft 
of  a  fine  lake,  abounding  with  the  mod 
delicate  fifh.  No  one  who  is  acquainted 
with  the  interior  part  of  the  country  in  its 
wilderneis  ftate,  can  forbear  fmiling  at 
this  romantic  defcription,  penned  in  the 
true  ftyle  of  adventurers :  yet  fuch  an  im- 
preflion  had  the  charms  of  Laconia  made 
on  the  minds  of  our  firfl  fettlers,  that 
Neal  let  out  on  foot,  in  company  with  r 
Jocelyn  and  Darby  Field,  to  discover  thefe  ^J 
beautiful  lakes,  and  fettle  a  trade  with  the 
Indians  by  pinnaces,  imagining  the  dis- 
tance to  be  fhort  of  an  hundred  miles. 
In  the  courfe  of  their  travels,  they  vifited 
the  white  mountains,  which  they  describ- 
ed in  the  fame  romantic  ftyle,  to  be  a 
C  2  ridge, 


ao  HISTORY     OF 

1632.  ridge,  extending  an  hundred  leagues,  on 
jowhps  which  fhow  lieth  all  the  year,  and  inac- 
New-E°f-  ceffible  but  by  the  gullies  which  the  dif- 
hnd.  iblved  fnow  hath  made  :  on  one  of  thefe 

mountains  they  reported  to  have  found  a 
plain  of  a  day's  journey  over,  whereon 
nothing  grows  but  mofs;  and  at  the  fur- 
ther end  of  this  plain,  a  rude  heap  of 
maffy  ftones,  piled  up  on  one  another  a 
mile  high;  on  which  one  might  afcend 
from  ftcne  to  ftone,  like  a  pair  of  wind- 
ing flairs,  to  the  top,  where  was  another 
level  of  about  an  acre,  with  a  pond  of 
clear  water.  This  fummit  was  faid  to  be 
far  above  the  clouds,  and  from  hence 
they  beheld  a  vapor  like  a  vaft  pillar, 
drawn  up  by  the  fun-beams,  out  of  a 
great  lake  into  the  air,  where  it  was  form- 
ed into  a  cloud.  The  country  beyond 
thefe  mountains  northward,  was  faid  to 
be  "  daunting  terrible,"  full  of  rocky 
hills,  as  thick  as  mole-hills  in  .a  meadow, 
and  clothed  with  infinite  thick  woods. 
They  had  great  expectation  of  finding 
precious  ftones  on  thefe  mountains;  and 
HnhbanTi  fomething  refembling  chryftal  being  pick- 
ms  Hift.  e(j  Up^  was  fufficient  to  give  them  the 
name  of  the  Chrystal-Hills.  From 
hence  they  continued  their  route  in  fearch 
of  the  lake;  till   finding  their   provifion 

almoft 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 


21 


V^^ 


CWsres's 
Hift.  of  A- 
merica,  p. 
48. 


November. 


almoft  fpent,  and  the  forefts  of  Laconia  1632. 
yielding  no  fupply,  they  were  obliged  to 
return  when  they  fuppofed  themfelves  fo 
far  advanced,  that  "  the  difcovery  wanted 
"  but  one  day's  journey  of  being  fi- 
«  ntfhed*." 

This  expedition,  being  ended,  was  fuc- 
ceeded  by  one  of  another  kind.  The  coafl: 
wras  alarmed  by  the  report  of  a  pirate,  one 
Dixy  Bull  ;  who  with  fifteen  others,  be- 
ing employed  in  the  Indian  trade  at  the 
eaftward,had  taken  feveral  boats  and  rifled 
the  fort  at  Pcmaquid.  Neal,  in  conjunc- 
tion with  the  others,  equipped  four  pin- 
naces and  fhal lops, manned  with  forty  men, 
being  all  the  force  that  both  plantations 
could  fpare,  who,  being  joined  by  twenty 
more  in  a  bark  from  Bofton,  proceeded  to 
Pemaquid;  but  contrary  winds  and  bad 
weather  obliged  them  to  return  without 
meeting  the  pirates,  who  made  their  way 
farther  to  the  caftward,  and  at  length  got 
to  England;  where  Bull  met  with  his  de- 
ferts.  The  company  on  their  return  hang- 
ed, at  Richmond's  ifland,  an  Indian  who 
had  been  concerned  in  the  murder  of  an 
Englilhman. 

The 

*  Mr.  Hul. hard,  and  afcer  Iiiin  Governor  Hut  chin  foil,  p'ace  this 
difcovery  of  the  White  Hills  in  1642.  But  as  Neal  had  rofitive  or- 
ders to  difcovcr  the  takes,  and  tarried  but  three  years  in  the  coun- 
try, employing  great  part  of  his  time  in  fcarcliing  the  woods,  it 
is  probable  that  Mr.  Hubbard  miftook  one  figure  in  his  date. 


Prince's 

Annals, 
vol.  1.  p. 

73-  S3- 


22  HISTORY    OF 

1633.         The  next  year  Neal  and  Wiggen  joined 

v~/^^-/      in  Purveying  their  refpective  patents,  and 

laying  out  the  towns  of  Portsmouth  and 

Northam,  and  another  which  was  called 

Hampton,  though  no  Settlement  had  been 

made   there.      They    alfo    agreed    with 

Whciewright  that  the  plantation  which  he 

had  undertaken  to  make  at  Squamfcot  falls, 

fhould  be  called  Exeter  ;  and  determined 

the  bounds  between  his  land  and  theirs. 

This  furvey  was  made  by  order  of  the 

company  of  Laconia,  who  gave  names  to 

the  four  towns,  and  the  tranfaction  was 

ms  in  Re-    duly  reported  to  them  :  foon  after  which 

Sff"        Neal  returned  to  England. 

From  a  number  of  letters  thatpaffed  be^- 
tween  the  adventurers  and  Gibbons  their 
factor,  and  which  are  yet  preferved,  it  ap- 
pears that  their  views  were  chiefly  turned 
toward  the  difcovery  of  the  lakes  and  of 
mines;  the  cultivation  of  grapes,  and  the 
advantages  of  trade  and  fifhery ;  and  that 
little  regard  was  had  to  agriculture,  the 
fureft  foundation  of  all  other  improvements 
in  fuch  a  country  as  this.  They  often 
complain  of  their  expences,  as  indeed  they 
might  with  realbn  ;  for  they  had  not  only 
to  pay  wages  to  their  colonifts,  but  to  fup- 
ply  them  with  provifions,  clothing,  uten- 
fjls,  medicines,  articles  of  trade,  imple- 
ments 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE.  23 

ments  for  building,  hufbandry  and  fifhing,     i^SS' 
and  to  flock  their  plantations  with  cattle, 
{'wine,  and  goats.  Bread  was  either  brought 
from  England  in  meal,  or  from  Virginia    ^rin«'s 

o  O  Annals, 

in  grain,   and  then  fent  to  the  wind-mill    vo1-  *•*• 

.  30. 70. 

at  Bofton,  there  being  none  eroded  here. 

Very  little  improvement  was  made  on  the 
lands  ;  the  lakes  were  not  explored  ;  the 
vines  were  planted  but  came  to  nothing  ; 
no  mines  were  found  but  thofe  of  iron, 
and  thefe  were  not  wrought ;  three  or  four 
houfes  only  were  built  within  the  firff.  fe- 
ven  years  ;  the  peltry  trade  with  the  In- 
dians was  of  fome  value,  and  the  fifhery 
ierved  for  the  fupport  of  the  inhabitants; 
but  yielded  no  great  profit  to  the  adven- 
turers, who  received  but  inadequate  re- 
turns in  lumber  and  furs.  They  faw  their 
intereft  finking  apace,  and  grew  difpirit- 
ed  ;  and  the  major  part  of  them  either  re- 
linquifhed  the  defign,  or  fold  their  (hares 
to  Mafon  and  Gorges,  who  were  more  fan- 
guine  than  the  reft,  and  became  (either  by 
purchafe  or  tacit  confcnt  of  the  others)  the 
principal,  if  not  fole  proprietors.  Thefe 
gentlemen  renewed  their  exertions  with 
greater  vigour,  fent  over  a  frefh  fupply  of  16^4. 
fervants,  and  materials  for  carrying  on  the  »-vj 
fettlement,  and  appointed  Francis  Williams 
their  governor.     He  was  a  gentleman  of 

good 


24  HISTORYOF 

1 634.  good  fenfe  and  difcretion  ;    and  fo  very 
jh^rs     accePtable  to  the  people,   that  when  they 
Ms  Hift.       combined  in  a  body  politic  they  continu- 
ed him  at  their  head. 

1635.  The  charter  by  which  the  council  of 
"^r^      Plymouth  was  eftablifhed,  had  been  from 

the  beginning  difrelimed  by  the  Virginia 
company;  who  fpared  no  pains  to  get  it 
revoked.  Their  applications  to  the  king 
proved  fruitlefs;  but  when  the  parliament 
began  to  enquire  into  the  grievances  of 
oorges's  the  nation,  this  patent  was  complained  of 
^"%&aI  as  a  monopoly.  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges, 
being  fummoned,  appeared  before  them, 
and  both  in  perfon  and  by  his  council  de- 
fended it  in  a  mafterly  manner,  but  in 
vain ;  for  when  the  national  grievances 
were  prefented  to  the  throne,  the  patent 
of  New-England  was  the  firft.  The  coun- 
cil alio  had  got  into  difrepute  with  the  high- 
church  party,  for  having  encouraged  the 
fettlementof  the  Plymouth  and  Maflachu- 
fetts  colonifts,  who  fled  from  their  perfe- 
ctions. Thefe  prejudices  againft  them, 
operating  as  difcouragements  to  their  un- 
dertaking, induced  the  council  to  refign 
their  charter  to  the  king  ;  having  previ- 
oufly  taken  care  to  fecure  fome  portion  of 
the  expiring  intereft  to  fuch  of  themfelves 
as  were  dilpofed  to  accept  it.    The  fcheme 

they 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE.  25 

they  had  in  view  was  to  divide  their  ter-     1635-. 

ritory  into  twelve  provinces,  under  as  ma-      v-^^ 

ny  proprietary  governors,   fubject  to  one 

general  governor  ;  and  they  went  fo  far 

as  to  nominate  Gorges,   then  threefcore 

years  of  age,  for  the  perfon,  and  build  a 

fhip  of  war,  which  was  to  bring  him  over 

and  remain  in  the  fervice  of  the  country. 

But  the  fliip  fell  and  broke  in  the  launch-    ""bS's 

Mt>  nilt. 

ing  ;  and  their  project  not  being  fuffici- 
cntly  attended  to  by  thofe  in  power,  they 
were  obliged  to  be  content  with  fuch  grants 
as  they  could  make,  of  thofe  diftricts,  in- 
to which  they  had  divided  the  country. 
That  which  was  now  made  to  Mafon 
comprehended  both  his,  former  patents, 
extending  fromNaumkeag  to  Pafcataqua, 
and  fixty  miles  northwellward  within  the 
land,  together  with  the  fouth  half  of  the 
Ifles  of  Shoals,  and  ten  thoufand  acres  at 
Sarradahock  ;  faving  to  thofe  already  fet- 
tied  within  thele  limits,  the  property  of  sDp.  cour. 
their  lawful   grants  on  paying    "  fome    Tt  , ,    „ 

11  11  Hubbard  s 

"  lmall  acknowledgment     to  the  proprie-    mshui. 
tor.     This  grant  was  dated  the  twenty- 
fecond  of  April*.     In  June  following  the 

council 


*  Whether  Capt.  Mafon  bad  his  title  confirmed  by  the  king 
after  the  furrender  of  the  charter  is  a  point  that  has  been  qucfti- 
mied.  I  (hall  hoc  collect  what  evidence  1  have  met  with  on  both 
.fides. 

In   a  pamphlet  publiflied   in  1,-32,  containing  a  detail  of  the 

grants 


26  HISTORY    OF 

1635.  council  furrendered  their  charter  to  the 
king  ;  and  in  September  Gorges  fold  to 
Mafon  a  tract  of  land  on  the  northeaft  fide 
of  the  river  Pafcataqua,  extending  three 
miles  in  breadth,  and  following  the  courfe 
fc .  of  the  river  from  its  mouth  to  its  fartheft 

rnnted  , 

state  of        head,  including  the  faw-mill  which  had 

tic.  been  built  at  the  falls  of  Newichwannock. 

But  death,  which  puts   an  end  to  the 

faireft   profpects,  cut   off  all  the   hopes 

which 

grants  and  tranfa&ions  of  Capt.  Mafon,  it  is  faid  "  K.  Cliarles  I. 
"  by  charter  dated  Aug.  19,  1635,  gives,  grants  and  con6rms  unto 
V  Gapt.  John  Mafon,  then  called  treafurcrand  paymaster  of  his 
"  army,  his  heirs  and  affigns,  all  the  aforefaid  tratl  of  land  grant- 
"  ed  to  him  by  the  council  of  Plymouth,  by  the  name  of  the  pro- 
"  rinceef  New-Hampfliirc ;  with  potuir  of  government,  and  as  am- 
"  pie  jurifdiclion  and  prerogatives  as  ufed  by  the  hifhop  of  Dur- 
•*  ham ;  creating  him  and  his  aforefaids  abjvluU  hrds  and  proprietors 
"  of  the  province  of  Ncw-Hampfhire,  with  power  of  conferring 
Doug.  u  honours,"  &c.     On  this  authority  ( 1  fuppofe)  Douglas  has  af- 

Summary,  ferted  the  famc  tllj1)g  Qn  w))ich  Hutchinfon  remarks  "  This  is 
H'ft  M  (T  "  not  Pro'-iaD!e-  ft's  he'rs  were  certainly  nnacquaiuted  with  it, 
I      *  '       ••  or  they  would  have  made  mention  of  it  before  the  king  in  coun- 

"  cil  in  1691."  The  report  of  the  Lords  Chief  Juflices  in  1677, 
therein  the  feveral  grants  are  recited,  makes  no  mention  of  this  : 
But  on  the  contrary  it  is  faid,  "  As  to  Mr.  Mafon's  right  of  govern- 
"  ment  within  the  foil  he  claimed,  their  lordfhips,  and  indeed  his 
•'  own  council,  agreed  he  had  none;  the  great  couneilof  Plymouth, 
"  under  whom  he  claimed,  having  no  power  to  transfer  govern- 
"  ment  to  any."  The  Lords  of  Trade  in  a  report  to  the  king  in 
1753,  fay,  "  It  isalledged  that  this  lart  grant  to  Mafon  was  ratified 
"  and  confirmed  by  the  crown,  by  charter  dated  Aug.  19,  1635, 
«'  with  full  power  of  civil  jurifdiction  and  government,  but  nofuch 
"  charter  as  this  appears  upon  record." 

None  of  Mafon's  heirs  ever  attempted  to  afTume  government  by 
virtue  of  fucli  a  charter,  as  the  heirs  of  ("iorges  did  in  the  province 
of  Maine.  Robert  Mafon  was  appointed  councellor  by  mandamus, 
and  Samuel  Allen,  who  purchased  the  title,  was  governor  by  com- 
miffion  from  theciown. 

There  is  an  original  letter  in  the  Recorder's  file*,  written  by 
George  Vaughan  to  Ambrofe  Gibbons,  both  fatlors  for  the  compa- 
ny of  Laconia,  April  10,  1630,  long  before  any  controvcrfy  arofe 
on  this  point,  which  may  give  more  light  to  it  than  any  thing  that 
has  yet  been  publifhcd.     I  fhall  give  it  a  place  in  the  Appendix. 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE.  27 

which  Mafon  had  entertained  of  aggran-     1635. 
dizing  his  fortune,  hy  the  fettlement  of     ^r*J 
New-Hampfhire.  By  his  laft  will,  which 
he  finned  a  few  days  before  his  death,  he    NoT  **• 
difpofed  of  his  American  eftate  in  the  fol- 
lowing manner,  viz.   *  To  the  corporation 
of  Lynn  Regis  in  Norfolk  the  place  of 
his  nativity,  he  gave  two  thoufand  acres 
of  land  in   New-Hampfhire,  fubjecl:  to 
the  yearly  rent  of  one  penny  per  acre  to 
his  heirs,  and   two  fifths  of  all    mines 
royal;   on   condition  that    five  families 
mould  within  five  years  be  feftled  there- 
upon. To  his  brother  in  law  John  Wal- 
lafton,  three   thoufand  acres,  fubjecl:  to 
the  yearly  rent  of  one  fhilling.     To  his 
grandchild  Anne  Tufton,  ten  thoufand 
acres  at  Sagadahock.  To  Robert  Tufton, 
his    grandfon,  he   gave   his    manor   of 
Mafon-hall,  on  condition  that  he  fhould 
take  the  firnamc  of  Mafon.     He  alfo 
gave  to  his   brother  Wallafton    in  truft, 
one  thoufand  acres  for  the  maintenance 
of  "  an    honeft,    godly   and   religious 
4  preacher    of  God's    word;"  and    one 
thoufand    more    for   the   fupport   of  a 
grammar-fchool ;  each  of  thefe    eftates 
to  be    conveyed    to    feoffees    in    truft, 
and  their   fucceifors,    paying   annually 
*  one  penny  per  acre  to  his  heirs.     The 

'  refidue 


28 


HISTORY     OF 


16 


'35- 


MS  in  Sup. 
Court  files. 


4  refidue  of  his  eftate  in  New-Hampfhire 
c  he  gave  to  his  grand  Ton  John  Tufton, 
«  he  taking  the  firname  of  Mafon,  and  to 
1  his  lawful  iffue;  or  in  want  thereof  to 
'  Robert  Tufton  and  his  lawful  iffue;  or 

*  in  want  thereof  to  Doctor  Robert  Mafon, 
c  chancellor  of  the  diocefe  of  Winchefter, 

*  and  his  lawful  iffue;  or,  in  want  of  fuch 

*  iffue,  to  his  own  other  right  heirs  for- 
'  ever;  provided  that  it  fhould  not  go  out 
'  of  the  name  of  Mafon.  The  refiduary 
1  legatee  was  required  to  pay  five  hundred 

*  pounds  t>ut  of  this  eftate  to  his  filler 
'  Mary,  and   all  the  grandchildren  were 

*  to  relinquilh  their  right  to  one  thoufand 

*  pounds  due  from  this  eftate  to  their  fa- 

*  ther  Jofeph  Tufton.'  The  eftate  in 
America  was  valued  in  the  inventory  at 
ten  thoufand  pounds  fterling. 

The  Maffachufetts  planters  viewed  Ma- 
fon as  their  enemy,  becaufe  he  with 
Gorges  had  privately  encouraged  fome 
perfons  whom  they  had  cenfured  and  fent 
home,  to  petition  againft  them  as  difaffec- 
ted  to  the  government;  and  had  endea- 
voured to  get  their  charter  fet  afide,  to 
make  way  for  the  fcheme  of  a  general 
governor*. 

But 

*   Mr.  Hubbard  relates  the  following  anecdote,   without  men- 
tioning .the  name  of  the  perfon.     "  One  of  the  gentlemen  who 

"  was 


Narrative, 
P    49« 


N  E  W-H  AMPSH1RE.  29 

But  though  Mafon  and  Gorges  had  not  1635. 
the  fame  religious  views  with  the  Mafia-  ^^ 
chufetts  planters,  yet  their  memory  de- 
ferves  refpett.  They  were  both  heartily 
engaged  in  the  fettlemcnt  of  the  country; 
they  funk  their  eftates  in  the  undertaking, 
and  reaped  no  profit  to  themfelves;  yet 
their  enterprizing  fpirit  excited  emulation 
in  others,  who  had  the  advantage  of  im- 
proving their  plans  and  avoiding  their 
miftakes.  Gorges  accounted  for  the  ill 
fuccefs  of  his  adventures  in  the  following 
manner.  1.  He  began  when  there  was  Gorges' 
no  hope  of  any  thing  for  the  prefent  but 
lofs;  as  he  had  firit  to  leek  a  place; 
which,  being  found,  was  a  wildernefs; 
and  fo  gloomy  was  the  profpedt,  that  he 
could  fcarce  procure  any  to  go,  much  lefs 
to  refide  in  it;  and  thofe  whom  he  at 
length  fent,  could  not  fublift  but  on  the 
provilions  with  which  he  iupplied  them. 
2.  He  fought  not  barely  his  own  profit, 

but 

"  was  known  to  be  one  of  tlie  greatefl  adverfaries  to  the  affairs  of 
"  the  Maflachufetts,  fell  lick  and  died.  In  his  ficknefs  he  fent 
**  for  the  minifier,  and  bewailed  his  enmity  again  ft  them  :  and 
"  promifed  if  he  recovered,- he  would  he  as  good  a  friend  to  New- 

"  England,  as  he  had  been  an  enemy;  hut  his  fatal  hour  being 
•'come,  his   purpofes  of  that   nature  were  cut  off.     The  paflage 

"  aforegoing  was  certified  by  letters  from  lord  Say  and  others  to 
"  the  governor  of  New-England  about  the  year  1635." 

Governor  Winthrop  has  the  following  remark  in  his  Jonrnah 
"  1636.  The  lalt  winter  Captain  Mafon  died.  He  was  the  chief 
"  mover,  in  all  attempts  againrt  us;  and  was  to  have  fent  the  ge- 
"  neral  governor;  and  for  this  end  was  providing  Ihips.  Hut  the 
M  Lord  in  mercy  taking  hini  away,  all  the  bufincis  fell  on  fleep." 


30  HISTORY    OF 

1635.     but  the  thorough  difcovery  of  the  coun- 
K^r^J      try;  wherein  he  went  fo  far  (with  the  help 
of  his  aflbciates)  as    to  open  the  way  for 
others  to  make  their  gain.     3.  He  never 
went    in    perfon  to    overfee    the   people 
whom  he  employed.     4.  There  was  no 
fettled   government  to  punifh  offenders* 
or    mifpenders    of  their    mailers   goods. 
Two  other  things  contributed  to  thedifap- 
pointment  in  as  great,  if  not  a  greater  de- 
gree than  what  he  has  affigned.     The  one 
was  that   inftead  of  applying  themfelves 
chiefly  to  hufbandry,  the  original  fource 
of  wealth  and   independence    in  fuch  a 
country  as   this;  he    and   his   aflbciates* 
being   merchants,  were  rather  intent  on 
trade  and  fifhery  as  their  primary  objects,. 
Thefe  can    not    be    profitable   in   a   new 
country,   until   the  foundation   is  laid  in 
the  cultivation  of  the  lands.     If  the  lum^ 
ber  trade  and  fifhery  can  not  now  be  car- 
ried on  to  advantage,  without  the  conftant 
aid  of  hufbandry  in  their  neighbourhood, 
how  could  a  colony  of  traders  and  fifher- 
men  make  profitable  returns  to  their  em- 
ployers, when  the    hufbandry   neceflary 
for  their    fupport  was    at  the  diftance  of 
Virginia  or  England  ?  The  other  miftake 
which  thefe  adventurers  fell  into  was  the 
idea  of  lordfhip,  and  the  granting  of  lands 

not 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE.  31 

not  as  freeholds,  but  by  leafes  fubject  to  1635. 
quit-rents.  To  fettle  a  colony  of  tenants  ^>rN«- 
in  a  climate  fo  far  northward,  where  the 
charges  of  lubfiftence  and  improvement 
were  much  greater  than  the  value  of  the 
lands,  after  the  improvements  were  made; 
efpecially  in  the  neighbourhood  of  fo  res- 
pectable and  growing  a  colony  as  that  of 
Maflachufetts,  was  indeed  a  chimerical 
project;  and  had  not  the  wifer  people 
among  them  fought  an  union  with  the 
Maflachufetts,  in  all  probability  the  fet- 
tlements  muft  have  been  deferted. 


CHAP. 


32  HISTORY    OF 

CHAP.      II. 

Troubles  at  Dover.  Settlements  of  Exeter 
and  Hampton.  Ruin  of  Major? s  interejl. 
Story  oj  Underbill.  Combinations  at 
Portfmouth  and  Dover.  Union  ojNeuu- 
Hampjloire  vuith  MaJJachuJetts. 

WHILE  the  lower  plantation  on 
the  river  Pafcataqua  lay  under  dis- 
couragement by  the  death  of  its  principal 
patron,  the  upper  fettlement,  though  car- 
ried on  with  more  fuccefs,  had  peculiar 
difficulties  to  ftruggle  with.  Two  thirds 
of  this  patent  belonged  to  fome  merchants 
of  Briftol,  the  other  third  to  fome  of 
Shrewfbury;  and  there  was  an  agreement 
that  the  divifion  fhould  be  made  by  indif- 
ferent men.  Captain  Wiggen  who  was 
fent  over  to  Superintend  their  affairs,  af- 
ter about  one  year's  refidence  in  the  coun- 
try made  a  voyage  to  England,  to  pro- 
cure more  ample  means  for  carrying  on 
the  plantation.  In  the  mean  time  thole 
of  Briftol  had  fold  their  intereft  to  the 
lords  Say  and  Broke,  George  Willys  and 
William  Whiting,  who  continued  Wig- 
gen in  the  agency,  and  procured  a  confi- 
derable  number  of  families  in  the  Weft 
of  England,  fome  of  wham  were  of  good 

eftates, 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE,  33 

eftates,  and  "  of  fome  account  for  religi-     1633. 
"  on,"  to  come  over  and  increafe  the  co-    HabbCfj 
lony.     It  appears  from  ancient    records    JJfwRc- 
that  Wiggen    had  a  power  of  granting    co,ds- 
lands    to  the  iettlers;  but,  as    trade   was 
their  principal  object,  they  took  up  fmall 
lots,  intending  to  build  a  compact  town 
on  Dover  Neck,  which  lies  between  two 
branches  of  the  river,  and  is  a  line,  dry, 
and  healthy  fituation  ;  fo  high  as  to  com- 
mand all  the  neighbouring  fhores,  and  af- 
ford a  very  extenfive  and  delightful  pro- 
fpect.     On  the  moft  inviting  part  of  this 
eminence  they  built  a  meeting-houfe,which 
was  afterward  furrounded  with  an  en- 
trenchment and  flankarts,  the  remains  of 
which  are  (till  viiible.  Wiggen  alio  brought 
over  William  Leverich,  a  worthy  and  able 
puritan  minifter  ;  but  his  allowance  from 
the  adventurers  proving  too  fmall  for  his 
fupport  in  a  new  country,  where  all  the 
necevTaries  of  life  were  fcarce  and  dear,  he 
was  obliged  to  remove  to  the  fouthward ; 
and  fettled  at  Sandwich   in  the  colony  of 
Plymouth.     This    proved    an    unhappy 
event  to  the  people,  who,  being  left  de- 
ftitute  of  regular  initruction,  were  expofed 
to  the  intrufions  of  artful  impoftors. 

The  firft  of  thefe  was  one  Burdet.    He     1634. 
had  been  a  minifter  at  Yarmouth  in  Eng-      *^^ 
land;  but  either  r^dly  or  pretendedly  tak-    Kftjj}'* 
D  ing 


34  HISTORY     OF 

1 634.  ing  offence  at  the  extravagancies  of  the 
^"^  biihops  and  fpiritual  courts,  came  over  to 
New-England,  and  joined  with  the  church 
in  Salem,  who  employed  him  for  a  year 
or  two  as  a  preacher,  being  a  good  fcho- 
lar  and  plaufible  in  his  behaviour.  But, 
difgufted  with  the  ftrictnefs  of  their  dif- 

1636.  cipline,  he  removed  to  Dover;  and  con- 
^^^      tinued  for  fome  time  in  good  efteem  with 

the  people  as  a  preacher  ;  until  by  artful 
infinuations  he  raifed  fuch  a  jealoufy  in 
their  minds  againft  Wiggen  their  gover- 
nor, that  they  deprived  him  of  his  office, 
and  elected  Burdet  in  his  place. 

During  his  refidence  here,   he  carried 
on  a  correfpondence  with  Archbifhop  Laud 

1637.  t0  tne  difad vantage  of  the  Maflachufetts 
^-^"^     colony,  reprefenting  them  as  hypocritical 

and  difaffected,  and  that  under  pretence 
of  greater  purity  and  difcipline  in  matters 
of  religion,  they  were  aiming  at  indepen- 
dent fovereignty ;  it  being  accounted  per- 
jury and  treafon  by  their  general  court,  to 
fpeak  of  appeals  to  the  king.  The  pre- 
late thanked  him  for  his  zeal  in  the 
king's  ferviee,  and  affured  him  that  care 
fhould  be  taken  to  redrefs  thofe  diforders 
when  leifure  from  their  other  concerns 
would  permit.  This  letter  of  the  arch- 
bifhop was  intercepted,  and  fhewn  to  the 
governor  of  Maflachufetts.  Burdet's  vil- 
lainy 


1638. 


N  E  W-H  AMPSH1RE.  35 

lainy  was  confidered  as  the  more  atrocious,     1638. 
becaufe  he  had  been  admitted  a  freeman     v-~"y"^' 
of  their  corporation,   and  had  taken  the 
oath  of  fidelity.     A  copy  of  his  own  letter 
was  afterward  found  in  his  clofet. 

About  this  time,  the  AntinOmian  con- 
troverfy  at  Boftbn  having  occafioncd  the 
banifhment  of  the  principal  perfons  of  that 
fed:,  feveral  of  them  retired  to  this  fettle- 
ment,  being  without  the  jurifdiclion  of 
Maffachufetts.  When  this  was  known, 
Governor  Winthrop  wrote  to  Wiggen, 
Burdet  and  others  of  this  plantation,  uhat 
4  as  there  had  hitherto  been  a  good  corre- 
4  fpondence   between  them  it   would   be 

*  much  refented  if  they  mould  receive  the 

*  exiles  ;  and  intimating  the  intention  of 

*  the  general  court  to  furvey  the  utmoft 
4  limits  of  their  patent,  and  make  ufe  of 
4  them.*  To  this  Burdet  returned  a 
fcornful  anfwer,  refufing  to  give  the  go- 
vernor his  title.  The  governor  thought 
of  citing  him  to  court  to  anfwer  for  his 
contempt ;  but  was  diifuaded  from  it  by 
Dudley,  the  deputy-governor,  who  judg- 
ed it  imprudent  to  exafperate  him,  leit  he 
mould  avenge  himfclf  by  farther  accuii ng 
them  to  their  enemies  in  England.  The 
governor  contented  himfelf  with  fending 
to  Hilton  an  account  of  Burdet's  behavi- 

D  2  our, 


36  HISTORY    OF 

1638.  our,  inclofing  a  copy  of  his  letter,  and 
ov^  cautioning  the  people  not  to  put  them- 
felves  too  far  under  his  power.  His  true 
character  did  not  long  remain  fecret ;  for 
being  detected  in  fome  lewd  actions  he 
made  a  precipitate  removal  to  Agamenti- 
cus  [now  York]  in  the  province  of  Maine, 
where  he  alfo  aflumed  to  rule,  and  conti- 
nued a  courfe  of  injuftice  and  adultery  till 
the  arrival  of  Thomas  Gorges,  their  go- 
vernor, [in  1640]  who  laid  a  fine  on  him, 
and  fcized  his  cattle  for  the  payment  of  it*. 
He  appealed  to  the  king,  but  his  appeal 
not  being  admitted,  he  departed  for  Eng- 
land full  of  enmity  againft  thefe  plantati- 
ons. When  he  arrived,  he  found  all  in 
confufion;  and  falling  in  with  the  royal- 
ifts  was  taken  and  imprifoned  by  the  par- 
liamentary party,  which  is  the  laft  account 
we  have  of  him. 

One  of  the  exiles  ort  account  of  the  An- 
tinomian  controverfy,  was  John  Whele- 
wright,brother  to  the  famous  Anne  Hutch- 
infon.  He  had  been  a  preacher  at  Brain- 
tree,  which  was  then  part  of  Bofton,  and 
was  a  gentleman  of  learning,  piety  and 
zeal.  Having  engaged  to  make  a  fettle- 
ment  within  ten  years,  on  the  lands  he 

had 

*  The  records  of  the  court  mention  him  as  "  a  man  of  ill  name 
"  and  fame,  infamous  for  incontinency."  Lib.  A.  Sept.  8th, 
1O40. 


cords. 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE.  37 

had  purchafed  of  the  Indians  at  Squam-  1638. 
fcot  falls,  he  with  a  number  of  his  adhe-  ^v^ 
rents  began  a  plantation  there,  which  ac- 
cording to  the  agreement  made  with  Ma- 
fon's  agents  they  called  Exeter.  Having 
obtained  a  difmiflion  from  the  church  in 
Bofton*,  they  formed  themfelves  into  a 
church  ;  and  judging  themfelves  without 
thejurifdi&ion  of  MafTachufetts,  they  com- 
bined into  a  feparate  body  politic,  and  chofe 
rulers  and  affiilants,  who  were  fworn  to 
the  due  difcharge  of  their  office,  and  the  Exeter**. 
people  were  as  folemnly  fworn  to  obey 
them.  Their  rulers  were  Ifaac  GrofTe, 
Nicholas  Needham,  and  Thomas  Wilfon  ; 
each  of  whom  continued  in  office  the  fpace 
of  a  year,  having  two  affiftants.  The  laws 
were  made  in  a  popular  aflembly  and  for- 
mally coniented  to  by  the  rulers.  Trea- 
fon,  and  rebellion  againft  the  king,  (who 
is  ftyled  "  the  Lord's  anointed")  or  the 
country,  were  made  capital  crimes  ;  and 
fedition  was  puniihable  by  a  fine  of  ten 
pounds,  or  otherwiie,  at  the  difcretion  of 
the  court.  This  combination  lub lifted 
three  years. 

About 

*  The  names  ofthofe  who  were  thus  difmilTl-<l  were, 
John  \Wk  lew  light,  Chriflopher  Marlhal!, 

Richard  Merrys,  George  Baytes, 

Richard  Bulgar,  Thomas  Wardcll, 

Philemon  Purmot,  William  Wardell. 

Ifaac  Grofle,  (.Bollon  Chh.  Records;. 


38  HISTORY     OF 

1638.         About  the  fame  time  a  plantation  was 
^^^      formed  at  Winnicumet,  which  was  called 
Hampton.     The  principal  inducement  to 
the  making  this  fettlement  was  the  very 
extenfive  falt-marfh,  which  was  extreme- 
ly valuable,  as  the  uplands  were  not  cul- 
tivated fo  as  to  produce  a  fufficiency  of 
hay   for   the   fupport  of  cattle.     With  a 
view  to  fecure  thefe  meadows,  the  general 
court  of  Maffachufetts  had  [in  1636]  em- 
powered Mr.  Dummer  of  Newbury,  with 
John  Spencer,   to  build  an  houfe  there  at 
MafTa.  Re-    the  expence  of  the  colony,  which  was  to 
be   refunded  by   thofe  who  mould  fettle 
there.     Accordingly  an  houfe  was  built, 
and  commonly  called  the  Bound-houfe ; 
though  it  was  intended  as  a  mark  of  pof- 
feffion  rather  than  of  limits.     The  archi- 
Gaiicndet's    te£t  was  Nicholas  Eafton,  who  foon  after 
c™7       removed  toRhode-Illand,  and  built  the  firft 

prmon,  * 

'M-         Englifh  houfe  in  Newport. 

This  entrance  being  made,  a  petition 

ms  of  Mr.    was  prefented  to  the  court  by  a  number 

of  perfons,  chiefly  from  Norfolk  in  Eng- 

Mafo.  Re-    land,  praying  for  liberty  to  fettle  there, 

cords,  Sep.  ',  '       °  ,       ,  n-  , 

8, 1533.  which  was  granted  them.  1  hey  began 
the  fettlement  by  laying  out  a  townlhip 
in  one  hundred  and  forty-feven  fhares  ; 
and  having  formed  a  church,  chofe  Ste- 
phen Batchelor  for  their  minifter,  with 

whom 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE.  39 

whom  Timothy  Dalton  was  foon  after  af-     1 638. 
fociated.     The  number  of  the  firft  inha-      *^rv*' 
bitants  was  fifty-fix*. 

The  authority  of  Maflachuletts  having 
eftablifhed  this  fettlement,  they,  from  the 
beginning,  confidered  it  as  belonging  to 
their  colony.     Though  the  agent  of  Ma-    Ms  Depo. 
fon's  eftate  made  fome  objection  to  their    sup.ncJurt 
proceeding,    yet  no  legal  method  being    filcs- 
taken  to  controvert  this  extenfion  of  their 
claim,  the  way  was  prepared  for  one  ft  ill 
greater,   which  many  circumftances  con- 
curred to  eftablifh. 

After  the  death  of  Captain  Mafon,  his 
widow  and  executrix  fent  over   Francis    Annc  Ma- 
Norton  as  her  "general  attorney;"  to  whom    SJ'iJ" 
{he  committed  the  whole  management  of    MS  Depo. 
the  eftate.  But  the  expence  fo  far  exceed-    sip."co«t 
ed  the  income,  and   the  fervants  grew  fo 


files. 


impatient  for  their  arrears,  that  me  was 
obliged  to  relinquifh  the  care  of  the  plan- 
tation, and  tell  the  fervants  that  they  mull 
fhift  for  themfelves.  Upon  which  they 
fhared  the  goods  and  cattle.  Norton  drove 
above  an  hundred   oxen    to  Bofton,  and 

there 

•  Some  of  their  names  are  mentioned  in  the  Court  Records,  viz. 

Stephen  Batchelor,  Thomas  Molton, 

Chriftupher  HiifTey,  William  Eftow, 

Mary  Hufley,  widow,  William  Palmer, 

Thomas  Cromwell,  William  Sergeant, 

Samoel  Skullard,  Richard  Swayne, 

John  Ofgood,  William  Sanders, 

Samuel  Greenfield,  Robert  Tucke, 

John  Molton,  John  Crofs. 


4o  HISTORY    OF 

1638.  there  fold  them  for  twenty-five  poundt. 
fterling  per  head,  which  it  is  faid  was  the 
current  price  of  the  bell  cattle  in  New^ 
England  at  that  time.  Thefe  were  of  a 
large  breed,  imported  from  Denmark, 
from  whence  Mafon  had  alfo  procured  a 
number  of  men  (killed  in  fawing  planks 
and  making  potalhes.  Having  {hared  the 
ftockand  other  materials,  fome  of  the  peo- 
ple quitted  the  plantation;  others  of  them 
tarried,  keeping  poffeflion  of  the  buildings 
and  improvements,  which  they  claimed 
as  their  own;  the  houfes  at  Newichwan- 
nock  were  burned ;  and  thus  Mafon's  eftate 
was  ruined.  Thefe  events  happened  be- 
tween 1638  and  1644. 

Among  the  Antinomians  who  were  ba- 
Huhbard's     nifhed  from   Bofton,  and  took  refuge  in 

MSHifto?         ,      r        1  •  o  •       t    i        tt 

ry.  thele  plantations,  was  Uaptain  John  Un- 

derbill, in  whofe  ftory  will  appear  fome 
very  ftrong  chara£teriftics  of  the  fpirit  of 
thefe  times.  He  had  been  a  foldier  in  the 
Netherlands,  and  was  brought  over  to 
New-England  by  Governor  Winthrop, 
to  train  the  people  in  military  difcipline. 
He  ferved  the  country  in  the  Pequod  war, 
and  was  in  fuch  reputation  in  the  town  of 

Prints       Bofton,  that  they  had  chofen  him  one  of 

■Anna  Is,  •  •  i-v  •  1  ■  1_ 

m.s.  their   deputies.     Deeply  tinctured  with 

Antinomian  principles,  and  pofTeflcd  of 

an 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE.  41 

an  high  degree  of  enthufiafm,  he  made  a  1 638. 
capital  figure  in  the  controverfy;  being  v^wf 
one  of  the  fubfcribers  to  a  petition  in 
which  the  court  was  cenfurcd,  with  an 
indecent  feverity,  for  their  proceedings 
againft  Whelewright.  For  this  offence  he 
was  disfranchife d.  He  then  made  a  voyage 
to  England ;  and  upon  his  return  petitioned  1637. 
the  court  for  three  hundred  acres  of  land 
which  had  been  promifed  him  for  his  former 
fervices,  intending  to  remove  after  Whele- 
wright. In  his  petition  he  acknowledged 
his  offence  in  condemning  the  court,  and 
declared  "  that  the  Lord  had  brought  him 
"  to  a  fenfe  of  his  fin  in  that  refpecl:,  fo 
"  that  he  had  been  in  great  trouble  on  ac- 
"  count  thereof."  On  this  occaiion  the 
court  thought  proper  to  queftion  him 
concerning  an  ofTeniive  exprefhon,  which 
he  had  uttered  on  board  the  ihip  in  which 
he  came  from  England,  "  that  the  go- 
"  vernment  at  Bofton  were  as  zealous  as 
"  the  fcribes  and  Pharifees,  and  as  Paul 
a  before  his  convcrfion."  He  denied  the 
charge,  and  it  was  proved  to  his  face 
by  a  woman  who  was  paiTcnger  with 
him,  and  whom  he  had  endeavoured 
to  feduce  to  his  opinions.  He  was 
alfo  queftioned  for  what  he  had  laid  to 
her  concerning  the  manner  of  his  receiv- 
ing 


42  HISTORY    OF 

1638.  ing  aflurance,  which  was,  "  that  having 
^v"^  "  long  lain  under  a  fpirit  of  bondage,  he 
"  could  get  no  aflurance;  till  at  length  as 
"  he  was  taking  a  pipe  of  tobacco,  the 
"  fpirit  fet  home  upon  him  an  abfolute 
<c  promife  of  free  grace,  with  fuch  aflurance 
"  and  joy  that  he  had  never  fince  doubt- 
"  ed  of  his  good  eftate,  neither  mould  he, 
**  whatever  fins  he  might  fall  into."  This 
he  would  neither  own  nor  deny;  but  ob- 
jected to  the  fuflkiency  of  a  Angle  tefti- 
mony.  The  court  committed  him  for 
abufing  them  with  a  pretended  retraction, 
and  the  next  day  pafled  the  fentence  of 
baniihment  upon  him.  Being  allowed 
the  liberty  of  attending  public  worfhip, 
his  enthufiaftic  zeal  brake  out  in  a  fpeech 
in  which  he  endeavoured  to  prove  "  that 
"  as  the  Lord  was  pleafed  to  convert  Saul 
•c  while  he  was  perfecuting,  fo  he  might 
u  manifeft  himfelf  to  him  while  making  a 
"  moderate  ufe  of  the  good  creature  to- 
"  bacco;  profefling  withal  that  he  knew 
"  not  wherein  he  had  deferved  the  cen- 
**  fure  of  the  court."  The  elders  reprov- 
ed him  for  this  inconfiderate  fpeech;  and 
Mr,  Cotton  told  him,  "  that  though  God 
"  often  laid  a  man  under  a  fpirit  of  bon- 
"  dage  while  walking  in  fin,  as  was  the 
"  cafe  with  Paul,  yet  he  never  fent  a  fpi- 

"  rit 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE.  43 

"  rit  of  comfort  but  in  an  ordinance,  as  163S. 
"  he  did  to  Paul  by  the  miniftry  of  Ana-  "^^ 
"  nias ;  and  therefore  exhorted  him  to  ex- 
"  amine  carefully  the  revelation  and  joy 
"  to  which  he  pretended."  The  fame 
week  he  was  privately  dealt  with  on  fuf- 
picion  of  adultery,  which  he  difregarded ; 
and  therefore  on  the  next  fabbath  was 
queftioned  for  it  before  the  church;  but 
the  evidence  not  being  fufficient  to  con- 
vicT:  him,  the  church  could  only  admonifh 
him. 

Thefe  proceedings,  civil  and  ecclefiafti- 
cal,  being  finifhed,  he  removed  out  of 
their  jurifdiction;  and  after  a  while  came  to 
Dover,  where  he  procured  the  place  of 
governor  in  the  room  of  Burdet.  Gover- 
nor Winthrop  hearing  of  this,  wrote  to 
Hilton  and  others  of  this  plantation,  in- 
forming them  of  his  character.  Under- 
bill intercepted  the  letter,  and  returned  a 
bitter  anfwer  to  Mr.  Cotton;  and  wrote 
another  letter  full  of  reproaches  againft 
the  governor  to  a  gentleman  of  his  family, 
while  he  addreffed  the  governor  himfelf 
in  a  fawning  obfequious  ftrain,  begging 
an  obliteration  of  former  mifcarriages, 
and  a  bearing  with  human  infirmities. 
Thefe  letters  were  all  fent  back  to  Hilton; 
but  too  late  to  prevent  his  advancement. 

Being 


44  HISTORY    OF 

1 639.         Being  fettled  in  his  government,  he  pro- 


U-V-N^ 


cured  a  church  to  be  gathered  at  Dover 
who  chofe  Hanferd  Knollys  for  their  mi- 
nifter.  He  had  come  over  from  Eng- 
land the  year  before;  but  being  an  Ana- 
baptift  of  the  Antinomian  caft,  was  not 
well  received  in  Maflachufetts,  and  came 
here  while  Burdet  was  in  office,  who  for- 
bad his  preaching ;  but  Underhill,  agree- 
ing better  with  him,  prevailed  to  have  him 
chofen  their  minifter.  To  ingratiate  him- 
felf  with  his  new  patron,  Knollys  wrote 
in  his  favour  to  the  church  in  Bofton  ; 
ftyling  him  "  The  right  worfhipful  their 
honoured  governor."  Notwithstanding 
which  they  cited  him  again  to  appear  be- 
fore them;  the  court  granting  him  fafe 
conduct.  At  the  fame  time  complaint 
was  made  to  the  chief  inhabitants  on  the 
river,  of  the  breach  of  friendfhip  in  ad- 
vancing Underhill  after  his  rejection;  and 
a  copy  of  Knollys's  letter  was  returned, 
wherein  he  had  written  that  "  Underhill 
"  was  an  inftrument  of  God  for  their 
"  ruin,"  and  it  was  enquired  whether 
that  letter  was  written  by  the  defire  or 
confent  of  the  people.  The  principal  per- 
fons  of  Portfmouth  and  Dover  difclaimed 
his  mifcarriages,  and  exprefled  their  rea- 
dinefs  to  call  him  to  account  when  a  pro- 
per 


N  E  W-H  AMPSH1RE.  4$ 

per  information  fhould  be  prefented ;  but  163c). 
begged  that  no  force  might  be  fent  againft  V^V>J 
him.  By  his  mitigation  Knollys  hadal- 
fo  written  to  his  friends  in  England,  a  ca- 
lumnious letter  againft  the  Maflachufetts 
planters,  reprefcnting  them  as  more  arbi- 
trary than  the  high-corn  million  court,  and 
that  there  was  no  real  religion  in  the  coun- 
try. A  copy  of  this  letter  being  fent  from 
England  to  Governor  Winthrop,  Knollys 
was  fo  afhamed  at  the  difcovery,  that  ob- 
taining a  licence,  he  went  to  Bofton ;  and 
at  the  public  lecture  before  the  governor, 
magiftrates,minifters  andthe  congregaticn, 
made  confeffion  of  his  fault,  and  wrote  a 
retraction  to  his  friends  in  England,  which 
he  left  with  the  governor  to  be  fent  to 
them. 

Underbill  was  fo  affected  with  his  fi  iend's 
humiliation,  and  the  difaffection  of  the  peo- 
ple of  Pifcataqua  to  him,  that  he  rcfolved 
to  retrieve  his  character  in  the  fame  way. 
Having  obtained  fafe  conduct,  he  went  to 
Bofton,  and  in  the  fame  public  manner  ac- 
knowledged his  adultery,  his  difrefpect  to 
the  government  and  the  juftice  of  their 
proceedings  againft  him  :  But  his  confef- 
fion was  mixed  with  fo  many  excuies  and 
extenuations  that  it  gave  no  fatisfaction  ; 
and  the  evidence  of  his  fcandalous  deport- 
ment 


46  -     HISTORY     OF 

1639.  ment  being  now  undeniable,  the  church 
pafled  the  fentence  of  excommunication, 
to  which  he  feemed  to  fubmit,  and  appear- 
ed much  dejected  while  he  remained  there. 
Upon  his  return,  to  pleafe  fome  difaf- 
fected  perfons  at  the  mouth  of  the  river, 
he  fent  thirteen  armed  men  to  Exeter  to 
refcue  out  of  the  officer's  hand  one  Fifh, 
who  had  been  taken  into  cuftody  for 
fpeaking  againft  the  king.  The  people  of 
Dover  forbad  his  coming  into  their  court 
till  they  had  confidered  his  crimes  and  he 
promifed  to  refign  his  place  if  they 
mould  difapprove  his  conduct ;  but  hear- 
ing that  they  were  determined  to  remove 
him,  he  rufhed  into  court  in  a  paffion, 
took  his  feat,  ordered  one  of  the  magi- 
ftrates  to  prifon  for  faying  that  he  would 
not  fit  with  an  adulterer,  and  refufed  to 
receive  his  difmiffion,  when  they  voted  it. 
But  they  proceeded  to  chufe  another  go- 
vernor, Roberts,  and  fent  back  the  prifon- 
er  to  Exeter. 
g  A  new  fcene  of  difficulty  now  arofe* 

v/v-s^  Thomas  Larkham,  a  native  of  Lyme  in 
Dorfetfhire  and  formerly  a  minifter  at 
Northam  near  Barnftable,  who  had  come 
over  to  New-England,  and  not  favour- 
ing the  doctrine,  nor  willing  to  fubmit  to 
the  difcipline  of  the  churches  in  Mafla- 

chufetts, 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE.  47 

chufetts,came  to  Dover;  and  being  a  preach-     1 640. 
er  of  good  talents,eclipfed  Knollys,and  raif-     \sy>J 
ed  a  party  who  determined  to  remove  him. 
He  therefore  gave  way  to  the  popular  pre- 
judice, and  fuffered  Larkham  to  take  his 
place;  who  foon  difcovered  his  licentious 
principles  by   receiving  into  the  church 
perfons  of  immoral  characters,  and  affum- 
ing,  like  Burdet,  the  civil  as  well  as  ec- 
clefiaftical  authority.     The  better  fort  of 
the  people  were  difpleafed   and   reftored 
Knollys  to  his  office  who  excommunicated 
Larkham.    This  bred  a  riot  in  which  Lark- 
ham  laid  hands  on  Knollys,  taking  away 
his  hat  on  pretence  that  he  had  not  paid 
for  it;  but  he  was  civil  enough  afterward 
to  return  it.     Some  of  the  magistrates 
joined   with    Larkham,    and    forming  a 
court,  fummoned  Underhill,  who  was  of 
Knollys's   party  to  appear  before  them, 
and  anfwer  to  a  new  crime  which  they 
had  to  alledge  againft  him.     Underhill 
collected    his    adherents;    Knollys   was 
armed  with  a  piftol,   and  another  had  a 
bible  mounted  on  an  halbert  for  an  en- 
fign.     In    this    ridiculous    parade    they 
marched  againft  Larkham  and  his  party, 
who  prudently  declined  a  combat,    and 
fent  down  the  river  to  Williams  the  go- 
vernor,   at    Portfmouth,    for    affiftance. 

He 


4.3  HISTORY    OF 

164c.     He  came  up  in  a  boat  with   an  armed 
*>*v^      party,  befetKnollys's  houfe  where  Under- 
bill was,guarded  it  night  and  day  till  a  court 
was  fummoned,  and  then,  Williams  fitting 
as  judge,   Underhill    and    hi6    company 
were  found  guilty  of  a  riot,  and  after  be- 
ing fined,  were  banifhed  the  plantation. 
The  new  crime  which  Larkham's  party 
alledged  againft  Underhill  was  that  he 
had  been  fecretly  endeavouring  to  per- 
fuade  the  inhabitants  to  offer  themfelves 
to  the  government  of  Maffachufetts,  whofe 
favor   he  was  defirous   to    purchafe,  by 
thefe  means,  as  he  knew  that  their  view 
was  to  extend  their  jurifdiction  as  far  as 
they  imagined  their  limits  reached,  when- 
ever they  mould  find  a  favourable  oppor- 
tunity.    The  lame  policy  led  him  with 
his   party   to  fend  a  petition   to   Bofton, 
praying  for  the  interpofition  of  the  govern- 
ment   in  their  cafe:   In  confequence  of 
which   the  governor   and  affiftants  com- 
miflioned  Simon  Bradftreet,  Efq.  with  the 
famous   Hugh   Peters,   then  minifter  of 
Salem,  and  Timothy  Dalton  of  Hampton, 
to  enquire  into  the  matter,  and  effect  a 
reconciliation,  or  certify  the  ftate  of  things 
to  them.     Thefe  gentlemen  travelled  on 
foot  to  Dover,  and  finding  both  fides  in 
fault,  brought  the  matter  to  this   iffue, 

that 


N  E  W-H  AM1PSHIRE.  49 

that  the  one  party  revoked  the  excom-  1640. 
munication,  and  the  other  the  fines  and  v^yn^ 
banifhment. 

In  the  heat  of  thefe  difputcs,  a  diicovcry 
■was  made  of  Knollys's  failure  in  point  of 
chaftity.  He  acknowledged  his  crime  before 
the  church;  but  they  difmiffed  him  and  he 
returned  to  England,  where  he  fufFercd 
by  the  fevcrity  of  the  long  parliament  in 
1644;    anc^    Demg   forbidden   to    preach    Neal'sHift. 
in  the  churches,  opened  a  feparate  meet-    4tovoi.i1. 
ing  in  Great  St.  Helen's,  from  which  he    p" II3' 
was  foon  dtflodged,  and  his  followers  dif- 
perfed.     He  alio  fuffered  in  the  caule  of    Neal'sHift. 

r  r  N.  Engld. 

non-conformity   in   the   reiim    of  Kin";    vol.  1.  P. 

Charles  the  lecond,  and  at  length  (as  it  is 

faid)  died  "  a  oood  man  in  a  c;ood  old    Mather's 

'  '  °  M.-.gnal. 

"  age;     [September  19,  1691,  JEt.  93.]       Ub.  3p-7- 

Underbill  having  finifhed  his  career  in 
thefe  parts  obtained  leave  to  return  to 
Boflon,  and  finding  honefty  to  be  the  belt 
policy,  did  in  a  large  aflembly,  at  the 
public  lecture,  and  during  the  fitting  of  the 
court,  make  a  full  confeffion  of  his  adultery 
and  hypocrily,  his  pride  and  contempt  of 
authority,  juftifying  the  church  and  court 
in  all  that  they  had  done  againft  him,  de- 
claring that  his  pretended  alTurance  had 
failed  him,  and  that  the  terror  of  his  mind 
had  at  fome  times  been  fo  great,  that  he  had 
E  drawn 


5o  HISTORY    OF 

1 640.  drawn  his  fword  to  put  an  end  to  his  life. 
^^^  The  church  being  now  fatisfied,  reftored 
Prince's  n*m  to  tneir  communion.  The  court,  af- 
Annais.  ter  waiting  flx  months  for  evidence  of  his 
good  behaviour,  took  off  his  fentence  of 
banifhment,  and  releafed  him  from  the 
punifhment  of  his  adultery  :  The  law 
which  made  it  capital  having  been  enact- 
ed after  the  crime  was  committed,  could 
not  touch  his  life.  Some  offers  being 
made  him  by  the  Dutch  at  Hudfon's  ri- 
KsKft*  ver'  vvno^e  language  was  familiar  to  him, 
the  church  of  Bofton  hired  aveffel  to  tranf- 
port  him  and  his  family  thither,  furnifh- 
ing  them  with  all  neceffaries  for  the  voy- 
age. The  Dutch  governor  gave  him  the 
command  of  a  company  of  an  hundred 
and  twenty  men,  and  he  was  very  fervice- 
able  in  the  wars  which  that  colony  had 
with  the  Indians,  having,  it  is  faid,  killed 
one  hundred  and  fifty  on  Long-Ifland,  and 
three  hundred  on  the  Main.  He  conti- 
nued in  their  fervice  till  his  death. 

We  find  in  this  relation  a  ftriking  in- 
flance  of  that  fpeeies  of  falfe  religion, 
which,  having  its  ^t  in  the  imagination, 
inftead  of  making  tnelteart  better  and  re- 
/  forming  the  life,  inflames  the  paffions, 
ftupifies  reafon,  and  produces  the  wTildeft 
effects  in  the  behaviour.     The  excefles  of 

enthufiafm 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE.  51 

enthufiafm  have  often  been  obferved  to  1640. 
lead  to  fenfual  gratifications ;  the  fame  na- 
tural fervour  being  fumcient  to  produce 
both.  It  cannot  be  ftrange  that  they  who 
decry  morality,  fhould  indulge  fuch  grofs 
and  fcandalous  enormities  as  are  fuiBcieat 
to  invalidate  all  thofe  evidences  of  their 
religious  character  on  which  they  lay  fo 
much  ftrefs.  But  it  is  not  fo  furprifing 
that  men  mould  be  thus  mifled,  as  that 
fuch  frantic  zealots  fhould  ever  be  reduced 
to  an  acknowledgment  of  their  oifences ; 
which  in  this  initance  may  be  afcribed  to 
the  ftrict  difcipline  then  praclifed  in  the 
churches  of  New-England. 

The  people  of  Dover  and  Portfmouth 
during  all  this  time  had  no  power  of  govern- 
ment delegated  from  the  crown:  but  find- 
ing the  neceffity  of  fomemore  determinate 
form  than  they  had  yet  enjoyed,  combined 
themfelves  each  into  a  body  politic  after 
the  example  of  their  neighbours  at  Ex- 
eter. The  inhabitants  of  Dover,  bv  a 
written  inurument,  figned  by  forty  one  oflo.  %%. 
perfons,  agreed  to  fubmit  to  the  laws  of 
England,  and  fuch  others  as  fhould  be 
enacted  by  a  majority  of  their  number,  Hubbard's 
until  the  royal  pleaiure  mould  be  known. 
The  date  of  the  combination  at  Portfmouth 
is  uncertain,  their  firil  book  of  records 
E  2  having: 


MS  Hiit. 


$2  HISTORY    OF 

1640.  having  been  deftroyed  [in  1652,]  after 
Po'^uc  copying  out  what  they  then  thought  pro- 
per to  preferve.  Williams,  who  had  been 
fent  over  by  the  adventurers,  was  by  annual 
fuffrage  continued  governor  of  the  place, 
and  with  him  were  aflbciated  Ambrofe 
Gibbons  and  Thomas  Warnerton  *  in 
quality  of  afliftants.  During  this  combi- 
nation, a  grant  of  fifty  acres  of  land  for 
May  %s-  a  g^e^e  was  made  by  the  governor  and  in- 
habitants f  to  Thomas  Walford  and  Hen- 
ry Sherburne,  church-wardens,  and  their 
fucceffors  forever,  as  feoffees  in  truft; 
Portf.  Rec.  by  virtue  of  which  grant  the  fame  land 
is  ftill  held,  and  being  let  on  long  leafes, 
a  considerable  part  of  the  town  of  Portf- 
mouth  is  built  upon  it.  At  this  time  they 
had  a  parfonage  houfe  and  chapel,  and 
had  chofen  Richard  Gibfon  for  their  par- 
fon,  the   patronage  being  vetted  in   the 

parifhioners. 

•  Warnerton  Bad  been  a  folrlier.  Upon  the  divifion  of  Mafon's 
flock  and  goods  he  carried  his  fhare  to  Penobfcot,  or  fonie  part  of 
Nova-Scotia,  where  he  was  killed  in  a  fiay  with  the  French  inha- 
bitants.    1644.  (Hubbard) 

f  This  grant  is  fubferibed  by 

Francis  Willian-.s,  Governor,  Henry  Taier, 

Ambrofe  Gibbons,  Affiftant,  John  Jones, 

William  Jones,  William  Berry, 

Renald  Fernald,  John  Pickerin, 

John  Crowther,  John  Billing, 

Anthony  Bracket,  John  Wottcn, 

Michael  Chatlertoiv  Nicholas  Row, 

John  Wall,  Matthew  Coe, 

Robert  Pudington,  William  Palmer. 

Henry  Sherburne,  (Poitfm:  Rec:) 
John  Landen, 


Portf.  Rec. 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRL  53 

parifhioners.    Gibfon  was  fent  from  Eng-      1 640. 
land  as  minifter  to  a  fifhing  plantation  be-      ^^^ 
longing    to    one  Trelawney.     He    was 
"  wholly   addicted   to  the  hierarchy  and    got.  win- 
"  difcipline  of  England,  and  exercifed  his    journal, 
"  minifterial  function"   according   to  the    M5' 
ritual.     He  was   fummoned    before   the 
court  at  Bofton  for  "  fcandalizing  the  go- 
"  vernment   there,      and    denying    their 
"  title;'*  but  upon  his  fubmiffion,  they 
difcharged  him   without  fine  or   punifh- 
ment,  being  a  firanger  and   about  to  de- 
part the  country.  After  his  departure  the 
people  of  Portfmouth  had  James  Parker  * 
for    their    minifter,    who  was   a  fcholar 
and  had  been  a  deputy  in  the  Maflachu- 
fetts    court.     After    him    they  had    one 
Browne;  and  f  Samuel  Dudley  a  fon  of 

Deputy- 

*  Governor  Winthrop  gives  this  account  ofhimandhis  miniflry. 
("  1642.   10  mo:)  "  Thofe  of  the  lower  part  of  Pafcataqua    in-       «.     T 
"  vited  Mr.  James    Parker  of  Weymouth,  a   godly   man,  to   be  ■ 

"  their  minifter.  He  by  advifing  with  divers  of  the  magi- 
•*  ftrates  and  elders  accepted  the  call  and  went  and  taught  among 
"  them,  this  winter,  and  it  pleafed  God  to  give  great  fuccefs 
"  to  his  labours  fo  as  above  forty  of  them,  whereof  the  mod  had 
"  been  very  profane  and  fbme  of  them  pro  ft  fled  enemies  to  tha 
"  way  of  our  churches,  wrote  to  the  magiftraus  and  elders,  ac- 
"  knowledging  the  finful  courfe  they  had  lived  in,  and  bewailing 
"  the  fame,  and  blcffing  God  for  calling  them  out  of  it  and  car- 
"  nefrly  defiling  that  Mr.  Parker  might  be  fettled  amongft  them. 
'*  Mod  of  them  fell  back  again  in  time,  embracing  this  prefent 
'*  world."  He  afterward  removed  to  Barhadoes  and  there  fettled, 
(vid  Hulchinfon's  collection  of  papers,  p.  155  and  iiz.)  Hutchin- 
ibn  fuppofes  him  to  have  been  minifter  of  Newbury,  miftaking 
him  for  Thomas  Parker. 

f  Dudley   fettled  at  Exeter  in  1650,  and  died  thtre  in  1683, 
iEt.  77.     "  He  was  a  pcrfonof  good  capacity  and  learning." 

(Fitch's  MS.) 


V^%~w» 


54  HISTORY    OF 

1 640.  Deputy-Governor  Dudley ;  but  thefe  were 
only  temporary  preachers,  and  they  did 
not  obtain  the  regular  fettlement  of  a  mi- 
nifter  for  many  years. 

Four  diftindt  governments  (including 
one  at  Kittery  on  the  north  fide  of  the 
river)  were  now  formed  on  the  feveral 
branches  of  Pafcataqua.  Thefe  combi- 
nations being  only  voluntary  agree- 
ments, liable  to  be  broken  or  fubdivided 
on  the  firft  popular  difcontent,  there  could 
be  no  fafety  in  the  continuance  of  them. 
The  diftra&ions  in  England  at  this  time 
had  cut  off  all  hope  of  the  royal  attention, 
and  the  people  of  the  feveral  fettlements 
were  too  much  divided  in  their  opinions 
to  form  any  general  plan  of  government 
which  could  afford  a  profpect  of  perma- 
nent utility.  The  more  confiderate  perfons 
among  them,  therefore  thought  it  beft  to 
treat  with  Maffachufetts  about  taking  them 
under  their  protection.  That  government 
was  glad  of  an  opportunity  to  realize  the 
conftru&ion  which  they  had  put  upon  the 
claufe  of  their  charter  wherein  their  nor- 
thern limits  are  defined.  For  a  line  drawn 
from  eaft  to  weft  at  the  diftance  of"  three 
*'  miles  to  the  northward  of  Merrimack 
u  river  and  of  any  and  every  part  thereof," 
will  take  in  the  whole  province  of  New- 

Hampshire, 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE.  55 

Hampfhire,  and  the  greater  part  of  the  pro-     1 640. 
vince  of  Maine,  fo  that  both  Mafon's  and     ^^ 
Gorges's  patents  muft  have  been  vacated.    Maflk.Rec. 
They  had  already  intimated  their  intention 
to  run  this  eaft  and  weft  line,  and  prefum- 
ing  on  the  juftice  of  their  claim,  they  rea- 
dily entered  into  a  negotiation  with   the 
principal  fettlers  of  Pafcataqua  refpeeting 
their  incorporation  with  them.  The  affair 
was   more  than  a   year  in  agitation,  and       164 1, 
was  at  length  concluded  by  an  inftrument    April  14. 
fubfcribed    in  the  prefence  of  the  general 
court  by  George  Willys,  Robert  Salton- 
ftall,  William  Whiting,  Edward  Holiock, 
and  Thomas    Makepeace,    in  behalf  of 
themfelves  and  the  other  partners  of  the 
two  patents;  by  which   inftrument   they 
refigned  the  jurifdi&ion  of  the  whole  to 
Maffachufetts,  on  condition  that  the  inha- 
bitants mould  enjoy  the  fame  liberties  with 
their  own  people,  and  have  a  court  of 
juftice  erected  among  them.  The  proper- 
ty of  the  whole  patent  of  Portlmouth,  and 
of  one-third  part  of  that  of  Dover,  and  of 
all  the  improved  lands  therein,   was  re- 
ferred to  the  lords  and  gentlemen  propri- 
etors, and  their  heirs  forever. 

The  court  on  their  part  confented  that    o^ers. 
the  inhabitants  of  theie  towns  ihould  en- 
joy the  fame  privileges  with  the  reft  of  the 

colony, 


S6  HISTORY     OF 

1 64 1,     colony,  and  have  the  fame  adminiftration 


**s^~sJ 


of  juftice  as  in  the  courts  of  Salem  and 
Ipfwich  ;  that  they  mould  be  exempted 
from  all  public  charges,  except  what  mould 
arife  among  themfelves,  or  for  their  own 
peculiar  benefit ;  that  they  mould  enjoy 
their  former  liberties  of  fifhing,  planting 
and  felling  timber  ;  that  they  mould  fend 
two  deputies  to  the  general  court ;  and 
that  the  fame  perfons  who  were  authorifed 
by  their  combinations  to  govern  them, 
mould  continue  in  office  till  the  commif- 
fioners  named  in  this  order  mould  arrive 
at  Pafcataqua.  Thefe  commiffioners  were 
invefled  with  the  power  of  the  quarter 
courts  of  Salem  and  Ipfwich,  and  at  their 
arrival  they  conftituted  Francis  Williams, 
Thomas  Warnerton  and  Ambrofe  Gibbons 
of  Portfmouth,  Edward  Hilton,  Thomas 
Wiggen  and  William  Waldron  of  Dover, 
magiftrates,  who  were  confirmed  by  the 
general  court. 
1642.  By  a  fubfequent  order  a  very  extraor- 
s^ZV.  dinary  conceffion  was  made  to  thefe 
towns,  which  fhews  the  fondnefs  that 
government  had  of  retaining  them  under 
their  jurifdi&ion.  A  teft  had  been  efta- 
blilhed  by  law,  but  it  was  difpenfed  with 
in  their  favor;  their  freemen  were  allowed 
to  vote  in  town  affairs,  and  their  deputies 

to; 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE.  57 

to  fit  in  the  general  court  though  they     i  642. 
were  not  church-members.  v^w^ 

The  people  of  Dover  being  left  defti- 
tute  of  a  minifter  by  the  fudden  depar- 
ture of  Larkham,  who  took  this  method     Hui.bard's 
to  avoid  the  fhame  which  would  have  at- 
tended the  difcovery  of  a  crime  fnnilar  to 
that  for    which    Knollys   had  been   dif- 
mifTed,   wrote   to   the   Maflachufctts   for 
help.     The  court  took  care  to  fend  them 
Daniel  Maud  who  had  been  a  minifter  in 
England.     He  was  an  honeft  man,  and    Math.M»5. 
of  a  quiet  and  peaceable  difpofition,  qua- 
lities much  wanting  in  all  his  predeceffors. 
Larkham  returned  to  England,  where  he 
continued   to   exercife    his    miniftry  till 
ejected  by  the  act  of  uniformity  in  1662, 
from  Taviftock  in  Devon.     He  is  faid  to    CaUmy»i 
have  been  "  well  known  there  for  a  man    ejected  mi- 
"  of  great  piety  and  fincerity,"  and  died  in    J^/*  P' 
1669.  M.  68.' 

The  inhabitants  of  Exeter  had  hitherto 
continued  their  combination;  but  finding 
themfelvcs  comprehended  within  the  claim 
of  Maffachufetts,  and  being  weary  of  their 
inefficacious  mode  of  government  they  pe- 
titioned the  court,  and  were  readily  admit- 
ed  under  their  jurifdiction.  William 
Wenborne,  Robert  Smith,  and  Thomas 
Wardhall  were  appointed  their  magiftrates; 

and 


Sept.  S. 


Mafia.  Rec. 


5* 

l642. 


Hubbard's 
MS. 


1644. 


Mafla.Rec. 


May  29. 


HISTORY    OF 

and  they  were  annexed  to  the  county  of 
EfTex.  Upon  this,  Whelevvright  who  was 
ftill  under  fentence  of  banifhment,  with 
thofe  of  his  church  who  were  refolved  to 
adhere  to  him,  removed  into  the  province 
of  Maine,  and  fettled  at  Wells,  where  his 
pofterity  yet  remain.  He  was  foon  after 
reftored,  upon  a  flight  acknowledgment, 
to  the  freedom  of  the  colony,  and  remov- 
ed to  Hampton;  of  which  church  he  was 
minifter  for  many  years  ;  until  he  went  to 
England  where  he  was  in  favor  with  Crom- 
well :  But,  after  the  refloration,  he  return- 
ed and  fettled  at  Salifbury,  where  he  died 
in  1680. 

After  his  departure  from  Exeter,  an  at- 
tempt was  made  by  the  remaining  inha- 
bitants to  form  themfelves  into  a  church, 
and  call  the  aged  Stephen  Batchelor  to  the 
miniftry,  who  had  been  difmiffed  from 
Hampton  for  his  irregular  conduct.  But 
the  general  court  here  interpofed  and  fent 
them  a  folemn  prohibition,  importing  "that 
"  their  divifions  were  fuch  that  they  could 
"  not  comfortably,  and  with  approbation, 
"  proceed  in  fo  weighty  and  facred  affairs,' * 
and  therefore  directing  them  "  todefer  ga- 
"  thcring  a  church,  or  any  other  fuch  pro- 
<c  ceeding,  till  they  or  the  court  at  Ipfwich, 
"  upon  further  fatisfa&ion  of  their  recon- 

"  ciliation 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE.  59 

"  ciliation  and  fitnefs,  fhould  give  allow-     1644. 
ance  therefor."  ^^ 

Such  a  ftretch  of  power,  which  would 
now  be  looked  upon  as  an  infringement 
of  chriftian  liberty,  was  agreeable  to  the 
principles  of  the  rirlt  fathers  of  New-Eng- 
land, who  thought  that  civil  government 
was  eftablifhed  for  the  defence  and  fecu- 
rity  of  the  church  againft  error  both  doc- 
trinal and  moral.  In  this  fentiment  they 
were  not  lingular,  it  being  univerfally 
adopted  by  the  reformers,  in  that  and  the 
preceding  age,  as  one  of  the  fundamental 
principles  of  their  feparation  from  the  Ro- 
mifh  church,  and  neccflary  to  curtail  the 
claims  of  her  Pontiff,  who  aflumed  a  fu- 
premacy  over  "  the  kings  of  the  earth.' * 


CHAP. 


60  HISTORYOF 

CHAP.      III. 

Obfervations  on  the  principles  and  conduct 
of  the  frjl  planters  of  New-England. 
Caufes  of  their  removal.  Their  forti- 
tude. Religious  fentiments.  Care  of 
their  poflerity.  fiiflice.  Laivs.  Theo- 
cratic prejudices.  Intolerance  and  per- 
fections. 

AN  union  having  been  formed  between 
the  fettlements  on  Pafcataqua  and 
the  colony  of  Mafiachufetts,  their  hiftory 
for  the  fucceeding  forty  years  is  in  a  great 
meafure  the  fame.  It  is  not  my  intention 
to  write  the  tranfa&ions  of  the  whole  co- 
lony during  that  period ;  but,  as  many  of 
the  people  in  New-Hampfhire  had  the 
fame  principles,  views  and  interefts  with 
the  other  people  of  New-England,  I  fhall 
make  fome  obfervations  thereon,  and  in- 
terfperfe  fuch  hiftorical  facts  as  may  illu- 
ftrate  the  fubjecl. 

In  the  preceding  century  the  holy  fcrip- 
tures,  which  had  long  lain  hid  in  the  rub- 
bifh  of  monaftic  libraries,  were  brought  to 
public  view  by  the  happy  invention  of 
printing  ;  and  as  darknefs  vanifhes  before 
the  rifmg  fun,  fo  the  light  of  divine  truth 

began 


N  E  W-H  A  M  P  S  H  I  R  E.  6t 

began  to  diflipate  thofe  errors  and  fuper- 
ftitions  in  which  Europe  had  long  been 
involved.  At  the  fame  time  a  remarkable 
concurrence  of  circumstances  gave'  peculi- 
ar advantage  to  the  bold  attempt  of  Luther, 
to  roufe  Germany  from  her  inglorious 
fubjection  to  the  Roman  Pontiff,  and  ef- 
fectuate a  reformation,  which  foon  fpread 
into  the  neighbouring  countries.  But  fo 
intimately  were  the  political  interefts  of 
kingdoms  and  ftates  blended  with  religious 
prejudices,  that  the  work,  though  happily 
begun,  was  greatly  blcmifhed  and  im- 
peded. 

Henry  the  VHIth  of  England  took  ad- 
vantage of  this  amazing  revolution  in  the 
minds  of  men,  to  throw  off  the  papal  yoke, 
andaiTert  his  native  claim  to  independence. 
But  fo  dazzling  was  the  idea  of  power,  and 
the  example  of  the  firft  chriftian  princes, 
who  had  exercifed  a  fuperintendency  in 
fpirituals,  as  well  as  temporals,  that  he 
transferred  to  himfelf  that  fpiritual  power 
which  had  been  ufurped  and  exercifed  by 
the  bifhops  of  Rome,  and  fat  up  himfelf 
as  fupreme  head  on  earth  of  the  church  of 
England  ;  commanding  both  clergy  and 
laity  in  his  dominions  to  fwear  allegiance 
to  him  in  this  newly  aflumed  character. 

This 


6i  HISTORY    OF 

This  claim  was  kept  up  by  his  fon  and 
fuccelfor  Edward  the  Sixth,  inwhofe  reign 
the  reformation  gained  much  ground  ;  and 
a  fervice-book  was  publifhed  by  royal  au- 
thority as  the  ftandard  of  worfhip  and  dis- 
cipline tor  his  fubjeds.  This  excellent 
prince  was  taken  out  of  the  world  in  his 
youth  ;  and  his  filler  Mary,  who  then 
came  to  the  throne,  reftorcd  the  Supremacy 
to  the  pope,  and  mi  fed  fueh  fiery  perfecu- 
tion  againil  the  reformers,  that  many  of 
them  fled  into  Germany  and  the  Nether- 
lands ;  where  they  departed  from  that 
uniformity  which  had  been  eftablifhed  in 
England,  and  became  divided  in  their  fen- 
timents  and  practice  refpeding  ecclefiafti- 
cal  affairs  :  the  native  effed  of  that  juft 
liberty  of  confcience  which  they  enjoyed 
abroad,  purfuing  their  ,own  enquiries  ac- 
cording to  their  refpedive  meafures  of 
light ;  uninfluenced  by  fecular  power,  or 
the  hope  of  acquiring  dignities  in  a  nati- 
onal eJiablilhment. 

The  accefhon  of  Elizabeth  infpired  them 
with  new  hopes ;  and  they  returned  home* 
refolving  to  attempt  the  reformation  of  the 
church  of  England,  agreeably  to  the  re-* 
fpedive  opinions  which  they  had  embrac- 
ed in  their  exile.  But  they  foon  found 
that  the  queen,  who  had  been  educated  in 

the 


N  E  W-H  AMPSH1RE.  6$ 

the  fame  manner  with  her  brother  Ed- 
ward, was  fond  of  the  ertablimment  made 
in  his  reign,  and  was  ftrongly  prejudiced 
in  favor  of  pomp  and  ceremony  in  religi- 
ous worfhip.  She  afferted  her  fupremacy 
in  the  moft  abfolute  terms,  and  creeled  an 
high-commiilion  court  with  jurifdi&ion  in 
eccleiiaftical  affairs.  Uniformity  being 
rigorouily  enjoined  and  no  abatement  or 
allowance  made  for  tender  conlciences 
(though  it  was  conceded  that  the  ceremo- 
nies were  indifferent)  a  feparation  from  the 
eilablifhment  took  place.  Thofe  who  were 
defirous  of  a  farther  reformation  from  the 
Romifh  fuperftitions,  and  of  a  more  pure 
and  perfect  form  of  religion  were  deno- 
minated Puritans  ;  whofe  principles,  as 
diftinguilhed  from  thofe  of  the  other  re- 
formers who  were  in  favor  with  the  queen, 
are  thus  reprefented. 

"  The  queen  and  court-reformers  held, 
i.  That  every  prince  had  the  fole  autho- 
rity to  correct  all  abufes  of  doctrine  and 
worfhip   within  his  own  territories.     2.    J«,,,HW* 

•T  Puritans, 

That  the  church  of  Rome  was  a  true  church  ;'■_*•  p- 
though  corrupt  in  fome  points  of  doctrine 
and  government ;  that  all  her  miniftrati- 
ons  were  valid,  and  that  the  pope  was  a 
true  bilhop  of  Rome  though  not  of  the 
univerfal  church.     3.  That  the  fcriptures 

were 


9j.98.4to. 


64  HISTORY    OF1 

were  a  perfect  rule  of  faith,  but  not  a 
ftandard  of  difcipline;  and  that  it  was  left 
to  the  discretion  of  thechriftian  magiltrate, 
to  accommodate  the  government  of  the 
church  to  the  policy  of  the  ftate.  4.  That 
the  practice  of  the  primitive  church  for  the 
firrt  four  or  five  centuries  was  a  proper 
ftandard  of  church  government  and  difci- 
pline ;  and  in  fome  refpetts  better  than 
that  of  the  apoftles,  which  was  only  ac- 
commodated to  the  infant  ftate  of  the 
church,  while  it  was  under  perfecution ; 
whereas  the  other  was  fuited  to  the  gran- 
deur of  a  national  eftablilhment.  5.  That 
things  indifferent  in  their  own  nature  as 
rites,  ceremonies,  and  habits,  might  be 
fettled,  determined  and  made  necelfary  by 
the  command  of  the  civil  magiftrate,  and 
that  in  fuch  cafes  it  was  the  duty  of  the 
fubject  to  obferve  them." 

"  On  the  other  hand,  the  puritans,  1. 
Diibwned  all  foreign  jurifdiclion  over  the 
church,  but  could  not  admit  of  that  exten- 
five  power  which  the  crown  claimed  by 
the  fupremacy.  However,  they  took  the 
oath,  with  the  queen's  explication,  as  only 
feftoring  her  majefty  to  the  ancient  and 
natural  rights  of  fovereign  princes  over 
their  fubje&s.  2.  They  held  the  pope  to 
be  antichriit,  the  church  of  Rome  a  falfe 

church, 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE.  63 

church,  and  all  her  miniftrations  fuperfti- 
tious  and  idolatrous.  3.  That  the  fcrip- 
tures  were  a  ftandard  of  difcipline  as  well 
as  doctrine,  and  if  there  was  need  of  a  dis- 
cretionary power,  it  was  veiled  not  in  the 
magiftrate  but  in  the  officers  of  the  church. 
4.  That  the  form  of  government  ordained 
by  the  apoftles  was  ariflocratical,  and  de- 
figned  as  a  pattern  to  the  church  in  after 
ages,  not  to  be  departed  from  in  its  main 
principles.  5.  That  thofe  things  which 
Chrift  hath  left  indifferent  ought  not  to 
be  made  neceffary  ;  and  that  fuch  rites 
and  ceremonies  as  had  been  abufed  to  ido- 
latry and  fuperftition,  and  had  a  manifeft 
tendency  to  lead  men  back  thereto,  were 
no  longer  indifferent  but  unlawful." 

"  Both  parties  agreed  too  well  in  affert- 
ing  the  neceffity  of  uniformity  in  public 
worfhip,  and  of  ufmg  the  fword  of  the 
magiftrate  for  the  fupport  and  defence  of 
their  reipedtive  principles;  which  they 
made  an  ill  ufe  of  in  their  turns,  whenever 
they  could  grafp  it  in  their  hands.  The 
ftandard  of  uniformity  according  to  the 
bifhops,  was  the  queen's  fupremacy  and 
the  laws  of  the  land;  according  to  the 
puritans,  the  decrees  of  national  and  pro- 
vincial fynods,  allowed  and  enforced  by 
the  civil  magiftrate.  Neither  party  were 
F  for 


66  HISTORYOF 

for  admitting  that  liberty  of  confcience 
and  freedom  of  profeffion  which  is  every 
1  man's  right,  fo  far  as  is  confiftent  with 
the  peace  of  civil  government.  Upon 
this  fatal  rock  of  uniformity,  was  the 
peace  of  the  church  of  England  fplit." 

It  is  melancholy  to  obferve  what  mif- 
chiefs  were  caufed  by  the  want  of  a  juft  dis- 
tinction between  civil  and  ecclefiaftical 
power,  and  by  that  abfurd  zeal  for  uniform- 
ity, which  kept  the  nation  in  a  long  fer- 
ment, and  at  length  burft  out  into  a  blaze, 
the  fury  of  which  was  never  thoroughly 
quelled  till  the  happy  genius  of  the  revoluti- 
on gave  birth  to  a  free  and  equitable  tolerati- 
on, whereby  every  man  was  reftored  to  the 
natural  right  of  judging  and  acting  for 
himlelf  in  matters  of  religion.  All  the 
celebrated  wifdom  of  Elizabeth's  govern- 
ment could  not  devife  an  expedient  fo  fuc- 
cefsful.  Though  her  reign  was  long  and 
profperous,  yet  it  was  much  ftained  with 
opprefhon  and  cruelty  toward  many  of  her 
beft  fubje&s ;  who,  wearied  with  ineffec- 
tual applications,  waited  the  acceffion  of 
James,  from  whom  they  expected  more 
favour,  becaufe  he  had  been  educated  in 
the  prefbyterian  church  of  Scotland,  and 
profeffed  an  high  veneration  for  that  efta- 
biifhment.     But  they  foon  found  that  he 

had 


N  E  W-H  AMPSH1RL  67 

had  changed  his  religious  principles  with 
his  climate,  and  that  nothing  was  to  be  ex- 
pected from  a  prince  of  fo  bale  a  character, 
but  infult  and  contempt. 

In  the  beginning  of  his  reign  a  great 
number  of  the  puritans  removed  into  Hol- 
land, where  they  formed  churches  upon 
their  own  principles.  But  not  reliming 
the  manners  of  the  Dutch,  after  twelve 
years  they  projected  a  removal  to  America, 
and  laid  the  foundation  of  the  colony  of 
Plymouth.  The  l'pirit  of  uniformity  ftill 
prevailing  in  England,  and  being  carried 
to  the  greateit  extent  in  the  reign  of  Charles 
the  Firft  by  that  furious  bigot  Archbifhop 
Laud ;  many  of  the  lefs  fcrupulous,  but 
confeientious  members  of  the  church  of 
England,  who  had  hitherto  remained  in 
her  communion,  feeing  no  profpect  of  reft 
or  liberty  in  their  native  country,  follow- 
ed their  brethren  to  America,  and  eftabliih- 
ed  the  colony  of  Maifachufetts,  from  which 
proceeded  that  of  Connecticut. 

By  fuch  men,  influenced  by  fuch 
motives,  were  the  principal  fettlements  in 
New-England  effected.  The  fortitude 
and  perfeverance  which  they  exhibited 
therein  will  always  render  their  memory 
dear  to  their  pofterity.  To  prepare  for 
their  enterprize,  they  had  to  fell  their 
F    2  eftates, 


68  HISTORY     OF 

eftates,  fome  of  which  were  large  andvalu-. 
able,  and  turn  them  into  materials  for  a 
new  plantation,  with  the  nature  of  which 
they  had  no  acquaintance,andof  which  they 
could  derive  no  knowledge  from  the  expe- 
rience of  others.  After  traverfing  a  wide 
ocean  they  found  themfelves  in  a  country 
full  of  woods,  to  fubdue  which  required 
immenfe  labour  and  patience;  at  a  vaft 
diftance  from  any  civilized  people;  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  none  but  ignorant  and 
barbarous  favages;  and  in  a  climate, 
where  a  winter  much  more  fevere  than 
they  had  been  accuflomed  to,  reigns  for 
a  third  part  of  the  year.  Their  flock  of 
proviiions  falling  fhort,  they  had  the 
dreadful  apprehenfion  of  periming  by 
famine,  one  half  of  their  number  dying 
before  the  firft  year  was  completed;  the 
ocean  on  one  fide  feparated  them  from 
their  friends,  and  the  wildernefs  on  the 
other,  prefented  nothing  but  fcenes  of  hor- 
ror, which  it  was  impoflible  for  them  to 
conceive  of  before  they  endured  them. 

But  under  all  thefe  difficulties,  they 
maintained  a  fteadyand  pious  refolution; 
depending  on  the  providence  of  the  fupreme 
ruler,  and  never  repenting  the  bufinefs  on 
which  they  had  come  into  this  wildernefs. 
As  purity  in  divine  adminiftrations  was  the 

profeffed 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE,  69 

profeffed  object:  of  their  undertaking,  (o 
they  immediately  fet  themielves  to  form 
churches,  on  what  they  judged  the  goi- 
pel  plan.  To  be  out  of  the  reach  of  pre- 
latic  tyranny,  and  at  full  liberty  to  pur- 
fue  their  own  enquiries,  and  worlhip  God 
according  to  their  confciences,  (which  had 
been  denied  them  in  their  own  country) 
was  eftecmed  the  greater!  or  bleffings,  and 
fweetened  every  bitter  cup  which  they  were 
obliged  to  drink.  They  always  profeffed 
that  their  principal  delign  was  to  erect 
churches  on  the  primitive  model,  and  that 
the  cdnfideration  of  temporal  interell  and 
conveniency  had  but  the  fecond  place  in 
their  views.* 

In  the  doctrinal  points  of  religion  they 
were  of  the  fame  mind  with  their  brethren 
of  the  church  of  England,  as  expreffed  in 
their  articles.  The  Maffachufetts  planters 
left  behind  them,  when  they  failed,  a  re-  Hift.  v0i*. 
ipectful  declaration  importing  that  they 
did  not  confider  the  church  of  England  as 
antichriflian,  but  only  withdrew  from  the 

impofition 

*  "  It  concerneth  New-England  always  to  remember,  tdnt  they 
"  are  originally  a  plantation  religious,  not  a  plantation  ot  tiailc. 
"  The  profeffion  of  the  purity  of  doctrine,  worfhip  and  difcipline 
*•  is  written  upon  her  forehead.  Let  merchants,  and  fuch  as  are 
**  increasing  cent  per  cent  remember  this,  that  worklly  gain  was 
*'  not  the  end  and  defign  of  the  pcopie  of  New-England  hut  religi- 
"  on.  And  if  aDy  man  among  us  make  religion  as  twelve,  and 
11  the  world  as  thirteen,  fuch  an  one  hath  not  the  fpirit  of  a  I  we 
*'  New-Englandman."         Higginfon's  Election  Sermon,  1663. 


7o  HIST0RY0F 

impofition  of  unfcriptural  terms  of  com- 
munion. Some  of  the  Plymouth  planters 
had  embraced  the  narrow  principles  of  the 
Brownifts,  the  firft  who  feparated  from  the 
church  of  England  ;  but  by  the  improve- 
ments which  they  made  in  religious  know- 
ledge under  the  inftrudtion  of  the  renown- 
ed John  Robinfon,  their  paftor  in  Holland, 
they  were  in  a  great  meafure  cured  of  that 
four  leaven.  The  congregational  fyftem 
of  church  government  was  the  refult  of 
the  ftudies  of  that  truly  pious,  learned, 
humble  and  benevolent  divine,  who  feems 
to  have  had  more  of  the  genuine  fpirit  of 
the  reformation,  and  of  freedom  from  bi- 
gotry, than  any  others  in  his  day.  His 
farewell  charge  to  thofe  of  his  flock  who 
were  embarking  in  Holland  for  America 
deferves  to  be  had  in  perpetual  remem- 
NeaiVHtf.  brance.  "  Brethren  (faid  he)  we  are  now 
^>u."PS84.  "  quickly  to  part  from  one  another,  and 
"  whether  I  may  ever  live  to  fee  your  face 
"  on  earth  any  more,  the  God  of  heaven 
"  only  knows ;  but  whether  the  Lord  hath 
"  appointed  that  or  no,  I  charge  you  be- 
"  fore  God  and  his  bleifed  angels  that  you 
"  follow  me  no  further  than  you  have  feen 
"  me  follow  the  Lord  Jefus  Chrift.  If 
"  God  reveal  any  thing  to  you  by  any 
**  other  inftrument  of  his,  be  as  ready  to 

"  receive 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE.  71 

*  receive  it,  as  ever  you  were  to  receive 
4  any  truth  by  my  miniftry ;  for  I  am 
4  verily  perfuaded,  I  am  very  confident, 

*  the  Lord  has  more  truth  yet  to  break 
4  forth  out  of  his  holy  word.  For  my 
1  part,  I  cannot  fumciently  bewail  the  con- 
'  ditionof  the  reformed  churches,  who  are 
'  come  to  a  period  in  religion,  and  will 
1  go  at  prefent  no  farther  than  the  inftru- 
1  ments  of  their  reformation.  The  Lu- 
'  therans  cannot  be  drawn  to  go  beyond 
1  what  Luther  Taw  ;  whatever  part  of  his 
[  will  our  good  God  has  revealed  to  Cal- 

;  vin,  thev  will  rather  die  than  embrace  it. 

p       j 

4  And  theCalvinifts  you  fee  ftickfaft  where 
4  they  were  left  by  that  great  man  of  God, 
4  who  yet  law  not  all  things.  This  is  a 
4  mifery  much  to  be  lamented ;  for  though 
1  they  were  burning  and  mining  lights  in 
4  their  times,  yet  they  penetrated  not  in* 
4  to  the  whole  counfel  of  God  ;  but  were 
4  they  now  living,  would  be  as  willing  to 
'  embrace  farther  light,  as  that  which  they 
4  at  firft  received.  I  befeech  you  to  rc- 
4  member  it  is  an  article  of  ycur  church 
4  covenant,  That  you  be  ready  to  receive 
4  whatever  truth  Jh all  be  made  known  to 
4  you  from  the  written  word  of  God.  Rc- 
4  member  that,  and  every  other  article  of 
4  your  facred  covenant.     But  I  muft  here- 

withal 


72  HISTORY     OF 

"  withal  exhort  you  to  take  heed  what 
"  you  receive  as  truth.  Examine,  con- 
"  fider  and  compare  it  with  other  fcrip- 
"  tures  of  truth,  before  you  receive  it ;  for 
"  it  is  not  poffible  the  chriftian  world 
"  mould  come  fo  lately  out  of  fuch  thick 
"  antichriftiandarknefs,  and  that  perfe&i- 
w  on  of  knowledge  mould  break  forth  at 
"  once."  It  is  much  to  be  regretted  that 
this  excellent  man  did  not  live  to  reach 
New-England  and  to  diffufe  more  gene- 
rally fuch  truly  catbolic  and  apoftolic  prin- 
ciples. 

Many  of  the  firft  planters  of  New- 
England  were  perfons  of  good  education, 
and  fome  of  them  eminent  for  their  abi- 
lities and  learning.  Such  men  could  not 
but  fee  the  neceffity  of  fecuring  to  their 
pofterity  the  advantages  which  they  had 
fo  dearly  purchafed.  One  of  their  firft 
concerns  was  to  have  their  children 
confidered,  from  their  earlieft  years,  as 
fubje&s  of  ecclefiaftical  difcipline.  This 
became  a  matter  of  controverfy,  and  was 
largely  difcufled  in  fermons  and  pam- 
phlets, and  at  length  determined  by  the  au- 
thority of  a  fynod.  A  regular  courfe  of 
academical  learning  was  a  point  of  equal 
importance,  and  admitted  of  no  difpute. 
They  faw  that  the  reputation  and  happi- 

nefs 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE.  73 

nefs  of  the  whole  country  depended  great- 
ly upon  it.  They  therefore  took  early 
care  for  the  eftablifhment  of  fchools,  and 
within  ten  years  from  their  firft  fettlement, 
founded  a  college  at  Cambridge*",  which 
fromfmall  beginnings,  by  the  munificence 
of  its  patrons,  has  made  a  diftinguiihed 
figure  in  the  republic  of  letters.  Many 
eminent  men  have  there  been  formed  for 
the  fervice  of  the  church  and  ftate  ;  and 
without  this  advantage  the  country  could 
not  have  arrived,  in  fo  fhort  a  time,  at  its 
prefent  refpectable  Hate ;  nor  have  been 
furnifhed  with  men  capable  of  filling  the 
various  ftations  of  ufefulnefs,  and  of  de- 
fending our  civil  and  religious  liberties. 

Though  the  firft  planters  derived  from 
the  royal  grants  and  charters  a  political 
right  as  mbjects  of  the  crown  of  England, 
to  this  territory  ;  yet  they  did  not  think 
themfelves  juftly  entitled  to  the  property 
of  it  till  they  had  fairly  purchafed  it  of  its 
native  lords,  and  made  them  full  fatisfac- 
tionf.     Nor  did  they  content  themfelves 

with 

•  "  When  New-England  was  poor,  and  we  were  but  few  in 
"  number,  there  was  a  fpirit  to  encourage  learning,  and  the  col- 
"  lege  was  full  of  Undents."     Relult  of  a  Synod  in  1679. 

t  The  Abbe  Raynal  in  his  elegant  hifrory  of  the  F.att  and  Weft 
Indies  fpeaksof  the  purcbafe  made  of  the  Indians  by  William  Penn 
in  1681,  as  *«  an  example  of  moderation  and  juftice  in  America, 

"  which 


74  HISTORY    OF 

with  merely  living  peaceably  among  them, 
but  exerted  themfelves  vigoroufly  in  en- 
deavouring their  converfion  to  chriftianity, 
which  was  one  of  the  obligations  of  their 
patent,  and  one  of  the  profeffed  defigns  of 
their  fettlement  in  this  country.  This 
painful  work  was  remarkably  fucceeded, 
and  the  names  of  Eliot  and  Mayhew 
will  always  be  remembered  as  unwearied 
initruments  in  promoting  it.  Great  care 
was  taken  by  the  government  to  prevent 
fraud  and  injuftice  toward  the  Indians  in 
trade,  or  violence  to  their  perfons.  The 
neareft  of  the  natives  were  fo  fenfible  of 
the  juftice  of  their  Englifh  neighbours, 
that  they  lived  in  a  ftate  of  peace  with  - 
them,  with  but  little  interruption,  for  above 
fifty  years. 

Slavery  was  thought  fo  inconfiftentwith 
the  natural  rights  of  mankind,  and  detri- 
mental to  fociety,  that  an  exprefs  law  was 
made,  prohibiting  the  buying  or  felling 
of  Haves,  except  thofe  taken  in  lawful 
war,  or  reduced    to  fervitude   for   their 

crimes 

"  which  was  never  thought  of  before,  by  the  Europeans."  It  cart 
be  no  derogation  from  the  honor  due  to  the  wife  founder  of  Penn- 
fyjvania  that  the  example  of  this  moderation  and  juftice  was  firlt 
fet  by  the  planters  of  New-England,  whofe  deeds  of  conveyance 
from  the  Indians  were  earlier  than  his  hy  half  a  century. 

In  fome  parts  of  the  country  the  lands  purchafed  of  the  Indians 
are  fuhjeel  to  a  quit-rent,  which  is  annually  paid  to  their  pollerity. 
They  have  lands  referved  to  their  ufc,  which  are  not  allowed  t« 
be  purchased  of  them  without  the  confent  of  the  kgiflature. 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRL  j$ 

crimes  by  a  judicial  fentence;  and  thefe 
were  to  have  the  fame  privileges  as  were 
allowed  by  the  laws  of  Mofes.  There  was 
a  remarkable  inflance  of  juflice  in  the  exe- 
cution of  this  law  in  1045,  when  a  Ne- 
gro who  had  been  fraudulently  brought 
from  the  coaft  of  Africa,  and  fold  in  the 
country,  was  by  the  fpecial  interpofition 
of  the  general  court  taken  from  his  matter 
in  order  to  be  fent  home  to  his  native 
land*.  How  long  after  this  the  importa- 
tion of  blacks  continued  to  be  di  fallowed 
is  uncertain;  but  if  the  fame  refolute  juf- 
tice  had  always  been  obferved,  it  would 
have  been  much  for  the  credit  and  intereft 
of  the  country ;  and  our  own  ftruggles  for 
liberty  would  not  have  carried  fo  flagrant 
an  appearance  of  inconiiflency. 

Severe  laws  conformable  to  the  princi- 
ples of  the  laws  of  Mofes  were  enacted 
againil  all  kinds  of  immorality.  Blafphc- 
my,  idolatry,  adultery,  unnatural  lufts, 
rape,  murder,  man-ftealing,  falfe  witnefs, 

rebellion 

•  "  14.  3d  mo.  1645.  The  court  thought  proper  to  write  to  Mr. 
"  Williams  of  Palcataqua  (undcrftanding  that  the  Negroes  ul.icb 
"  Captain  Smyth  brought  were  fraudulently  and  ii  Jul  ioutiy  taken 
"  and  brought  from  Guinea,  by  Captain  Smyth's  confi-fflon  and 
*'  the  reft  of  the  company)  that  he  forth  wit  li  fend  the  Negro  which 
"  lie  had  of  Captain  Smyth  hither,  that  he  may  be  f^nt  home, 
"  which  this  court  doth  ixfolve  to  fend  hack  witl  out  delay.  And 
"  if  you  have  any  thing  to  alledge,  why  you  Ihould  not  return 
"  him  to  be  difpofed  of  by  the  court,  it  will  he  expected  you  Ihould 
"  forthwith  make  it  appear  cither  by  your('<  if  or  your  agent." 

Mafiashuictts  Records. 


76  HISTORY     OF 

rebellion  againft  parents,  and  confpiracy 
againft  the  commonwealth  were  made  ca- 
pital crimes;  and  becauie  fome  doubted 
whether  the  magiftrate  could  punifh 
breaches  of  the  four  firft  commands  of  the 
decalogue,  this  right  was  alTerted  in  the 
higher!  tone,  and  the  denial  of  it  ranked 
among  the  mod  peftilent  herefies,  and  pu- 
nifhed  with  baniihment.  By  the  feverity 
and  impartiality  with  which  thofe  laws 
were  executed,  intemperance  and  profane- 
nefs  were  fo  effectually  difcountenanced 
that  Hugh  Peters,  who  had  refided  in  the 
country  twenty  years,  declared  before  the 
parliament  that  he  had  not  feen  a  drunk- 
en man,  nor  heard  a  profane  oath  during 
that  period.  The  report  of  this  extraor- 
dinary ftrictnefs,  while  it  invited  many  of 
the  bell  men  in  England  to  come  over, 
kept  them  clear  of  thofe  wretches  who  fiy 
from  one  country  to  another  to  efcape  the 
punifhment  of  their  crimes. 

The  profeffed  defign  of  the  plantation 
being  the  advancement  of  religion,  and 
men  of  the  ilricteft  morals  being  appoint- 
ed to  the  chief  places  of  government,  their 
zeal  for  purity  of  every  kind  carried  them 
into  fome  refinements  in  their  laws  which 
are  not  generally  fuppofed  to  come  with- 
in the  fphere  of  magistracy,  and  in  larger 

communities 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE.  77 

communities  could  fcarcely  be  attended  to 
in  a  judicial  way.  The  drinking  of  healths, 
and  theufe  of  tobacco  were  forbidden,  the 
former  being  confidered  as  an  heathenifh 
and  idolatrous  practice,  grounded  on  the 
ancient  libations ;  the  other  as  a  fpecies  of 
intoxication  and  wafte  of  time.  Laws  were 
inftituted  to  regulate  the  intercourfe  be- 
tween the  fexcs,  and  the  advances  toward 
matrimony:  They  had  a  ceremony  of  be- 
trothing, which  preceded  that  of  marriage. 
Pride  and  levity  of  behavior  came  under 
the  cognizance  of  the  magistrate.  Not 
only  the  richnefs  but  the  mode  of  drefs, 
and  cut  of  the  hair  were  fubjec"t.  to  ftate- 
regulations.  Women  were  forbidden  to 
expofe  their  arms  or  bofoms  to  view;  it 
was  ordered  that  their  fleeves  mould  reach 
down  to  their  wriit,  and  their  gowns  be 
clofed  round  the  neck.  Men  were  obliged 
to  cut  fhort  their  hair,  that  they  might 
not  reiemble  women.  No  perfon  not 
worth  two  hundred  pounds  was  allowed 
to  wear  gold  or  iilver  lace,  or  filk  hoods  and 
fcarfs.  Offences  againft  thefe  laws  were 
prefentable  by  the  grand  jury;  and  thofe 
who  d reded  above  their  rank  were  to  be 
afleffed  accordingly.  Sumptuary  laws 
might  be  of  ufe  in  the  beginning  of  a  new 
plantation;    but    thefe  pious    rulers  had 

more 


78  HISTORY     OF 

more  in  view  than  the  political  good. 
They  were  not  only  concerned  for  the  ex- 
ternal appearance  of  fobriety  and  good 
order,  hut  thought  themfelves  obliged,  fo 
far  as  they  were  able,  to  promote  real  re- 
ligion and  enforce  the  obfervance  of  the 
divine  precepts. 

As  they  were  fond  of  imagining  a  near 
refemblance  between  the  circumftances  of 
their  fettlement  in  this  country  and  the 
redemption  of  Ifrael  from  Egypt  or  Baby- 
lon ;  it  is  not  ftrange  that  they  mould  alfo 
look  upon  their  "  commonwealth  as  an 
incrcafe       "  inftitution  of  God  for  the  prefervation 
life,  pTir.     "  of  their  churches,  and  the  civil  rulers 
"  as  both  members  and  fathers  of  them." 
The  famous  John  Cotton,  the  firft  mini-* 
fter  in  Bofton  was  the  chief  promoter  of 
this  fettlement.    When  he  arrived  in  1633, 
he  found  the  people  divided  in  their  opi- 
nions.    Some  had  been  admitted  to  the 
Magnaiia,     privileges  of  freemen  at  the  firft  general 
io.  court,  who  were  not  in  communion  with 

the  churches;  after  this  an  order  was 
parTed,  that  none  but  members  of  the 
churches  mould  be  admitted  freemen; 
whereby  all  other  perfons  were  excluded 
from  every  office  or  privilege  civil  or  mi- 
litary. This  great  man  by  his  eloquence 
confirmed  thofe  who  had  embraced  this 

opinion, 


N  E  W-H  AMPSH1RE.  79 

opinion,  and  earneftly  pleaded  "  that  the 

"  government  might  be  coniidered  as  a 

"  theocracy  wherein  the  Lord  was  judge, 

"  lawgiver  and  king ;  that  the  laws  which 

"  he  gave  Ifrael    might  be  adopted.,    fo 

"  far  as  they  were  of  moral  and  perpetual 

"  equity;  that  the  people  might  be  coniider- 

"  ed  as  God's  people  in  covenant  with  him ; 

"  that  none  but  perfons  of  approved  piety 

"  and  eminent  gifts  mould  be  chofen  rulers ; 

"  that  the  miniiters  mould  be  confulted  in 

"  all  matters  of  religion;    and   that   the 

**  magiftrate  fhould  have  a  fuperintending 

"  and  coercive  power  over  the  churches. " 

At  the  deiire  of  the  court,  he  compiled 

a  fyftem  of  laws  founded  chiefly  on  the 

laws  of  Mofes,  which  was  coniidered  by    Hutch- 

the  legiflative  body  as  the  general  itandard ;    Pa°peV P 

though  they  never  formally  adopted  it, 

and  in  fome  instances  varied  from  it. 

Thefe  principles  were  fundamentally 
the  lame  with  thofe  on  wb ich  were  ground- 
ed all  the  perfecutions  which  they  had  en- 
dured in  England,  and  naturally  led  to 
the  fame  extremes  of  conduct  which  they 
had  fo  bitterly  complained  of  in  thofe  civil 
and  ecclefiaftical  rulers,  from  whofe  tyran- 
ny they  had  fled  into  this  wildernefs. 
They  had  already  proceeded  a  flep  farther 
than  the  hierarchy  had  ever  attempted. 

No 


161. 


So  HISTORY    OF 

No  teft-law  had  as  yet  taken  place  in 
England;  but  they  had  at  one  blow  cut 
off  all  but  thofe  of  their  own  communion, 
from  the  privileges  of  civil  offices,  how- 
ever otherwife  qualified.  They  thought 
that  as  they  had  fuffered  fo  much  in  lay- 
ing the  foundation  of  a  new  ftate,  which 
was  fuppofed  to  be  "  a  model  of  the  glori- 
"  ous  kingdom  of  Chrift  on  earth*,"  they 
had  an  exclufive  right  to  all  the  honours 
and  privileges  of  it ;  and  having  the  pow- 
er in  their  hands,  they  effectually  eftablifh- 
ed  their  pretenfions,  and  made  all  diffent- 
ers  and  difturbers  feel  the  weight  of  their 
indignation. 

In  confequence  of  the  union  thus  form- 
ed between  the  church  and  ftate  on  the  plan 
of  the  Jewifh  theocracy,  theminifters  were 
called  to  fit  in  council,  and  give  their  ad- 
vice in  matters  of  religion  and  cafes  of 
confcience  which  came  before  the  court, 
and  without  them  they  never  proceeded 
to  any  a£t  of  an  ecclefiaftical  nature.  As 
none  were  allowed  to  vote  in  the  election 

of 


*  "  I  look  upon  tliis  as  a  little  model  of  the  glorious  kingdom 
"  of  Chrift  on  earth.  Chrift  reigns  among  us  in  the  common - 
"  wealth  as  well  as  in  the  church,  and  hath  his  glorious  intereft 
"  involved  in  the  good  of  both  focieties  refpeftively.  He  that  fliall 
"  l>e  treacherous  and  falfeto  the  civil  government,  is  guilty  of  high 
"  treafon  againft  the  Lord  Jefus  Chrift,  and  will  be  proceeded  a-  ' 
"  gainft  as  a  rebel  and  traitor  to  the  King  of  kings,  when  he  mail 
"  hold  his  great  aftizes  at  the  end  of  the  world." 

Prefident  Oakes's  Eleftion  Sermon,  1673. 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE.  8z 

of  rulers  but  freemen,  and  freemen  muft 
be  church  members ;  and  as  none  could 
be  admitted  into  the  church  but  by  the 
elders,  who  firft  examined,  and  then  pro- 
pounded them  to  the  brethren  for  their 
vote,  the  clergy  acquired  hereby  a  vail 
afcendency  over  both  rulers  and  people, 
and  had  in  effe&  the  keys  of  the  Mate  as 
well  as  the  church  in  their  hands.  The 
magiftrates,  on  the  other  hand,  regulated 
the  gathering  of  churches,  intcrpofed  in 
the  fettlement  and  diimiflion  of  minifters, 
arbitrated  in  ecclciiaftical  controverfiesand 
controled  fynodical  afiemblies.  This  co- 
ercive power  in  the  magiftrate  was  deem- 
ed abfolutely  necelfary  to  preicrve  "  the 
"  order  of  the  gofpel." 

The  principle  on  which  this  power  is 
grounded  is  exprefled  in  the  Cambridge  chap.  17. 
Platform  in  terms  as  foft  as  poiTible.  "  The 
"  power  and  authority  of  magiftrates  is  not 
"  for  the  reftraining  of  churches,  or  any 
"  other  good  works,  but  for  the  helping 
"  in  and  furthering  thereof,  and  therefore 

"  the  confent  and  countenance  of  mai  i- 

o 

"  ftrates  ivhen  it  may  be  had,  is  not  to  be 
"  flighted  or  lightly  efteemed  ;  but,  on  the 
"  contrary,  it  is  a  part  of  the  honor  due 
"  to  chriftian  magiftrates  to  defire  and 
"  crave  their  confent  and  approbation 
G  "  therein : 


Sea.  3. 


Sz  HISTORY    OF 

"  therein  :  which  being  obtained,  the 
"  churches  may  then  proceed  in  their  way 
"  with  much  more  encouragement  and 
"  comfort."  This  article  (like  divers  o- 
thers  in  that  work)  is  curioufly  and  artful- 
ly drawn  up,  fo  that  there  is  an  appearance 
of  liberty  and  tendernefs  but  none  in  reali- 
ty :  For  although  the  magiftrate  was  not 
to  reftrain  any  good  works,  yet  he  was  to 
be  the  judge  of  the  good  or  evil  of  the 
works  to  be  reftrained ;  and  what  fecurity 
could  churches  have  that  they  mould  not 
be  reftrained  in  the  performance  of  what 
they  judged  to  be  good  works  ?  They  might 
indeed  think  themfelves  fafe,  while  their 
rulers  were  fo  zealous  for  the  purity  of  the 
churches  of  which  themfelves  were  mem- 
bers, and  while  their  minifters  were  con- 
fulted  in  all  ecclefiaftical  affairs ;  but  if  the 
civil  powers  had  acted  without  fuch  con- 
fultation,  or  if  the  minifters  had  been  in- 
duced to  yield  to  the  opinion  of  the  ma- 
giftrates,  when  contrary  to  the  intereft  of 
the  churches,  what  then  would  have  be- 
come of  religious  liberty  ? 

The  idea  of  liberty  in  matters  of  religi- 
on was  in  that  day  ftrangely  underftood, 
and  myfterioufly  exprefled.  The  venera- 
ble Higginfon  of  Salem  in  his  fermon  on 
the  day  of  the  election  1663,  fpeaks  thus; 

"  The 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE.  83 

"  The  gofpel  of  Chrift  hath  a  right  para- 
«*  mount  all  rights  in  the  world ;  it  hath 
"  a  divine  and  fupreme  right  to  be  receiv- 
"  ed  in  every  nation,  and  the  knee  of  ma- 
"  giftracy  is  to  bow  at  the  name  of  Jefus. 
<(  This  right  carries  liberty  along  with  it, 
u  for  all  iuch  as  profefs  the  gofpel,  to  walk 
"  according  to  the  faith  and  order  of  the 
"  gofpel.  That  which  is  contrary  to  the 
"  gofpel  hath  no  right,  and  therefore  mould 
"  have  no  liberty."  Here  the  queftion 
arifes,  Who  is  to  be  the  judge  of  what  is 
agreeable  or  contrary  to  the  gofpel  ?  If  the 
magiflrate,  then  there  is  only  a  liberty  to 
believe  and  practife  what  the  magistrate 
thinks  right.  A  fimilar  fentiment  occurs 
in  the  fermon  of  the  learned  Prefidcnt 
Oakes  on  the  fame  occafion  in  1673; 
"  The  outcry  of  fome  is  for  liberty  of con- 
"  fcience.  This  is  the  great  Diana  of  the 
"  libertines  of  this  age.  But  remember 
"  that  as  long  as  you  have  liberty  to  walk 
"  in  the  faith  and  order  of  the  gofpel,  and 
"  may  lead  quiet  and  peaceable  lives  in 
**  all  godlinefs  and  honefty,  you  have  as 
"  much  liberty  of  confeience  as  Paul  de* 
**  fired  under  any  government."  Here 
the  queftion  recurs,  Would  Paul  have  fub- 
mitted  to  walk  according  to  the  opinion 
which  the  magiftrate  might  entertain  of 
G  2  the 


84 


Shephard's 
Election 
Sermon, 
167Z. 


HISTORY     OF 

the  faith  and  order  of  the  gofpel  ?  But 
this  was  all  the  freedom  allowed  hy  the 
fpirit  of  thefe  times.  Liberty  of  confcience 
and  toleration  were  offenfive  terms,  and 
they  who  ufed  them  were  fuppofed  to  be 
the  enemies  of  religion  and  government. 
"  I  look  upon  toleration  (fays  the  fame  au- 
"  thor)  as  the  firft-born  of  all  abominati- 
"  ons  ;  if  it  mould  be  born  and  brought 
"  forth  among  us,  you  may  call  it  Gad, 
"  and  give  the  fame  reafon  that  Leah  did  , 
"  for  the  name  of  her  fon,  Behold  a  troop 
"  cometh,  a  troop  of  all  manner  of  abo- 
"  ruinations."  In  another  of  thefe  election 
fermons,  (which  may  generally  be  account- 
ed the  echo  of  the  public  voice,  or  the  po- 
litical pulfe  by  which  the  popular  opinion 
may  be  felt)  it  is  fhrewd-ly  intimated  that 
toleration  had  its  origin  from  the  devil, 
and  the  fpeech  of  the  demoniac  who  cried 
out,  "  what  have  we  to  do  with  thee,  let 
"  us  alone,  thou  Jems  of  Nazareth,"  is 
ftyled  "Satan's plea  for  toleration."  The 
following  admonition  to  pofterity,  written 
by  the  Deputy-Governor  Dudley,  is  ano- 
ther fpecimen. 


Morton's 
Memorial, 
p.  179- 


"  Let  men  of  God  in  courts  and  churches 

"  watch 
"  O'er  fuch  as  do  a  toleration  hatch  ; 

"Left 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE.  85 

M  Left  that  ill  egg  bring  forth  a  cockatrice, 

"  To  poifon  all  with  herefy  and  vice. 

"  If  men  be  left  and  otherwife  combine 

"  My  epitaph  *s  I  die  no  libertine" 
The  champion  of  thefe  fentiments  was 
Cotton,    who    though    eminently   meek, 
placid  and  charitable,   yet  was  ftrongly 
tinctured    with    the    prevailing  opinion, 
That  the  magiftrate  had  a  coercive  power 
againft  heretics.     The  banifhment  of  Ro- 
ger Williams,  minifter  of  Salem,  occafion- 
ed  a  vehement  controverfy  on  this  point. 
Williams  having  written  in  favour  of  li- 
berty of  confeience,  and  ftyled  the  oppofite 
principle  "  the  bloody  tenet ;"    was  an- 
fwered  by  Cotton,  who  publifhed  a  treatife 
in   1647  with  this  Strange  title,    "  The 
"  bloody  tenet  waihed,  and  made  white  in 
"  the  blood  of  the  Lamb."     In  this  work 
he  labours  to  prove  the  lawful nefs  of  the 
magistrate's  uiing  the  civil  fword  to  extir- 
pate heretics,  from  the  commands  given 
to  the  Jews  to  put  to  death  blafphemers 
and  idolaters.     To  the  objection,  that  per- 
secution ferves  to  make  men  hypocrites, 
he  lays,   "  better  tolerate  hypocrites  and 
"  tares  than  briars  and  thorns.      In  fuch 
"  cafes  the  civil  fword  doth  not  lb  much 
"  attend  the  converfion  of  feducers,  as  the 
"  preventing  the  fedu&ion  of  honeft  minds 

"by 


86  HISTORY    OF 

"  by  their  means.'*  He  allows  indeed 
that  "  the  magistrate  ought  not  to  draw 
"  the  fword  againft  feducers  till  he  have 
"  ufed  all  good  means  for  their  conviction : 
"  But  it  after  their  continuance  in  obfti- 
"  nate  rebellion  againft  the  light,  he  fhall 
"  ftill  walk  toward  them  in  foft  and  gentle 
"  commiferation,  his  foftnefs  and  gentle- 
*'  nefs  is  excemve  large  to  foxes  and 
"  wolves ;  but  his  bowels  are  miferably 
"  ftraitncd  and  hardned  againft  the  poor 
"  fheep  and  lambs  of  Chrift.  Nor  is  it 
"  fruftrating  the  end  of  Chrift's  coming, 
<c  which  was  to  fav^  fouls,  but  a  direct  ad- 
"  vancing  it,  to  deftroy,  if  need  be,  the 
"  bodies  of  thofe  wolves,  who  feek  to  de- 
*c  ftroy  the  fouls  of  thofe  for  whom  Chrift 
"  died."  In  purfuing  his  argument  he 
refines  fo  far  as  to  deny  that  any  man  is 
to  be  perfecuted  on  account  of  confcience 
"  till  being  convinced  in  his  confcience  of 
"  his  wickednefs,  he  do  ftand  out  therein, 
^c  not  only  againft  the  truth,  but  againft 
"  the  light  of  his  own  confcience,  that  fo 
"  it  may  appear  he  is  not  perfecuted  for 
"  caufe  of  confcience,  but  punifhed  for 
<c  finning  againft  his  own  confcience." 
To  which  he  adds,  "  fometimes  it  may  be 
"  an  aggravation  of  fin  both  in  judgment 
*'  and  practice  that  a  man  committeth  it  in 

"  confcience,'* 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE.  87 

u  confcience."  After  having  faid  that 
•c  it  was  toleration  which  made  the  world 
u  antichriftian,"  he  concludes  his  book 
with  this  lingular  ejaculation,  "  the  Lord 
"  keep  us  from  being  bewitched  with  the 
"  whore's  cup,  left  while  we  feem  to  reject 
"  her  with  open  face  of  profeflion,  we 
<c  bring  her  in  by  a  back  door  of  tolerati- 
<c  on  ;  and  fo  come  to  drink  deeply  of  the 
"  cup  of  the  Lord's  wrath,  and  be  filled 
"  with  her  plagues." 

But  the  flrangeft  language  that  ever 
was  ufed  on  this  or  perhaps  on  any  other 
fubjedt,  is  to  be  found  in  a  book  printed 
in  1645  by  the  humourous  Ward  of  Ip- 
fwich  entitled  "  the  Simple  Cobler  of  A- 
"  gawam."  "  My  heart  (fays  he)  hath 
"  naturally  detefted  four  things ;  the  ftand- 
"  ing  of  the  Apocrypha  in  the  bible: 
"  foreigners  dwelling  in  my  country,  to 
"  croud  out  native  fubjects  into  the  cor- 
"  ners  of  the  eaft:  alchymized  coins  : 
"  toleration  of  divers  religions  or  of  one 
"  religion  in  fegregant  fhapes.  He  that 
"  willingly  affents  to  the  laft,  if  he  ex- 
"  amines  his  heart  by  day-light,  his  con- 
"  fcience  will  tell  him,  he  is  either  an 
"  atheift,  or  an  heretic,  or  an  hypocrite, 
11  or  at  beft  a  captive  to  fome  luft.  Poly- 
"  piety    is  the  greatcft   impiety  in  the 

"  world. 


SB  HISTORY     OF 

"  world.  To  authorize  an  untruth  hy  to- 
"  leration  of  the  ftate,  is  to  build  a  fconce 
"  againft  the  walls  of  heaven,  to  batter 
"  God  out  of  his  chair.  Perfecution  of 
"  true  religion  and  toleration  of  falfe  are  the 
"  Jannes  and  Jambres  to  the  kingdom  of 
"  Chrift,whereofthelaftis  by  fartheworft. 
"  He  that  is  willing  to  tolerate  any  un- 
"  found  opinion,  that  his  own  may  be  to- 
"  lerated  though  never  fo  found,  will  fur 
"  a  need,  hang  God's  bible  at  the  devil's 
u  girdle.  It  is  faid  that  men  ought  to 
"  have  liberty  of  confcience  and  that  it  is 
"  perfecution  to  debar  them  of  it:  I  can 
"  rather  ftand  amazed  than  reply  to  this ; 
"  it  is  an  aftonifhment  that  the  brains  of 
"  men  mould  be  parboiled  in  fuch  impious 
"  ignorance." 

Fromthefefpecimens,(ofwhich  the  reader 
will  think  he  has  had  enough)  it  is  eafy  to 
fee  how  deeply  the  principle  of  intolerancy 
was  rooted  in  the  minds  of  our  forefathers. 
Had  it  flood  only  in  their  books  as  a  fub- 
ject  of  fpeculation,  it  might  have  been 
excufed,  confidering  the  prejudices  of  the 
times;  but  it  was  drawn  out  into  fatal 
practice,  and  caufed  fevere  perfecutions 
which  cannot  be  juftified  confidently  with 
chriftianity  or  true  policy.  Whatever 
may  be  faid  in  favour  of  their  proceedings 

againft 


N  E  W-H  AMPSH1RE.  S9 

againft  the  Antinomians,  whofe  principles 
had  fuch  an  effect  on  the  minds  of  the 
people  as  materially  affected  the  founda- 
tions of  government,  in  the  infancy  of  the 
plantation;  yet  the  Anabaptifis  and  Qua- 
kers were  fo  inconfiderable  for  numbers, 
and  the  colony  was  then  fo  well  eftabl idl- 
ed that  no  danger  could  have  been  rati- 
onally apprehended  to  the  commonwealth 
from  them.  Rhode-Ifland  was  fettled  by 
fome  of  the  Antinomian  exiles  on  a  plan 
of  entire  religious  liberty :  men  of  every  cwtarj 
denomination  being  equally  protected  and  iS.00' 
countenanced,  and  enjoying  the  honours 
and  offices  of  government.  The  Ana- 
baptifls, fined  and  baniihed,  flocked  to  that 
new  fettlement,  and  many  of  the  Quakers 
alfo  took  refuse  there:  fo  that  Rhode- 
Ifland  wasinthofe  days  looked  upon  as  the 
drain  or  fink  of  New-England ;  and  it  has 
been  faid  that  "  if  any  man  had  loft  his 
"  religion,  he  might  find  it  there,  among 
"  fuch  a  general  mufter  of  opinionifts." 
Notwithstanding  this  invective,  it  is  much 
to  the  honour  of  that  government  that 
there  never  was  an  inftance  of  perfecution 
for  confeience  fake  countenanced  by  them. 
Rhode-Ifland  and  Pennfylvanja  afford  a 
itrong  proof  that  toleration  conduces  great- 
ly to  the  fettlement  and  increafe  of  an  in- 
fant plantation.  The 


90  HISTORY    OF 

The  Quakers  atfirft  were  banifhed ;  but 
this  proving  infufficient,  a  fucceffion  of 
fanguinary  laws  were  ena&ed  againfl 
them,  of  which  imprifonment,  whipping, 
cutting  off  the  ears,  boring  the  tongue 
with  an  hot  iron,  and  banifhment  on  pain 
of  death,  were  the  terrible  fanctions.  In 
confequence  of  thefe  laws  four  perfons 
were  put  to  death  at  Bofton,  bearing  their 
punifhment  with  patience  and  fortitude; 
folemnly  protefting  that  their  return  from 
banifhment  was  by  divine  direction,  to 
warn  the  magiftrates  of  their  errors, 
and  intreat  them  to  repeal  their  cruel 
Hffior*  of  *aws »  denouncing  the  judgments  of 
the  Qua-  God  upon  them;  and  foretelling  that  if 
they  mould  put  them  to  death  others  would 
rife  up  in  their  room  to  fill  their  hands  with 
work*.     After  the  execution  of  the  fourth 

perfon 

*  The  following  pafTages  extracted  from  William  Leddra's  let- 
ter to  his  friends,  written  the  day  before  his  execution,  March  15, 
1660,  (hew  an  elegance  of  fentiment  and  cxpreflion,  not  common 
in  their  writings. 

"  Mod  dear  and  inwardly  beloved, 

"  The  fweet  influence  of  the  morning  (tar,  like  a  flood,  dirtil- 
"  ling  into  my  innocent  habitation  hath  fo  filled  me  with  the  joy 
"  of  the  Lord  in  the  beauty  of  holinefs,  that  my  fpirit  is  as  if  it 
"  did  not  inhabit  a  tabernacle  of  clay,  but  is  wholly  fwallowed  up 
"  in  the  bofom  of  eternity  from  whence  it  had  its  being." 

"  Alas,  alas  !  what  can  the  wrath  and  fpirit  of  man  that  Jufleth 
'•  to  envy,  aggravated  by  the  heat  and  (trength  of  the  king  of  the 
"  locufts  which  came  out  of  the  pit,  do  unto  one  that  is  hid  in  the 
"  fecret  places  of  the  Almighty  ?  or  to  them  that  are  gathered 
"  under  the  healing  wings  of  the  Prince  of  Peace  ?  O  my  beloved, 
"  I  have  waited  as  the  dove  at  the  windows  of  the  ark,  and  have 

"  flood 


Col  left, 
papers,  p. 


N  E  W-H  AMPSH1RE.  91 

pcrfon,  an  order  from  King  Charles  the 
fecond,  procured  by  their  friends  in  Eng- 
land, put  a  flop  to  capital  executions. 

Impartiality  will  not  furFer  a  veil  to  be 
drawn  over  thefe  difgraceful  tranfa&ions. 
The  utmoft  that  has  been  pleaded  in  favor 
of  them,  cannot  excufe  them  in  the  eye  of 
reafon  and  juftice.  The  Quakers,  it  is  Hotcl, 
faid,  were  heretics  ;  their  principles  ap- 
peared to  be  fubverfive  of  the  gofpel,  and  3*7 
derogatory  from  the  honor  of  the  Redeem- 
er. Argument  and  fcripture  were  in  this 
cafe  the  proper  weapons  to  combat  them 
with  ;  and  if  thefe  had  failed  of  fuccefs, 
they  muft  have  been  left  to  the  judgment 
of  an  omnifcient  and  merciful  God.  They 
were  complained  of  as  difturbers  of  the 
peace,  revilers  of  magiffracy,  "  malignant 

«  and 


"  (rood  dill  in  that  watch,  which  the  mailer  did  at  his  comingre- 
•'  ward  with  the  fulnefsof  his  love  ;  wherein  my  heart  did  rejoice 
"  that  I  might  fpeak  a  few  words  to  you,  fealed  with  the  fpirit  of 
"  promife.  As  the  flowing  of  the  ocean  doth  fill  every  creek  and 
•'  branch  thereof,  and  then  retires  again  toward  its  own  being  and 
"  fulnefs  and  leaves  a  favour  behind  it ;  fodoth  the  life  and  virtue 
'*  of  God  flow  into  every  one  of  your  hearts,  whom  he  hath  made 
"  partakers  of  his  divine  nature  ;  and  when  it  withdraws  but  a 
"  little,  it  leaves  a  fweet  favour  behind  it,  that  many  can  fay  they 
•'  are  made  clean  through  the  word  that  he  has  fpoken  to  them. 
"  Therefore,  my  dear  hearts,  let  the  enjoyment  of  the  life  alone 
11  be  your  hope,  your  joy  and  your  confolation.  Stand  in  the 
"  watch  within,  in  the  fear  of  the  Lord  which  is  the  entrance  of 
*'  wifdom.  Confefs  him  before  men,  yea  be-fore  his  greateft  ene- 
"  mies.  Fear  not  what  they  can  do  to  you  :  Greater  is  he  that  is 
"  in  you  than  he  that  is  in  the  world,  for  he  will  clothe  you  with 
"  humility  and  in  the  power  of  his  meeknefs  you  (hall  reign  over 
"  all  the  rage  of  your  enemies." 

Scwel's  Hid.  Quakers,  p.  374. 


92  HISTORYOF 

"  and  amduous  promoters  of  doctrines  di- 
"  redly  tending  to  fubvert  both  church 
"  and  ftate  ;M  and  our  fathers  thought  it 
hard,  when  they  had  fled  from  oppofition 
and  perfecution  in  one  fhape  to  be  again 
troubled  with  it  in  another.  But  it  would 
have  been  more  to  their  honor  to  have 
fufFered  their  magiftracy  and  church  order 
to  be  infulted,  than  to  have  ftained  their 
hands  with  the  blood  of  men  who  defend- 
ed pity  rather  than  punifhment.  The 
Quakers  indeed  had  no  right  to  difturb 
them  ;  and  fome  of  their  conduct  was  to 
an  high  degree  indecent  and  provoking  ; 
but  they  were  under  the  influence  of  a  fpi- 
rit  which  is  not  eafily  quelled  by  oppo- 
fition. Had  not  the  government  appear- 
ed to  be  jealous  of  their  principles,  and 
prohibited  the  reading  of  their  books  be- 
fore any  of  them  appeared  in  perfon,  there 
could  not  have  been  fo  plaufible  a  pretext 
for  their  reviling  government.  It  was 
faid  that  the  laws  by  which  they  were 
condemned  were  grounded  on  the  laws  in 
England  againft  Jefuits.  But  the  cafe 
sewer*  was  by  no  means  parallel,  (as  the  Quakers 
Quakers.  pleaded)  their  principles  and  practices  not 
being  equally  detrimental  to  fociety.  It 
was  moreover  urged  in  excufe  of  the  fe- 
verities  exercifed  againft  the  Quakers  that 

the 


Mafs.  Rec. 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE.  93 

the  magiftrates  thought  themfel  ves  "  bound 
in  confcience  to  keep  the  paifage  with  the 
point  of  the  fword :  this  (it  was  faid)  could 
do  no  harm  to  him  that  would  be  warned 
by  it:  their  rufhing  on  it  was  their  own 
act,  and  they  brought  the  blood  on  their 
own  heads.  Had  they  promifed  to  de- 
part the  jurifdiction  and  not  return  with- 
out leave,  the  country  would  have  been 
glad  to  have  rid  themfel  ves  of  the  trouble 
of  executing  the  laws  upon  them ;  it  was 
their  prefumptuous  returning  after  banifh- 
ment  that  caufed  them  to  be  put  to  death." 
This  was  the  plea  which  the  court  ufed  in 
their  addrefs  to  the  king;  and  in  another  Sew«J,b.& 
vindication  published  by  their  order,  the 
unhappy  fufferers  are  ftyled  "  felones  de 
fe,"  or  fell-murderers.  But  this  will  not 
juftify  the  putting  them  to  death,  unlcfs 
the  original  crimes  for  which  they  were 
baniihed  had  deferved  it.  The  preamble  p-  19?- 
to  the  act  by  which  they  were  condemn- 
ed charges  them  with  "altering  the  receiv- 
ed laudable  cultom  of  giving  refpect  to 
equals  and  reverence  to  fuperiors;  that 
their  actions  tend  to  undermine  the  ci- 
vil government  and  deftroy  the  order  of 
the  churches,  by  denying  all  eitabliihed 
forms  of  worfhip,  by  withdrawing  from 
orderly  church  fellowship  allowed  and  ap- 
proved 


94  HISTORY     OF 

proved  by  all  orthodox  profeiTors  of  the 
truth,  andinftead  thereof,  and  inoppofiti- 
on  thereto,  frequently  meeting  themlelves, 
infinuating  themlelves  into  the  minds  of 
the  fimple,  whereby  divers  of  our  inha- 
bitants have  been  infected.'*  Did  thefe 
offences  deferve  death?  had  any  govern* 
ment  a  right  to  terrify  with  capital  laws 
perfons  guilty  of  no  other  crimes  than 
thefe,  efpecially  when  they  profeffed  that 
they  were  obliged  to  go  the  greateft  lengths 
in  maintaining  thofe  tenets  which  they 
judged  facred,  and  following  the  dictates 
of  that  fpirit  which  they  thought  divine  ? 
Was  not  the  mere  "  holding  the  point  of 
"  thefword"  to  them,  really  inviting  them 
to  "  rufh  on  it"  and  leal  their  teftimony 
with  their  blood?  and  was  not  this  the 
moft  likely  way  to  ftrengthen  and  increafe 
their  party?  Such  punifhment  for  offences 
which  proceeded  from  a  mifguided  zeal, 
increafedand  inflamed  by  oppofition,  will 
never  reflect  any  honour  on  the  policy  or 
moderation  of  the  government;  and  can 
be  accounted  for  only  by  the  ftrong  pre- 
dilection for  coercive  power  in  religion, 
retained  by  moft  or  all  of  the  reformed 
churches;  a  prejudice  which  time  and  ex- 
perience were  neceffary  to  remove*. 

The 

*  From  the  following  authoritiw,  it  will  appear  that  the  go- 
vernment 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE.  95 

The  miftakes  on  which  their  conduct 
was  grounded  cannot  be  detected  in  a 
more  mafterly  manner,  than  by  tranfcrib- 
ing  the  fentiments  of  Doctor  Increafe 
Mather,  who  lived  in  thofe  times,  and  was 
a  ftrong  advocate  for  the  coercive  power 
of  the  magiftrate  in  matters  of  religion; 
but  afterward  changed  his  opinion  on  this 
point.  "  He  became  fenfible  that  the  ex- 
ample of  the  Ifraelitifh  reformers  inflict- 
ing penalties  on  falfe  worfhippers  would 
not  legitimate  the  like  proceedings  among 

chriftian 

▼ernment  of  New-England,  however  fevere  and  unjuftifiable  in 
their  proceedings  againft  the  Quakers,  went  no  farther  than  the 
mod  eminent  reformers;  particularly  the  Bohemians,  the  Luthe- 
rans, the  celebrated  Calvin  and  the  martyr  Cranmcr. 

In  the  war  which  the  Emperor  Sigifmond  excited  againft  the 
Bohemian  reformers,  who  had  the  famous  Zifea  for  their  general; 
"  The  acts  of  barbarity  which  were  committed  on  both  ficies  were 
fhocking  and  terrible  beyond  expreffion.  For  notwithftanding  the 
irreconcileable  oppofition  between  the  religious  fentiments  of  the 
contending  parties,  they  both  agreed  in  this  one  horrible  point, 
that  it  was  innocent  and  lawful  to  perfecute  and  extirpate  with 
fire  and  fword,  the  enemies  of  the  true  religion,  and  (uch  they  re- 
ciprocally appeared  to  be  in  each  others  eyes."  Mollnim's  Eccl. 
Hift.  vol.  3.  p.  261. 

"  It  were  indeed  ardently  to  be  wiflied,  that  the  Lutherans 
had  treated  with  more  mildnefs  and  charity  thofe  who  differed 
from  them  in  religious  opinions.  But  they  had  unhappily  imbib- 
ed a  fpirit  of  perlecution  in  their  early  education.  This  was  too 
much  the  fpirit  of  the  times,  and  it  was  even  a  leading  maxim  with 
our  anceftors  [this  author  was  a  Lutheran]  that  it  was  both  lawful 
and  expedient  to  ufe  feverity  and  force  againft  thofe  whom  they 
looked  upon  as  heretics.  This  maxim  -was  derived  from  ROME; 
and  even  thofe  who  Separated  from  that  church  did  not  find  it  eafy 
to  throw  off  all  of  a  hidden  that  defpotic  and  uncharitable  fpirit, 
that  had  fo  long  been  the  main  fpring  of  its  government  and  the 
general  characteristic  of  it  members.  Nay  in  their  narrow  view  of 
things,  their  very  piety  feemed  to  fupprefs  the  generous  movements 
of  fraternal  love  and  forbearance,  and  the  more  they  felt  them- 

felvc» 


96  HISTORY    OF 

chnftian  gentiles :  For  the  holy  land  of  old 
was,  by  a  deed  of  gift  from  the  glorious 
God,  miraculouflyand  indifputably  grant- 
ed to  the  Ifraelitifh  nation,  and  the  con- 
dition on  which  they  had  it  was  their  ob- 
fervance  of  the  Mofaic  inftitutions.  To 
violate  them  was  high  treafon  againft  the 
king  of  the  theocracy,  an  iniquity  to  be 
punifhed  by  the  judge.  At  the  fame  time 
fojourners  in  the  land  were  not  compelled 
to  the  keeping  thofe  rites  and  laws  which 
Mofes  had  given  to  the  people.     Nay  the 

Ifraelites 

felvcs  animated  with  a  zeal  for  the  divine  'glory,  the  more  difficult 
did  they  find  it  to  renounce  that  ancient  and  favourite  maxim, 
that  whoever  is  found  to  he  an  enemy  to  God,  ought  alfo  to  be  de- 
clared an  enemy  to  his  country."     Mofheim,  vol.  4.  p.  437. 

"  Michael  Servetfls,  a  Spanifh  phyfician,  published  feven  hooks 
in  which  he  attached  the  fentiments  adopted  by  far  the  greateft 
part  of  the  chrifttan  church,  in  relation  to  the  divine  nature  and  i 
triuity  of  perfons  iri  the  Godhead.  Few  innovators  have  fet  out 
with  a  better  profpect  of  fuccefs  :  But  all  his  views  were  totally 
difappointed  by  the  vigilance  and  feverity  of  Calvin,  vhowhent 
Servetus  was  palling  through  Switzerland,  caufed  him  to  be  appre- 
hended at  Geneva  in  the  year  1553,  and  had  an  accufation  of 
blafphemy  brought  againft  him  before  the  council.  Servetus  ad- 
hering refolutely  to  the  opinions  he  had  embraced,  was  declared 
an  obftinatc  heretic  and  condemned  to  the  flames."  Molhtinij 
vol.  4.  p    171. 

Dr.  Macclainc  in  his  note  on  this  paftage,  fays,  "  It  was  a  re- 
maining portion  of  the  fpirit  of  popery  in  the  breaft  of  Calvin  that 
kindled  his  unchriftian  zeal  againft  the  wretched  Servetus,  whofe 
death  will  be  an  indelible  reproach  upon  the  character  of  that  great 
and  eminent  reformer." 

In  the  reign  of  Edward  the  fixth  of  England,  anno  1549,  "  A 
Woman  called  Joan  Bocher,  or  Joan  of  Kent,  was  accufed  of  here- 
tical pravity.  Her  doctrine  was,  "  that  Chrift  was  not  truly  in- 
*'  camate  of  the  virgin,  whofe  flelh  being  the  outward  man  was  firt- 
"  fully  begotten  and  born  in  fin;  and  confequently  he  could  take 
*'  none  of  it;  but  the  word,  by  the  confent  of  the  inward  man  of 

"  the 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE.  97 

Israelites  themfelves  fell,  many  of  them, 
into  the  worft  of  herefies,  yet  while  they 
kept  the  laws  and  rites  of  Moles,  the  ma- 
giftrate  would  not  meddle  with  them.  The 
herefyof  the  Sadduceesin  particular  (Truck 
at  the  foundation  of  all  religion;  yet  we  do 
not  find  that  our  Saviour  ever  blamed  the 
Pharifees  for  not  perfecuting  them.  The 
H  chriftian 


*'  the  virgin  was  made  flefh."  A  fcholaftic  nicety,  not  capable  of 
doing  much  mifchief !  but  there  was  a  neccfTity  for  delivering  the 
woman  to  the  flames  lor  maintaining  it.  The  young  king  though 
in  fuch  tender  years,  had  more  ienle  than  all  his  counfeilors  and 
preceptors;  and  he  long  refufed  to  fign  the  warrant  for  her  exe- 
cution. Cranmer,  with  his  fuperior  learning,  was  employed  to 
perfuade  him  to  compliance,  and  he  faid,  that  the  prince,  being 
God's  deputy,  ought  to  reprefs  impieties  againft  God,  in  like  man- 
ner as  the  king's  deputies  were  hound  to  punilh  offenders  againft 
the  king's  perfon.  He  alfo  argued  from  the  practice- o'  the  Jewilli 
church  in  (toning  blafpliemcrs.  Edward  overcome  by  importunity 
more  than  reafon  at  laft  fuhmittcd,  and  told  Cianmer  with  tears 
in  his  eyes,  that  if  any  wrong  was  done,  the  guilt  Ihould  lie  entire- 
ly on  his  head.  The  primate  was  flruck  with  furprize;  but  after 
making  a  new  effort  to  reclaim  the  woman  and  finding  her  obfti- 
Date,  lie  at  ljft  committed  her  to  the  flames.  Nor  did  he  e*er  re- 
nounce his  burning  principles  fo  long  as  he  continued  in  power." 
Hume's  Hid.  Eng.  4to  vol.  j.  p.  320.  Ncal's  Hift.  rurit.410.  voh 
I.  p.  41- 

It  ought  alfb  to  he  remembered,  that  at  the  fame  time  that  the 
Quakers  differed  in  New-England,  penal  laws  againft  them  were 
made  and  rigoroufly  executed  in  England;  and  though  none  of 
them  fuffered  capital  executions,  yet  they  were  thrown  into  prifon 
and  treated  with  other  marks  of  cruelty,  which  in  fome  inftances 
proved  the  means  of  their  death.  And  though  the  lenity  of  King 
Charles  the  1  Id  in  putting  a  (top  tocapital  executions  here  has  been 
much  celebrated,  yet  in  his  letter  to  the  MaflachufettS  government 
the  next  year,  wherein  he  requires  liberty  for  the  church  of  Eng- 
land among  them,  he  adds,  "  Wee  cannot  be  undcrftood  hereby 
"  to  direct,  or  wifh  that  any  indulgence  Ihould  be  graunted  to 
"  <>uakcrs,  whofe  principles,  being  inconfiftent  with  any  kind  of 
"  government,  Wee  hare  found  it  neceflary  with  the  advifeof  our 
"  parliament  here  to  make  a  (harp  law  againft  them,  and  are  well 
"  content  you  doc  the  like  there."  Records  of  Deeds,  Frov.  Maine, 
lib.  I.fol.  129. 


9S  HISTORY    OF 

christian  religion  brings  us  not  into  a 
temporal  Canaan,  it  knows  no  weapons  but 
what  are  purely  fpiritual.  He  faw  that 
until  perfecution  be  utterly  banimed  out 
of  the  world,  and  Cain's  club  taken  out 
of  Abel's  hand,  'tis  impoflible  to  refcuethe 
world  from  endlefs  confufions.  He  that 
has  the  power  of  the  fword  will  always  be 
in  the  right  and  always  aflume  the  power 
of  perfecuting.  In  his  latter  times  there- 
fore he  looked  upon  it  as  one  of  the  moft 
hopeful  among  the  figns  of  the  times,  that 
people  began  to  be  afhamed  of  a  practice 
which  had  been  a  mother  of  abominations, 
and  he  came  entirety  into  that  golden 
maxim,    Errantis  poena  doceri" 

Divers  others  of  the  principal  actors 
and  abettors  of  this  tragedy  lived  to  fee  the 
folly  and  incompetency  of  fuch  fanguina- 
ry  laws,  to  which  the  fufferings  of  their 
brethren,  the  nonconforming  in  England, 
did  not  a  little  contribute.  Under  the  ar- 
bitrary government  of  King  James  the 
fecond,  when  he,  for  a  mew  of  liberty 
and  as  a  leading  ftep  to  the  introduction 
of  popery,  iffued  a  proclamation  of  indul- 
gence to  tender  confeiences,  the  principal 
men  of  the  country  fent  him  an  addrefs  of 
thanks,  for  granting  them  what  they  had 
formerly  denied  to  others.     It  is  but  juftice 

to 


N  E  W-EA  M  P  S  H  I  R  E.  99 

to  add,  that  all  thofe  difgraceful  laws  were 
renounced  and  repealed,  and  the  people 
of  New-England  are  now  as  candidly  dif- 
pofed  toward  the  Quakers  as  any  other 
denominations  of  chriftians.  To  keep  alive 
a  fpiritof  refentment  and  reproach  to  the 
country,  on  account  of  thofe  ancient  trans- 
actions which  are  now  univerfally  con- 
demned, would  difcover  a  temper  not  very 
confident  with  that  meeknefs  and  forgive- 
nefs  which  ought  to  be  cultivated  by  all 
who  profefsto  be  influenced  by  the  gofpel. 
But  though  our  anceftors  are  juftly  cen- 
furable  for  thofe  inftances  of  mifconducl, 
yet  they  are  not  to  be  condemned  as  un- 
worthy the  chriftian  rfame,  fince  fome  of 
the  firft  difciples  of  our  Lord,  in  a  zealous 
imitation  of  the  prophet  Elias,  would  have 
called  for  fire  from  heaven  to  confume  a 
village  of  the  Samaritans  who  refufed  to 
receive  him.  Their  zeal  was  of  the  fame 
kind  ;  and  the  anfwer  which  the  benevo- 
lent author  of  our  religion  gave  to  his  dif- 
ciples on  that  occafion,  might  with  equal 
propriety  be  addrefied  to  them,  and  to  all 
perfecuting  chriftians,  "  Ye  know  not 
"  what  fpirit  ye  are  of,  for  the  Son  of  man 
"  is  not  come  to  deftroy  men's  lives  but  to 
"  fave  them." 

H  2  CHAP. 


ioo  HISTORY     OF 

CHAP.      IV. 

Mode  of  government  under  Majfachufetts. 
Major? s  efforts  to  recover  the  property 
of  his  ancejior.  Tranfaclions  of  the 
king's  commijjtoners.  Oppofttion  to  them. 
Political  principles.  Internal  tranfac- 
tions.     MaJ'on  difcouraged, 

U  R I N  G  the  union  of  thefe  planta- 
tions with  Maflachufetts,  they  were 
governed  by  the  general  laws  of  the  co- 
lony, and  the  terms  of  the  union  were 
ftri&ly  obferved.  Exeter  and  Hampton 
were  at  firft  annexed  to  the  jurifdiction  of 
the  courts  at  Ipfwich,  till  the  eftablifh- 
16.13.  ment  °^  a  new  county  which  was  called 
<s*r*J  Norfolk,  and  comprehended  Salifbury, 
Haverhill,  Hampton,  Exeter,  Portfmouth 
and  Dover.  Thefe  towns  were  then  of 
fuch  extent  as  to  contain  all  the  lands  be- 
tween the  rivers  Merrimack  and  Pafcata- 
qua.  The  fhire  town  was  Salifbury  ;  but 
Dover  and  Portfmouth  had  always  a  di- 
ftind:  jurifdi&ion,  though  they  were  con- 
fidered  as  part  of  this  new  county  ;  a  court 
being  held  in  one  or  the  other,  fometimes 
once  and  fometimes  twice  in  the  year,  con- 
fiding of  one  or  more  of  the  magiflrates 

or 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE.  101 

or  affiftants,  and  one  or  more  commimon-     1 643. 

ers  chofen  by  the  general  court  out  of  the 

principal  gentlemen  of  each  town.     This 

was  called  the  court  of  aflbciates;  and  their    Maff  Gcn> 

power  extended  to  caufes  of  twenty  pounds    Cv,ult  RtC- 

value.     From  them  there  was  an  appeal 

to  the  board  of  affiftants,  which  being  found 

inconvenient,  it  was  in  1670  ordered  to  be 

made  to  the  county  court  of  Norfolk. 

Caufes   under   twenty  millings   in  value 

were  fettled  in  each  town  by  an  inferior 

court  confiftin;^  of  three  perfons.  .  After 

fome  time  they  had  liberty  to  choofe  their     1647. 

aflbciates,  which  was  done  by  the  votes      K^^r^- 

of  both  towns,  opened  at  a  joint  meeting 

of  their  fele&men,  though  fometimes  they    Dover  and 

n      1      ,  ,  1  Portfmou. 

requelled  the  court  to  appoint  them  as  be-    Rcc. 
fore.     That  mutual  confidence  between 
rulers  and  people,  which  iprings  from  the 
genius  of  a  republican  government  is  ob~ 
fervable  in  all  their  tranfa&ions*. 

This 

*  In  165a,  the  number  of  people  in  Dover  was  increafed  Co  that 
they  were  allowed  by  law  to  fend  two  deputies  to  the  general  co;irt. 
Hampton  continued  fending  hut  one  till  x6rt£,  and  Portfmonth  till 
167a.  The  names  of  the  reprefentatives  which  I  have  been  able 
to  recover,  arc  as  follows : 

For  Dover.  Richard  Cook, 

John  Baker,  Peter  Coffin. 
Valentine  Hill,  For  Portfmouth. 

Richard  Waldron.   who  was  Bryan  Pendleton, 

chofen  without  interrupt!-  Henry  Sherburne, 

on  for  25  years,  and  was  Richard  Cutts, 

fometimc  fpcaker  of  the  Nathaniel  Fryer, 

houfc.  Eliac 


102  HISTORY    OF 

1 647.  This  extenfion  of  the  colony's  jurifdio 
^^^  tion  over  New-Hampfhire,  could  not  fail 
of  being  noticed  by  the  heirs  of  Mafon  : 
But  the  diffractions  caufed  by  the  civil 
wars  in  England  were  invincible  bars  to 
any  legal  enquiry.  The  firft  heir  named 
in  Mafon's  will  dying  in  infancy,  the  e- 
ftate  defcended  after  the  death  of  the  ex- 
ecutrix to  Robert  Tufton,  who  was  not  of 
1652.  age  till  1650.  In  two  years  after  this, 
Jofeph  Mafon  came  over  as  agent  to  the 
executrix,  to  look  after  the  intereft  of  her 
deceafed  hufband.  He  found  the  lands 
at  Newichwannock  occupied  by  Richard 
Leader,  againft  whom  he  brought  actions 
in  the  county  court  of  Norfolk ;  but  a  dif- 
pute  arifing  whether  the  lands  in  queftion 
were  within  the  jurifdiction  of  Maflachu- 
fetts,  and  the  court  of  Norfolk  judging  the 
action  not  to  be  within  their  cognizance, 
recourfe  was  had  to  the  general  court ; 
who  on  this  occafion  ordered  an  accurate 
furvey  of  the  northern  bounds  of  their  pa- 
tent, 

Elias  Stileman,  Roger  Shaw, 

John  Cutts,  Roger  Page, 

Richard  Martyn,  Samuel  Dalton, 

Richard  Cook,  of  Bofton.  Jofhua  Gilman, 

For  Hampton.  Anthony  Stanyon, 

Jeoffry  Mingay,  Chriftopher  Hufley, 

Henry  Dow,  William  Gerrifh, 

William  Fuller,  Jofeph  Hufley. 
Robert  Page, 
I  do  not  find  that  Exeter  fent  any  deputies  to  court  during  thi)» 

union.  Cen.  Court  Rec. 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE.  103 

tent  to  be  made;  a  thing  which  they  had  1652. 
long  meditated.  A  committee  of  the  ge-  <s*rsJ 
neral  court  attended  by  Jonathan  Ince  and 
John  Shearman  furveyors,  and  feveral  In- 
dian guides,  went  up  the  river  Merrimack 
to  find  the  mod  northerly  part  thereof, 
which  the  Indians  told  them  was  at  Aque- 
dochtan,  the  outlet  of  the  lake  Winnipi- 
feogee.  The  latitude  of  this  place  was  ob- 
ferved  to  be  43  degrees  40  minutes  and 
12  feconds,  to  which  three  miles  being 
added,  made  the  line  of  the  patent,  accord- 
ing to  their  conftru&ion,  fall  within  the 
lake,  in  the  latitude  of  43  degrees  43  mi- 
nutes and  1 2  feconds.  Two  experienced  1653. 
fhip-mafters,  Jonas  Clarke  and  Samuel  ^-^^^ 
Andrews,  were  then  difpatched  to  the  eaft- 
ern  coaft,  who  found  the  fame  degrees, 
minutes,  and  feconds,  on  the  northern 
point  of  an  ifland  in  Cafco  Bay,  called  the 
Upper  Clapboard  Ifland.  An  eaft  and 
weft  line,  drawn  through  thefe  points  from 
the  Atlantic  to  the  South  Tea,  was  there- 
fore fuppofed  to  be  the  northern  boundary 
of  the  Maflachufetts  patent,  within  which 
the  whole  claim  of  Mafon,  and  the  great- 
er part  of  that  of  Gorges  were  compre- 
hended. When  this  grand  point  was  de- 
termined, the  court  were  of  opinion,  that 
"  fome  lands  atNewichwannock,  with  the 

"  river, 


V^-v^f 


104  HISTORY     OF 

1^>53'  "  river,  were  by  agreement  of  Sir  Ferdi- 
"  nando  Gorges  and  others,  apportioned 
"  to  Captain  Mafon,  and  that  he  alio  had 
"  right  by  purchafe  of  the  Indians,  as  alfo 
"  by  pofleflion  and  improvement ;"  and 
they  ordered  "  a  quantity  of  land  propor- 
".  tionable  to  his  difburfements,  with  the 
"  privilege  of  the  river,  to  be  laid  out  to 
"  his  heirs.n  The  agent  made  no  attempt 
to  recover  any  other  part  of  the  eftate  ; 
but  having  tarried  long  enough  in  the 
country  to  obferve  the  temper  of  the  go- 
vernment, and  the  management  ufed  in  the 
determination  of  his  fuit,  he  returned ; 
and  the  eftate  was  given  up  for  loft  unlefs 
the  government  of  England  mould  inters 
pofe. 

During  the  commonwealth,  and  the 
protectorate  of  Cromwell,  there  could  be 
no  hope  of  relief,  as  the  family  had  always 
been  attached  to  the  royal  caufe,  and  the 
colony  ftood  high  in  the  favor  of  the  par- 
liament and  of  Cromwell.  But  the  refto- 
ration  of  King  Charles  the  fecond  encou- 
raged Tufton,  who  now  took  the  firname 
of  Mafon,  to  look  up  to  the  throne  for  fa- 
vor and  afliftance.  For  though  the  plan 
of  colonization  adopted  by  his  grandfather 
was  in  itfelf  chimerical,  and  proved  fruit- 
lefs,  yet  he  had  expended  a  large  eftate  in 

the 


1660. 


N  E  W-H  AMPSH1RE. 


i°5 


the  profecution  of  it,  which  muft  have 
been  wholly  loft  to  his  heirs,  unleis  they 
could  recover  the  poflfeflion  of  his  Ame- 
rican territories.  Full  of  this  idea,  Mafon 
petitioned  the  king;  fetting  forth  *  the  en- 

*  croachment  of  the  Maifachufetts  colony 
4  upon  his  lands,  their  making  grants  and 
4  giving  titles  to  the  inhabitants,  andthere- 
4  by  difpofTeffing  him  and  keeping  him 

*  out  of  his  right.'  The  king  referred  the 
petition  to  his  attorney-general  Sir  Geof- 
fry  Palmer,  who  reported  that  "  Robert 
44  Mafon,  grandlbn  and  heir  to  Capt.  John 
44  Mafon,  had  a  good  and  legal  title  to  the 
44  province  of  New-Hampmire."  Nothing 
farther  was  done  at  this  time,  nor  was  the 
matter  mentioned  in  the  letter  which  the 
king  foon  after  fent  to  the  colony,  though 
fome  offenfive  things  in  their  conduct  were 
therein  reprehended,  and  divers  alterations 
enjoined.  But  the  directions  contained  in 
this  letter  not  being  ftri&ly  attended  to, 
and  complaints  being  made  to  the  king  of 
difputes  which  had  arifen  in  divers  parts 
of  New-England  concerning  the  limits  of 
jurifdic~tion,and  addrefles having  been  pre- 
fented  by  feveral  perfons,  praying  for  the 
royal  interpofition;  a  commifTion  was  iflued 
under  the  great  feal  to  Colonel  Richard 
Nichols,  Sir  Robert  Carre,  knight,  George 

Carteret 


1660. 


Not.  3. 
MS  in  So. 
Cour.  files. 


l662. 

Hutch. 
Collect  of 
rap.ri,  p. 
377- 


HutcS. 
h  ill    Maf. 
vol.  :.  p. 
535- 

1664* 

April  aj. 


106  HISTORY    OF 

1664.  Carteret  and  Samuel  Maverick,  efquires, 
^^      impowering  them  "  to  vifit  the  feveral  co- 

"  lonies  of  New-England ;  to  examine 
"  and  determine  all  complaints  and  ap- 
"  peals  in  matters  civil,  military  and  cri- 
"  minal ;  to  provide  for  the  peace  and  fe- 
"  curity  of  the  country,  according  to  their 
"  good  and  found  difcretion,  and  to  fuch 
*'  inftructions  as  they  mould  receive  from 
"  the  king,  and  to  certify  him  of  their  pro- 
"  ceedings." 

This  commiffion  was  highly  difrelifhed 
by  the  colony,  as  inconfiftent  with  the 
rights  and  privileges  which  ihey  enjoyed 
by  their  charter,  and  which  the  king  had 
facredly  promiled  to  confirm.  It  is  there- 
fore no  wonder  that  the  commiffioners 
.,    L         were  treated  with  much  coolnefs  at  their 

Hutch. 

colic,  pap.    arrival ;  but  they  feverely  repaid  it  in  their 
report  to  the  king. 

1665.  In  their  progrefs  through  the  country 
they  came  to  Pafcataqua,  and  enquired  into 
the  bounds  of  Mafon's  patent.  They 
heard  the  allegation  of  Whelewright,  who 
when  baniihed  by  the  colony,  was  per- 
mitted to  refide  immediately  beyond  what 
was  called  the  bound-houfe,  which  was 
three  large  miles  to  the  northward  of  the 
river  Merrimack.  They  took  the  affidavit 
of  Henry  Jocelyn  concerning  the  agree- 
ment 


417 


June. 


\s*r\J 


Mafs   Rec. 

oa>.  10. 


Hutcliin. 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE.  107 

ment  between  Governor  Cradock  and  1 665. 
Captain  Mafon,  that  the  river  fhould  be 
the  boundary  of  their  refpective  patents. 
They  made  no  determination  of  this  con- 
troversy in  their  report  to  the  king;  but 
having  called  together  the  inhabitants  of 
Portfmouth,  Sir  Robert  Carre,  in  the  name 
of  the  reft,  told  them  that  "  they  would 
"  releafe  them  from  the  government  of 
"  Maffachufetts  whofe  jurildi&ion  mould 
"  come  no  farther  than  the  bound-houfe." 
They  then  proceeded  to  appoint  juftices  of 
the  peace  and  other  officers,  with  power 
to  act  according  to  the  laws  of  England, 
and  fuch  laws  of  their  own  as  were  not  coiieoion 
repugnant  thereto,  until  the  king's  plea- 
fure  fhould  be  farther  known. 

There  had  always  been  a  party  here  who 
were  diflarTected  to  the  government  of 
Maflachufetts.  One  of  the  moft  a&ive  a- 
mong  them  was  Abraham  Corbett  of  Portf- 
mouth, who,  fince  the  arrival  of  the  com- 
miffioners  at  Bofton,  and  probably  by 
authority  derived  from  them,  had  taken 
upon  him  to  iflue  warrants  in  the  king's 
name  on  feveral  occafions,  which  was  con- 
ftrued  a  high  mifdemeanor,  as  he  had  never 
been  commiffioned  by  the  authority  of  the 
colony.  Being  called  to  account  by  the 
general  court,  he  was  admonifhed,  fined 

five 


io8  HISTORY    OF 

1 66$.  five  pounds,  and  committed  till  the  fen- 
^w'  tence  was  performed.  Irritated  by  this 
feverity,  he  was  the  fitter  inftrument  for 
the  purpofeof  thecommiffioners,  who  em- 
ployed him  to  frame  a  petition  to  the  king 
in  the  name  of  the  four  towns,  complain- 
ing of  the  ufurpationof  Maflachufetts  over 
them,  and  praying  to  be  releafed  from  their 
tyranny.  Corbett,  in  a  fecret  manner, 
procured  feveral  perfons  both  in  Portf- 
mouth  and  Dover  to  fubfcribe  this  petition, 
but  the  molt  of  thofe  to  whom  he  offered 
it  refufed. 

The  fenfible  part  of  the  inhabitants  now 
law  with  much  concern  that  they  were  in 
danger  of  being  reduced  to  the  fame  un- 
happy ftate  which  they  had  been  in  before 
their  union  with  the  colony.  Awed  by 
the  fupercilious  behaviour  of  thecommif- 
fioners, they  knew  not  at  firft  how  to  acT: ; 
for  to  oppofe  the  king's  authority  was  con- 
ftrued  treafon,  and  it  was  faid  that  Sir 
Robert  Carre  had  threatened  a  poor  old 
man  with  death  for  no  other  crime  than 
forbidding  his  grandchild  to  open  a  door 
to  them.  But  when  the  rumour  was  fpread 
that  a  petition  was  drawn,  and  that  Corbett 
was  procuring  fubfcribers,  the  people,  no 
longer  able  to  bear  the  abufe,  earneftly 
applied   to  the   general   court,    praying 

"  that 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE.  109 

"  that  in  fome  orderly  way  they  might  1665. 
"  have  an  opportunity  to  clear  themfelves  °"V"N"' 
#t  of  fo  great  and  unjuft  afperfions,  as  were 
"  by  this  petition,  drawn  in  their  name, 
"  caft  upon  the  government  under  which 
"  they  were  fettled;  and  alio  to  manifeft 
u  their  fenfe  of  fuch  perfidious  actions,  left 
"  by  their  filence  it  mould  be  concluded 
"  they  were  of  the  fame  mind  with  thofe 
"  who  framed  the  petition."  In  confe- 
quence  of  this  petition,  the  court  commif- 
fioned  Thomas  Danforth,  Eleazar  Lufher, 
and  Major  General  Leverett  to  enquire  in- 
to the  matter,  and  fettle  the  peace  in  thefe 
places  according  to  their  beft  difcretion. 

Thefe  gentlemen  came  to  Portfmouth,  o«obcr9. 
and  having  aflembled  the  inhabitants,  and 
publifhed  their  coramiffion,  they  told  them 
that  they  were  informed  of  a  petition  fub- 
fcribed  in  behalf  of  that  and  the  neigh- 
bouring towns,  complaining  of  the  go- 
vernment; and  defired  them  if  they  had 
any  juft  grievances  to  let  them  be  known, 
and  report  fhould  be  immediately  made 
to  the  general  court.  The  next  day  they 
aflembled  the  people  of  Dover  and  made 
the  fame  challenge.  Both  towns  refpec- 
tively  protefted  againft  the  petition,  and 
profefled  full  fatisfaction  with  the  govern- 
ment, which  they  fignified  in  addreifes  to 

the 


no  HISTORY    OF 

1665.  the  court.  Dudley,  the  minifter  of  Exe- 
^f^  ter,  certified  under  his  hand  to  the  com- 
mittee, that  the  people  of  that  town  had 
no  concern  directly  nor  indirectly  with  the 
obnoxious  petition.  They  received  alfo 
full  fatisfa&ion  with  regard  to  Hampton ; 
a  certificate  of  which  might  have  been  ob- 
tained, if  they  had  thought  it  neceflary. 

They  then  proceeded  to  fummon  Cor- 
bett  before  them  for  feditious  behaviour ; 
but  he  eluded  the  fearch  that  was  made  for 
him,  and  they  were  obliged  to  leave  a 
warrant  with  an  officer  to  cite  him  to  the 
court  at  Bofton.  The  commiflioners  had 
now  gone  over  into  the  province  of  Maine, 
from  whence  Sir  Robert  Carre  in  their 
name  fent  a  fevere  reprimand  to  this  com- 
mittee, forbidding  them  to  proceed  againft 
fuch  perfonsas  had  fubicribed  the  petition, 
and  inclofing  a  copy  of  a  letter  which  the 
faid  commiifioners  had  written  to  the  go- 
vernor and  council  on  the  fame  fubject. 

The  committee  returned  and  reported 
their  proceedings  to  the  court,  and  about 
the  fame  time  the  commiflioners  came 
from  their  eaftern  tour  to  Bofton;  where 
the  court  defired  a  conference  with  them, 
but  received  fuch  an  anfwer  from  Sir  Ro- 
bert Carre  as  determined  them  not  to  re- 
peat their  requeft.     A  warrant  was  then 

iflued 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE. 


in 


illued  by  the  fecretary,  in  the  name  of  the 
whole  court,  to  apprehend  Corbett  and 
bring  him  before  the  governor  and  ma- 
giftrates,  "  to  anfwer  for  his  tumultuous 
"  and  leditious  practices  againft  the  go- 
"  vernment."  The  next  ipring  he  was 
feized  and  brought  before  them ;  and  af- 
ter a  full  hearing  was  adjudged  guilty  of 
fedition,  and  exciting  others  to  difcontent 
with  the  government  and  laws,  and  of 
keeping  a  diforderly  houfe  of  entertain- 
ment, for  which  crimes  he  was  fentenced 
to  give  a  bond  of  one  hundred  pounds 
with  lecurity  for  his  peaceable  behaviour 
and  obedience  to  the  laws;  he  was  prohi- 
bited retailing  liquors;  difabled  from  bear- 
ing any  office  in  the  town  or  common- 
wealth, during  the  plealure  of  the  court; 
and  obliged  to  pay  a  fine  of  twenty  pounds 
and  five  pounds  for  the  coll9  of  his  profe- 
cution. 

This  feverity  in  vindication  of  their 
charter-rights  they  thought  fit  to  temper 
with  fomething  that  had  the  appearance  of 
fubmiffion  to  the  royal  commands.  The 
king's  pleafure  had  been  fignified  to  the 
commiffioners,  that  the  harbours  mould 
be  fortified.  This  inftruction  came  to 
hand  while  they  were  at  Pafcataqua,  and 
they  immediately  ifiued  warrants  to  the 

four 


1665. 


1666. 

May  j  j. 


HutcMn. 
Collet. 
Tap.  4iy. 


MaflVRec. 


Hi  HISTORY    OF 

1666.  four  towns,  requiring  them  to  meet  at  a 
\*x">J  time  and  place  appointed  to  receive  his 
majefty's  orders.  One  of  thefe  warrants 
was  lent  by  exprefs  to  Bofton,  from 
whence  two  officers  were  difpatched  by 
the  governor  and  council  to  forbid  the 
towns  on  their  peril  to  meet,  or  obey  the 
commands  of  the  commiffioners.  But  by 
their  own  authority  they  ordered  a  com- 
mittee to  look  out  the  molt  convenient 
place  for  a  fortification,  uponwhofe  report 
"  the  neck  of  land  on  the  eaftward  of  the 
"  Great  Ifland,  where  a  fmall  fort  had 
"  been  already  built,  was  fequeftered  for 
"  the  purpofe,  taking  in  the  Great  Rock, 
"  and  from  thence  all  the  eafterly  part  of 
"  the  faid  ifland."  The  court  of  affociates 
being  impowered  to  hear  and  determine 
the  claims  of  thofe  who  pretended  any 
title  to  this  land;  a  claim  was  entered  by 
George  Walton,  but  rejected ;  and  the  ap- 
propriation confirmed.  The  cuftoms  and 
imports  on  goods  imported  into  the  har- 
bour were  applied  to  the  maintenance  of 
the  fort,  and  the  trained  bands  of  Great- 
Ifland  and  Kittery-Point  were  difcharged 
from  all  other  duty  to  attend  the  fervice 
of  it,  under  Richard  Cutts,  efq.  who  was 
appointed  captain. 

The 


K  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE.  113 

The  people  of  Maffachufetts  have,  both  1 666. 
in  former  and  latter  times,  been  charged 
with  difloyalty  to  the  king  in  their  con- 
duct toward  thefecommiilioners,  and  their 
difregard  of  authority  derived  from  the 
fame  fource  with  their  charter.  To  ac- 
count for  their  conduct  on  this  occafion, 
we  muft  coniider  the  ideas  they  had  of  their 
political  connexion  with  the  parent  ftate. 
They  had  been  forced  from  thence  by  per- 
fection: they  came  at  their  own  charges 
into  a  wildernefs,  claimed  indeed  by  the 
crown  of  England;  but  really  in  poffeflion 
of  its  native  lords;  from  whom  they  had 
purchafed  the  foil  and  fovereignty,  which 
gave  them  a  title,  confidered  in  a  moral 
view,  fuperior  to  the  grant  of  any  Euro- 
pean prince.  For  convenience  only,  they 
had  folicited  and  accepted  a  patent  from  tl  : 
crown,  which  in  their  opinion  o  cd 

the  only  bond  of  union  between  them  and 
their  prince,  by  which  the  nature  and  ex- 
tent of  their  allegiance  to  him  was  to  be 
determined.  This  patent  they  regarded 
as  a  folemn  compact,  wherein  the  king 
had  granted  them  undiflurbed  poffeflion 
of  the  foil,  and  power  of  government 
within  certain  limits;  on  condition  that 
they  mould  fettle  the  country,  chris- 
tianize the  natives,  yield  a  fifth  of  all  gold 
I  and 


H4  HISTORY    OF 

1666.  and  filver  mines  to  the  crown,  and  maktf 
no  laws  repugnant  to  thofe  of  England. 
They  had,  on  their  part,  facredly  perform- 
ed thefe  conditions;  and  therefore  con- 
cluded that  the  grant  of  title,  property  and 
dominion  which  the  crown  had  made  to 
them  was  irrevocable.  And  although  they 
acknowledged  themfelves  fubjects  of  the 
reigning  prince,  and  owned  a  dependence 
on  the  royal  authority;  yet  they  under- 
ftood  it  to  be  only  through  the  medium 
of  their  charter. 

The  appointment  of  commiffioners  who 
were  to  act  within  the  fame  limits,  inde- 
pendently of  this  authority,  and  to  receive 
appeals   from    it;  whofe  rule  of  conduct 
was   no   eftablifhed  law,  but   their  own 
"  good  and  found  difcretion,"  was  regard- 
ed as  a  dangerous  ftretch  of  royal  power, 
militating  with  and  fuperfeding  their  char- 
ter.    If  the  royal  authority  was  deftined 
to  flow  through  the-  patent,   it  could  not 
regularly  be  turned  into  another  channel : 
if  they  were  to  be  governed  by  laws  made 
and   executed  by    officers  of  their    own 
choofmg,  they  could  not  at  the  fame  time 
be  governed  by  the  "  difcretion' *  of  men  in 
whofe  appointment  they  had  no  voice,  and 
over  whom  they  had  no  control.       Two 
ruling  powers  in  the  fame  ftate  was  a  fo- 

lecifm 


Vol.  I.  p. 

54J- 


NEW-H  AMP  SHIR  E.  115 

lecifm  which  they  could  not  digeft.  The  1666. 
patent  was  neither  forfeited  nor  revoked ;  ^^^ 
but  the  king  had  folemnly  promifed  to 
confirm  it,  and  it  fublilted  in  full  force. 
The  commiffion  therefore  was  deemed  an 
ufurpation  and  infringement  of  thole  char- 
tered rights,  which  had  been  folemnly 
pledged  on  the  one  part,  dearly  purchafed 
and  juftly  paid  for  on  the  other.  They 
regarded  "  a  royal  donation  under  the 
great  feal  (to  ufe  their  own  words)  "  as  the  H!ft?IMa«t 
greateft  fecurity  that  could  be  had  in  hu- 
man affairs ;"  and  they  had  confidence  in 
the  juftice  of  the  l'upreme  ruler,  that  if 
they  held  what  they  in  their  confciences 
thought  to  be  their  rights,  and  performed 
the  engagements  by  which  they  had  ac- 
quired them,  they  mould  enjoy  the  pro- 
tection of  his  providence,  *  though  they 
mould  be  obliged  to  abandon  the  country, 
which  they  had  planted  with  fo  much  la- 
bour and  expence,  and  feek  a  new  fettle- 
ment  in  fome  other  part  of  the  globe. 
Thefe  were  the  principles  which  they 
I  2  had 

*  "  Keep  to  your  patent.  Your  patent  was  n  royal  grant  in- 
"  deed;  and  it  is  inlhumentally  your  defence  and  fecurity.  Recede 
''  from  that,  one  way  or  the  other,  and  you  will  expofe  yourfelves 
"  t«>  the  wrath  of  God  and  the  rage  of  man.  Fix  upon  the  patent, 
"  and  (land  for  the  liberties  and  immunities  conferred  upon  you 
"  therein;  and  you  have  GOD  and  the  king  with  you,  both  a  good 
"  caufe  and  a  good  intereft:  and  may  with  good  confciencc  fet 
•'  your  foot  againlt  any  foot  of  pride  and  violence  that  fhall  coma 
"  againflyou,"  Prefident  Oakes's  Election  Sermon  167J. 


n6  HISTORY    OF 

1666.  had  imbibed,  which  they  openly  a- 
vowed  and  on  which  they  acted.  Policy 
might  have  dictated  to  them  the  fame 
flexibility  of  conduct,  and  foftnefs  of  ex- 
preffion,  by  which  the  other  colonies  on 
this  occafion  gained  the  royal  favour.  But 
they  had  fo  long  held  the  fole  and  unin- 
terrupted fovereignty,  in  which  they  had 
been  indulged  by  the  late  popular  govern- 
ment in  England ;  and  were  fo  fully  con- 
vinced it  was  their  right;  that  they  chofe 
rather  to  rifque  the  lofs  of  all,  than  to 
make  any  conceffions;  thereby  expofing 
themfelves  farther  to  the  malice  of  their 
enemies  and  the  vengeance  of  power. 

The  commiffioners,  having  finifhed  their 
bulinefs,  were  recalled  by  the  order  of  the 
king,  who  was  much  difpleafed  with  the 
ill  treatment  they  had  received  from  the 
MafTachufetts  government,  which  was  the 
more  heinous,  as  the  colonies  of  Plymouth, 
Rhode-Ifland  and  Connecticut  had  treated 
the  commiffion  with  acknowledged  refpect. 
April  10.      ]3y  a  letter  to  the  colony  he  commanded 

Hutch.  P.  *  J 

547.  them  to  lend  over  tour  or  nve  agents,  pro- 

mifing  "  to  hear  in  perfon,  all  the  allega- 
"  tions,  fuggeftions,  and  pretences  to  right 
"  or  favour,  that  could  be  made  on  behalf 
"  of  the  colony,''  intimating  that  he  was 
far  from  defiring  to  invade  their  charter  ; 

and 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE.  117 

and  commanding  that  all  things  mould  1666. 
remain  as  the  commiffioners  had  fettled  ^^^ 
them  until  his  farther  order;  and  that 
thofe  perfons  who  had  been  imprifoned 
for  petitioning  or  applying  to  them  mould 
be  releafed.  The  court,  however,  conti- 
nued to  exercife  jurifdiction,  appoint  offi- 
cers, and  execute  the  laws  in  thele  towns 
as  they  had  done  for  twenty-five  years,  to 
the  general  fatisfaction  of  the  people  who 
were  united  with  them  in  principles  and 
affection. 

This  affection  was  demonstrated  by  their      x  £6q# 
ready  concurrence  with  the  propofal  for  a      v-^-^> 
general  collection,,  for  the  purpofe  of  erect- 
ing a  new  brick  building  *  at  Harvard  col- 
lege, the  old  wooden  one  being  finall  and 
decayed.    The  town  of  Portfmouth,  which 
was  now  become  the  richeft,  made  a  fub- 
icription  of  fixty  pounds  per  annum  for 
feven  years  ;   and  after  five  years  paffed  a 
town  vote  to  carry  this  engagement  into    IIarvard 
effect.     Dover  gave  thirty-two,  and  Ex-    CoL  Rec- 
eter  ten  pounds   for  the  fame   laudable 
purpofe. 

The  people  of  Portfmouth,  having  for  1671. 
fome  time  employed  Jolhua  Moody  as  a  v-"V^ 
preacher  among  them,  and  erected  a  new 

meeting- 

•  This  building  was  created  in  1672,   and  confumed  by  fire  in 
1764. 


u8  HISTORY     OF 

1666.     meeting-houfe,  proceeded  to  fettle  him  in 
^-^^     regular  order.   A  church  confirming  of  nine 
portf.chh.    brethren  f  was  firft  gathered ;   then,  the 
Records.       general  court  having  been  duly  informed 
of  it,  and  having  fignilied  their  approba- 
tion, according  to  the  eftablifhed  practice, 
Moody  was  ordained  in  the  prefence  of 
Governor  Leverett  and  feveral  of  the  ma- 
giitrates. 
1 67 a.  ^e  wno^e  attention  of  the  government 

k^^j  in  England  being  at  this  time  taken  up 
with  things  that  more  immediately  con-* 
cerned  themfelves,  nothing  of  moment  re- 
lating to  Mafon's  intere/l  was  tranfacted. 
He  became  difcouraged,  and  joined  with 
the  heirs  of  Gorges  in  propofing  an  alie- 
nation of  their  respective  rights  in  the  pro- 
vinces of  New-Hampfhire  and  Maine  to 
the  crown,  to  make  a  government  for  the 
Duke  of  Monmouth.  The  duke  himfelf 
was  greatly  pleafed  with  the  fcheme,  as  he 
had  been  told  that  an  annual  revenue  of 
five  thoufand  pounds  or  more  might  be 
Hutch.  collected  from  thefe  provinces.  But  by 
pf°papcrsn,  the  more  faithful  reprefentations  of  fome 
perfons  who  were  well  acquainted  with  the 
country,  he  was  induced  to  lay  afide  the 

project. 

f   "  Joflnia  Moody,  Samuel  Haynes, 

John  Cutts,  Jarr.es  Pendleton, 

Richard  Cutts,  John  Fletcher, 

Richard  Martyn,  John  Tucker." 
JLlias  Stileman,  . 


45l»  473. 


N  E  W-H  AMPSH1RE.  119 

project.  Many  complaints  were  made  a-  1674. 
gainft  the  government  of  MafTachufetts  ;  v^rN- 
and  it  was  thought  to  be  highly  expedi- 
ent that  more  fevcre  meafures  fhould  be 
ufed  with  them  ;  but  the  Dutch  wars,  and 
other  foreign  tranfactions,  prevented  any 
determination  concerning  them,  till  the 
country  was  involved  in  all  the  horrors  of 
2  general  war  with  the  natives. 


CHAP. 


i2o  HISTORY     OF 


CHAP.      V. 

Remarks  on  the  temper  and  manners  of  the 
Indians.  The  jirji  general  zvar  ivith 
them  called  Philips s  ivar. 


Voyage. 


A 


T  the  time  of  the  firft  difcovery  of 
the  river  Pafcataqua  by  Captain 
Smith,  it  was  found  that  the  native  inha- 
bitants of  thefe  parts  differed  not  in  lan- 
guage, manners,  nor  government,  from 
their  eaftern  or  weftern  neighbours.Though 
they  were  divided  into  feveral  tribes,  each 
of  which  had  a  diftincl  fachem,  yet  they 
all  owned  fubjecnon  to  a  fovereign  prince, 
called  Bamaba,  whofe  refidence  was  fome- 
where  about  Pemaquid.  It  was  foon  after 
found  that  the  Tarratenes,  wTho  lived  far- 
ther eaftward,  had  invaded  his  country, 
furprized  and  flain  him,  and  all  the  people 
in  his  neighbourhood,  and  carried  off  his 
women,  leaving  no  traces  of  his  authority. 
Upon  which  the  fubordinate  fachems,  hav- 
ing no  head  to  unite  them,  and  each  one 
ftriving  for  the  pre-eminence,  made  war 
among  themfelves ;  whereby  many  of 
their  people,  and  much  of  their  provifion 
Gorges's  were  deftroyed.  When  Sir  Richard  Haw- 
kins vifited  the  coaftin  1615,  this  war  was 

at 


Narrat.  p. 

ij.  54 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE.  121 

at  its  height ;  and  to  this  fucceeded  a  pe- 
ftilence,  which  carried  them  off  in  fuch 
numbers  that  the  living  were  not  able  to    Pl.-ince's 
bury  the  dead  ;  but  their  bones  remained    ^""a!s* 
at  the  places  of  their  habitations  for  feveral 
years.     During  this   peftilence,   Richard 
Vines  and  feveral  others,  whom  Sir  Fer- 
dinando  Gorges  had  hired,  at  a  great  ex- 
pence,  to  tarry  in  the  country  through  the 
winter,  lived  among  them  and  lodged  in 
their  cabbins,  without  receiving  the  leaft 
injury  in  their  health,   "  not  fo  much  as    Gor  es 
"  feeling  their  heads   to  ach  the  whole    p-»- 
"  time."     By  fuch  Angular  means  did  di- 
vine providence  prepare  the  way  for  the 
peaceable  entrance  of  the  Europeans  into 
this  land. 

When  the  firft  fettlements  were  made, 
the  remains  of  two  tribes  had  their  habi- 
tations on  the  feveral  branches  of  the  river 
Pafcataqua  ;  one  of  their  fachems  lived  at 
the  falls  of  Squamfcot,  and  the  other  at 
thofeof  Newichwannock;  their  head  quar- 
ters being  generally  feated  in  places  con- 
venient for  fiihing.  Both  thefe,  together 
with  leveral  inland  tribes,  who  refided  at 
Pantucket  and  Winnipifeogee,  acknow- 
ledged iubje&ion  to  Paffaconaway  the  great 
fagamore  of  Pannukog,  or  (as  it  is  com- 
monly pronounced)  Penacook.  He  excel- 
led 


122  HISTORY    OF 

led  the  other  fachems  in  fagacity,  dupli- 
city and  moderation  ;  but  his  principal 
qualification  was  his  {kill  in  fome  of  the 
fecret  operations  of  nature,  which  gave 
him  the  reputation  of  a  forcerer,  and  ex- 
tended his  fame  and  influence  among  all 
the  neighbouring  tribes.  They  believed 
that  it  was  in  his  power  to  make  water 
burn,  and  trees  dance,  and  to  metamor- 
Hift.  Maff.  phofe  himfelf  into  flame  ;  that  in  winter 
474.. '  he  could  raife  a  green  leaf  from  the  afhes 
of  a  dry  one,  and  a  living  ferpent  from  the 
fkin  of  one  that  was  dead. 

An  Englifh  gentleman  who  had  been 
much  converfant  among  the  Indians  was 
invited,  in  1 660,  to  a  great  dance  and  feaft  j 
on  which  occafion  the  elderly  men,  in  fongs 
or  fpeeches  recite  their  hiftories,  and  deli- 
ver their  fentiments,  and  advice,  to  the 
younger.  At  this  folemnity  Paffaconaway, 
being  grown  old,  made  his  farewell  fpeech 
to  his  children  and  people  ;  in  which,  as 
a  dying  man,  he  warned  them  to  take  heed 
how  they  quarrelled  with  their  Englifh 
neighbours ;  for  though  they  might  do 
them  fome  damage,  yet  it  would  prove 
the  means  of  their  own  deftruction. 
He  told  them  that  he  had  been  a  bitter 
enemy  to  the  Englifh,  and  by  the  arts  of 
forcery    had  tried  his  utmoft   to   hinder 

their 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE.  123 

their  fettlement  and  increafe;  but  could  by 
no  means  fucceed.     This  caution  perhaps 
often  repeated,  had  fuch  an  effect,  that 
upon  the  breaking  out  of  the  Indian  war 
fifteen  years  afterward,  Wonolanfet,   his    HnM>ard*i 
fon  and  fucceflbr,  withdrew  himfelf  and    Narrative. 
his  people  into  fome  remote   place,  that    P  ' 
they  might  not  be  drawn  into  the  quarrel. 
While  the  Britifh  nations  had  been  de- 
tracted with  internal  convulfions,  and  had 
endured  the  horrors  of  a  civil  war,    pro- 
duced by  the  fame  caufes  which  forced  the 
planters  of  New-England  to  quit  the  land 
of  their  nativity;  this  wildernefs  had  been 
to   them  a  quiet  habitation.     They   had 
ftruggled  with  many  hardfhips;  but  pro- 
vidence had  fmiled  upon  their  undertak- 
ing, their  fettlements  were  extended  and 
their  churches  multiplied.  There  had  been 
no  remarkable  quarrel  with  the  favages, 
except  the  fhort  war  with  the  Pequods, 
who  dwelt  in  the  fouth-caft  part  of  Con- 
necticut:   They  being  totally  fubdued  in 
1637,  tne  dread  and  terror  of  the  En^lifh 
kept  the  other  nations  quiet  for  near  forty 
years.     During    which   time   the    New- 
England  colonies  being  confederated   for 
their  mutual  defence,  and  for  maintaining 
the  public  peace,  took  great  pains  to  pro- 
pagate the  gofpel  among  the  natives,  and 

bring 


124  HISTORY    OF 

bring  them  to  a  civilized  way  of  living, 
which,  with  refpect  to  fome,  proved  ef- 
fectual ;  others  refufed  to  receive  the  mif- 
fionaries,  and  remained  obftinately  preju- 
'  diced  againft  the  Englifh.  Yet  the  object 
of  their  hatred  was  at  the  fame  time  the 
object  of  their  fear;  which  led  them  to 
forbear  acts  of  hoftility,  and  to  preferve 
an  outward  fhew  of  friendfhip,  to  their 
mutual  intereft. 

Our  hiftorianshave  generally  reprefent- 
ed  the  Indians  in  a  moft  odious  light, 
efpecially  when  recounting  the  effects  of 
their  ferocity.  Dogs,  caitiffs,  mifcreants 
and  hell-hounds,  are  the  politell  names 
which  have  been  given  them  by  fome  wri- 
ters, who  feem  to  be  in  a  paffion  at  the 
Hubbard's  mentioning  their  cruelties,  and  at  other 
anT  y  times  fpeakofthem  with  contempt.  What- 
Magnaiil.  ever  indulgence  may  be  allowed  to  thofe 
who  wrote  in  times  when  the  mind  was 
vexed  with  their  recent  depredations  and 
inhumanities,  it  ill  becomes  us  to  cherifh 
an  inveterate  hatred  of  the  unhappy  na- 
tives. Religion  teaches  us  a  better  tem- 
per, and  providence  has  now  put  an  end 
to  the  controverfy,  by  their  almoft  total 
extirpation.  We  mould  therefore  proceed 
with  calmnefs  in  recollecting  their  paft  in- 
juries, and  forming  our  judgment  of  their 
character.  It 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE.  1 25 

It  muft  be  acknowledged  that  human 
depravity  appeared  in  thefe  unhappy  crea- 
tures in  a  moft  {hocking  view.  The  prin- 
ciples of  education  and  the  refinements  of 
civilized  life,  either  lay  a  check  upon  our 
vicious  propenfities,  or  difguife  our  crimes ; 
but  among  them  human  wickednels  was 
feen  in  its  naked  deformity.  Yet,  bad  as 
they  were,  it  will  be  difficult  to  find  them 
guilty  of  any  crime  which  cannot  be  pa- 
ralleled among  civilized  nations. 

They  are  always  defcribed  as  remarka- 
bly cruel;  and  it  cannot  be  denied  that 
this  difpofition  indulged  to  the  greateft  ex- 
cefs,  ftrongly  marks  their  character.  We 
are  (truck  with  horror,  when  we  hear  of 
their  binding  the  victim  to  the  (lake,  biting 
off  his  nails,  tearing  out  his  hair  by  the 
roots,  pulling  out  his  tongue,  boring  out 
his  eyes,  (ticking  his  (kin  full  of  lighted 
pitch-wood,  half  roaftin^  him  at  the  fire, 
and  then  making  him  run  for  their  diver- 
fion,  till  he  faints  and  dies  under  the 
blows  which  they  give  him  on  every  part 
of  his  body,  But  is  it  not  as  dreadful  to 
read  of  an  unhappy  wretch,  fewed  up  in 
a  fackfull  of  ferpents  and  thrown  into  the 
fea,  or  broiled  in  a  red  hot  iron  chair;  or 
mangled  by  lions  and  tygers  after  having 
fpent  his  (trength  to  combat  them  for  the  di- 

verfioa 


t*6  HISTORY     OF 

verfion  of  the  fpectators  in  an  amphithea-* 
tre?  and  yet  thefe  were  punifhments  a- 
mong  the  Romans  in  the  politeft  ages  of 
the  empire.  What  greater  cruelty  is  there 
in  the  American  tortures,  than  in  confining 
a  man  in  a  trough,  and  daubing  him  with 
honey  that  he  may  be  flung  to  death  by 
wafps  and  other  venomous  infects ;  or  flea- 
ing  him  alive  and  ftretching  out  his  fkin 
before  his  eyes,  which  modes  of  punifh- 
ment  were  not  inconfiftent  with  the  foft- 
nefs  and  elegance  of  the  ancient  court  of 
Perfia  ?  or,  to  come  down  to  modern  times ; 
what  greater  mifery  can  there  be  in  the 
Indian  executions,  than  in  racking  a  pri- 
foner  on  a  wheel,  and  breaking  his  bones 
one  by  one  with  an  iron  bar;  or  placing 
his  legs  in  a  boot  and  driving  in  wedges 
one  after  another;  which  tortures  are  ftill, 
or  have  till  lately  been  ufed  in  fbme  Euro- 
pean kingdoms?  I  forbear  to  name  the 
torments  of  the  inquifition,  becaufe  they 
feem  to  be  beyond  the  ftretch  of  human  in- 
vention. If  civilized  nations,  and  thofe 
who  profefs  the  moft  merciful  religion 
that  ever  bleffed  the  world,  have  practifed 
thefe  cruelties,  what  could  be  expected  of 
men  who  were  ftrangers  to  every  degree 
of  refinement  either  civil  or  mental  ? 
The  Indians  have  been  reprefented  as 

revengeful. 


Rutnbcri 

ch.  3 j.  t. 


n-jmy  cl>. 

19.  v.  ii. 


N  E  W-H  AMPSH1RE.  127 

revengeful.  When  any  perfon  was  killed, 
the  neareft  relative  thought  himfelf  bound 
to  be  the  avenger  of  blood,  and  never  left 
feeking,  till  he  found  an  opportunity  to 
execute  his  purpofe.  Whether  in  a  ftate, 
where  government  is  confefTedly  fo  feeble 
as  among  them,  fuch  a  conduct  is  not  juf-  Ixutero- 
tifiable,  and  even  countenanced  by  the 
Jewifh  law  may  defer  ve  our  confideration. 

The  treachery  with  which  thefe  people 
are  juftly  charged,  is  exactly  the  fame  dif- 
pofition  which  operates  in  the  breach  of 
folemn  treaties  made  between  nations 
which  call  themf  Ives  chriftian.  Can  it  be 
more  criminal  in  an  Indian,  than  in  an 
European,  not  to  think  himfelf  bound  by 
promifes  and  oaths  extorted  from  him 
when  under  durefs  ? 

Their  jealoufy  and  hatred  of  their  En- 
glifh  neighbours  may  eafily  be  accounted 
for,  if  we  allow  them  to  have  the  fame 
feelings  with  ourfelves.  How  natural  is 
it  for  us  to  form  a  difagreeable  idea  of  a 
whole  nation,  from  the  bad  conduct:  of 
fome  individuals  with  whom  we  are  ac- 
quainted? and  though  others  of  them  may 
be  of  a  different  character,  yet  will  not 
that  prudence  which  is  efteemed  a  virtue, 
lead  us  to  fufpect  the  faireft  appearances, 

as 


128  HISTORY    OF 

as  ufed  to  cover  the  molt  fraudulent  de- 
figns,  efpecially  if  pains  are  taken  by  the 
moft  politic  among  us,  to  foment  fuch 
jealoufies  to  fubferve  their  own  ambitious 
purpofes  ? 

Though  the  greater  part  of  the  Englifh 
fettlers  came  hither  with  religious  views, 
and  fairly  purchaled  their  lands  of  the  In- 
dians, yet  it  cannot  be  denied  that  fome, 
efpecially  in  the  eaftern  parts  of  New- 
England,  had  lucrative  views  only  ;  and 
from  the  beginning  ufed  fraudulent  me- 
thods in  trade  with  them.  Such  things 
were  indeed  difallowed  by  the  government, 
and  would  always  have  been  punifhed  if 
the  Indians  had  made  complaint :  but  they 
knew  only  the  law  of  retaliation,  and 
when  an  injury  was  received,  it  was  never 
forgotten  till  revenged.  Encroachments 
made  on  their  lands,  and  fraud  committed 
in  trade,  afforded  fufficient  grounds  for  a 
quarrel,  though  at  ever  fo  great  a  length 
of  time ;  and  kept  alive  a  perpetual  jea-* 
loufy  of  the  like  treatment  again*. 

Such 


*  Monf.  flu  Pratz  gives,  nearly  the  fame  account  of  the  Indians 
on  the  MifilMippi.  "  There  needs  nothing  but  prudence  and  good 
"  fenfe  to  perfuade  thefe  people  to  what  is  reasonable,  and  to  prc- 
••  ferve  their  friendfhip  without  interruption.  We  may  fafely  affirm, 
"  that  the  differences  we  have  had  with  them  have  heen  more  ow-> 
"  ing  to  the  French  than  to  them.  When  they  are  treated  info- 
"  lently,  or  oppreffively,  they  have  no  lefs  fenfibility  of  injuries 
"  than  others."  Hiftory  of  Louifiana,  lib.  4.  cap.  3« 


N  E  W-H  AMPSH1RE.  129 

Such  was  the  temper  of  the  Indians  of  1675. 
New-England  when  the  firft  general  war  ^ 
began.  It  was  thought  by  the  Englifh  in 
that  day,  that  Philip,  fachem  of  the  Wom- 
panoags,  a  crafty  and  afpiring  man,  part- 
ly by  intrigue,and  partly  by  example,excit- 
ed  them  to  fuch  a  general  combination.  He 
was  the  fon  of  MaHailbietjthe  nearer!  fachem 
to  the  colony  of  Plymouth,  with  whom  he 
had  concluded  a  peace,which  he  maintained 
more  through  fear  than  good  will,  as  long 
as  he  lived.  His  fon  and  immediate  fuc- 
ceiTor  Alexander,  preferved  the  fame  ex- 
ternal fhew  of  friendship;  but  died  with 
choler  on  being  detected  in  a  plot  againft 
them.  Philip,  it  is  laid,  diifembled  his 
hoftile  pupoies ;  he  was  ready,  on  every 
fufpicion  of  his  infidelity,  to  renew  his 
fubmiffion,  and  tellify  it  even  by  the  de- 
livery of  his  arms,  till  he  had  fecretly  in- 
fufed  a  cruel  jealoufy  into  many  of  the 
neighbouring  Indians ;  which  excited  them 
to  attempt  the  recovering  their  country  by 
extirpating  the  new  poffelfors.  The  plot, 
it  is  faid,  was  difcovered  before  it  was  ripe 
for  execution;  and  a9  he  could  no  longer 
promifehimfelf  fecurity  under  the  mafk  of 
friendfliip,  he  was  conltrained  to  fhew  him- 
felf  in  his  true  character,  and  accordingly 
began  hollilities  upon  the  plantation  of 
K  Swanzy, 


130  HISTORY    OF 

1675.     Swanzy,  in  the  colony  of  Plymouth,  in 

^^^^      the  month  of  June  167?. 

Notwithstanding  this  general  opinion, 
it  may  admit  of  fome  doubt,  whether  a 
fingle  fachem,  whole  authority  was  limit- 
ed, could  have  fuch  an  extenfive  influence 
over  tribes  fo  remote  and  unconnected  with 
him  as  the  eaftern  Indians;  much  more 
improbable  is  it,  that  thofe  in  Virginia 
mould  have  joined  in  the  confederacy,  as 


Hubbard's 


Narrative,     it  hath  been  intimated.     The  Indians  ne- 


p.  ia. 


ver  travelled  to  any  greater  diftance  than 
their  hunting  required;  and  fo  ignorant 
were  they  of  the  geography  of  their  coun- 
Neai's  fry,  that  they  imagined  New-England 
voi.i.p  ii.  to  be  an  ifland,  and  could  tell  the  name  of 
an  inlet  or  ftreight  by  which  they  fup- 
pofed  it  was  feparated  from  the  main  land. 
But  what  renders  it  more  improbable  that 
Philip  was  fo  active  an  inftrument  in  ex- 
citing this  war,  is  the  conftant  tradition 
among  the  pofterity  of  thofe  people  who 
lived  near  him,  and  were  familiarly  con- 
verfant  with  him,  and  with  thofe  of  his 
Indians  who  furvived  the  war:  which  is, 
that  he  was  forced  on  by  the  fury  of  his 
young  men,  forely  againft  his  own  judg- 
ment and  that  of  his  chief  counfellors;  and 
that  as  he  forefaw  that  the  Englifh  would, 

in 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE,  i 


.? 


V/VNJ 


in  time,  eftablim  themfelves  and  extirpate  1675. 
the  Indians,  fo  he  thought  that  the  mak- 
ing war  upon  them  would  only  haften  the 
deftruction  of  his  own  people.  It  was  al- 
ways a  very  common,  and  fomcthnes  a 
juft  excufewith  the  Indians,  when  charg- 
ed with  breach  of  faith,  that  the  old  men 
were  not  able  to  rcftrain  the  younger  from 
fighalizitlg  their  valour,  and  gratifying 
their  revenge,  though  they  difapproved 
their  rafhnefs.  This  want  of  reftraint  was 
owing  to  the  weaknels  of  their  govern- 
ment; their  fachems  having  but  the  fha- 
dow  of  magiitratical  authority. 

The  inhabitants  of  Briftol  (hew  a  parti* 
cular  ipot  where  Philip  received  the  news 
of  the  iirft  Englishmen  that  were  killed, 
with  (a  much  forrow  as  to  caufe  him  to 
weep;  a  few  days  before  which  he  had 
refcued  one  who  had  been  taken  by  his 
Indians,  and  privately  fent  him  home. 
Whatever  credit  may  be  given  to  this  ac- 
count, fo  different  from  the  current  opi- 
nion, it  muft  be  owned,  that  in  fuch  a  fea- 
fon  of  general  confuiiori  as  the  fir  ft  war 
occafioned,  fear  and  jealoufy  might  create 
many  fufpicions,  which  would  fboii  be 
formed  into  reports  of  a  general  confede- 
racy, through  Philip's  contrivance;  and 
it  is  to  be  noted  that  the  principal  hiilories 
K  2  of 


i< '  'j 

m,  p. 


132  HISTORY    OF 

1675.  of  this  war,  [Increafe  Mather's  and  Hub- 
r^^\  bard's]  were  printed  in  1676  and  1677, 
when  the  ftrangeft  reports  were  eafily  cre- 
dited, and  the  people  were  ready  to  be- 
lieve every  thing  that  was  bad  of  fo  formi- 
dable a  neighbour  as  Philip.  But  as  the 
fact  cannot  now  be  precifely  afcertained^ 
I  mall  detain  the  reader  no  longer  from 
the  real  caufes  of  the  war  in  thefe  eaftern 
parts. 

There  dwelled  near  the  river  Saco  a  fa- 
chem  named  Squando,  a  noted  enthufiaft, 
p.V^i'.  a  leader  in  the  devotions  of  their  religion, 
and  one  that  pretended  to  a  familiar  inter- 
courfe  with  the  invifible  world.  Thefe 
qualifications  rendered  him  a  perfon  of 
the  higheft  dignity,  importance  and  influ- 
ence among  all  the  eaftern  Indians.  His 
fquaw  paffing  along  the  river  in  a  canoe, 
with  her  infant  child,  was  met  by  fome 
rude  failors,  who  having  heard  that  the 
Indian  children  could  fwim  as  naturally  as 
the  young  of  the  brutal  kind,  inathought- 
lefs  and  unguarded  humour  overfet  the 
canoe.  The  child  funk,  and  the  mother 
inftantly  diving  fetched  it  up  alive,  but 
the  child  dying  foon  after,  its  death  was 
imputed  to  the  treatment  it  had  received 
from  the  feanien;  and  Squando  was  fo 
provoked  that  he  conceived  a  bitter  anti- 
pathy 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE.  133 

pathy  to  the  Englifh,  and  employed  his     1675. 
great  art  and  influence  to  excite  the  Indi-      w 
ans  againft  them.     Some   other   injuries 
were  alledged  as  the  ground  of  the  quarrel ;    J^"^ 
and,  confidering  the  interefted  views  and    55- 
irregular  lives  of  many  of  the  eaftern  fet- 
tlers,  their  diftance  from  the  feat  of  go- 
vernment, and  the  want  of  due  fubordi- 
nation  among   them,  it  is  not   improba- 
ble that  a  great  part  of  the  blame  of  the 
eaftern  war  belonged  to  them. 

The  firft  alarm  of  the  war  in  Plymouth 
colony  fpread  great  confternation  among 
the  diftant  Indians,  and  held  them  a  while 
in  fufpence  what  part  to  adt;  for  there  had 
been  a  long  external  friendihip  fubfifting 
between  them  and  the  Englifh,  and  they 
were  afraid  of  provoking  lb  powerful 
neighbours.  But  the  feeds  of  jealoufy  and 
hatred  had  been  fo  effectually  fown,  that 
the  crafty  and  revengeful,  and  thofe  who 
were  ambitious  of  doing  fome  exploits, 
foon  found  means  to  urge  them  on  to  an 
open  rupture ;  fo  that  within  twenty  days 
after  Philip  had  begun  the  war  at  the 
fouthward,   the   flame   broke  out  in   the         ,    , 

Hubbaisd, 

mod  northeaftcrly  part  of  the  country,  at    p-  li- 
the diftance  of  two  hundred  miles. 

The  Englifh  inhabitants  about  the  river 
Kennebeck,  hearing  of  the  iniurrection  in 

Plymouth 


134  HISTORY     OF 

1675.  Plymouth  colony,  determined  to  make 
trial  of  the  fidelity  of  their  Indian  neigh- 
bours, by  requefting  them  to  deliver  their 
arms.  They  made  a  fhew  of  compliance; 
but,  in  doing  it,  committed  an  act  of  vio- 
lence on  a  Frenchman,  who  lived  in  an 
Englifh  family;  which  being  judged  an 
offence,  both  by  the  Engliih  and  the  elder 
Indians,  the  offender  was  feized ;  but  up- 
on a  promife,  with  fecurity,  for  his  future 
good  behaviour,  his  life  was  fpared,  and 
fome  of  them  confented  to  remain  as  hof- 
tages;  who  foon  made  their  efcape,  and 
joined  with  their  fellows  in  robbing  the 
houfe  of  Purchas,  an  ancient  planter  at 
Pechypfcot. 

The  quarrel  being  thus  begun,  and 
their  natural  hatred  of  the  Englifh,  and 
jealoufy  of  their  defigns,  having  rifen 
to  a  great  height  under  the  malignant 
influence  of  Squando  and  other  leading 
men;  and  being  encouraged  by  the  ex- 
ample of  the  weflern  Indians,  who  were 
daily  making  depredations  on  the  colonies 
of  Plymouth,  and  MafTachuf etts ;  they 
took  every  opportunity  to  rob  and  murder 
the  people  in  the  fcattered  fettlements  of 
the  province  of  Maine;  and  having  dif- 
perfed  themfelves  into  many  fmall  parties, 
that  they  might  be  the  more  extenfively 

mifchievous, 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE.  IJJ 

mifchievous,  in  the  month  of  Septembef  1675. 
they  approached  the  plantations  at  Paf-  ^^^^ 
cataqua,  and  made  their  hrltonfet  at  Oyfter 
river  then  a  part  of  the  town  of  Dover, 
but  now  Durham.  Here  they  burned  two 
houfes  belonging  to  two  perfons  named 
Chelly,  killed  two  men  in  a  canoe,  and 
carried  away  two  captives;  both  of  whom  Hubbard, 
ioon  after  made  their  efcape.  About  the  '  '1; 
fame  time  a  party  of  four  laid  in  ambufh 
near  the  road  between  Exeter  and  Hamp- 
ton, where  they  killed  one,  and  took  an- 
other, who  made  his  efcape.  Within  a 
few  days  an  affault  was  made  on  the  houfe 
ofoneTozer  at  Newichwannock,  where- 
in were  fifteen  women  and  children,  all  of 
whom,  except  two,  were  faved  by  the  intre- 
pidity of  a  girl  of  eighteen.  S  he  iirii  feeing 
the  Indians  as  they  advanced  to  the  houfe, 
ihut  the  door  and  flood  againft  it,  till  the 
others  efcaped  to  the  next  houfe,  which  was 
better  fecured.  The  Indians  chopped  the 
door  to  pieces  with  their  hatchets,  and  then 
entering,  they  knocked  her  down,  and 
leaving  her  for  dead,  went  in  purfuit  of 
the  others,  of  whom  two  children,  who 
could  not  get  over  the  fence,  fell  into  their 
hands.  The  adventurous  heroine  reco- 
vered, and  was  perfectly  healed  of  her 
wound. 

The 


136 


Hubbard, 
f>.  22. 


HISTORY     OF 

The  two  following  days  they  made  fe-. 
veral  appearances  on  both  fides  of  the  ri-? 
ver,  ufing  much  infolence,  and  burning 
two  houfes  and  three  barns,  with  a  large 
quantity  of  grain.  Some  fhot  were  ex- 
chanced  without  effect,  and  apurfuit  was 
made  after  them  into  the  woods  by  eight 
men,  but  night  obliged  them  to  return 
without  fuccefs.  Five  or  fix  houfes  were 
burned  at  Oyfter  river,  and  two  more  men 
killed.  Thefe  daily  infults  could  not  be 
borne  without  indignation  and  reprifal. 
About  twenty  young  men,  chiefly  of  Do- 
ver, obtained  leave  of  Major  Waldron, 
then  commander  of  the  militia,  to  try  their 
{kill  and  courage  with  the  Indians  in  their 
own  way.  Having  fcattered  themfelves 
in  the  woods,  a  fmall  party  of  them  difco- 
vered  five  Indians  in  a  field  near  a  defert- 
ed  houfe,  fome  of  whom  were  gathering 
corn,  and  others  kindling  a  fire  to  roaft  it. 
The  men  were  at  fuch  a  diftance  from  their 
fellows  that  they  could  make  no  fignal  to 
them  without  danger  of  a  difcovery  ;  two 
of  them,  therefore,  crept  along  filently, 
near  to  the  houfe,  from  whence  they  fud- 
denly  rufhed  upon  thofe  two  Indians,  who 
were  hufy  at  the  fire,  and  knocked  them 
down  with  the  butts  of  their  guns ;  the 
other  three  took  the  alarm  and  efcaped. 

All, 


N  E  W~H  AMPSHIRE.  137 

All  the  plantations  at  Pafcataqua,  with  1675. 
the  whole  eaftern  country,  were  now  filled 
with  fear  and  confufion  :  Bufinefs  was 
fuipended,  and  every  man  was  obliged  to 
provide  for  his  own  and  his  family's  fafe- 
ty.  The  only  way  was  to  defer t  their  ha- 
bitations, and  retire  together  within  the 
larger  and  more  convenient  houfes,  which 
they  fortified  with  a  timber  wall  and  flank- 
arts,  placing  a  centry-box  on  the  roof. 
Thus  the  labour  of  the  field  was  exchang- 
ed for  the  duty  of  the  garrifon,  and  they 
who  had  long  lived  in  peace  and  fecurity 
were  upon  their  guard  night  and  day,  fub- 
jecl:  to  continual  alarms,  and  the  moil  fear- 
ful apprehenfions. 

The  ieventh  of  October  was  obferved 
as  a  day  of  failing  and  prayer  ;  and  on  the 
fixteenth  the  enemy  made  an  ailault  upon 
the  inhabitants  at  Salmon  falls,  in  Berwick. 
Lieutenant  Roger  Plaifted,  being  a  man  of 
true  courage  and  of  a  public  fpirit,  imme- 
diately fent  out  a  party  of  feven  from  his 
garrifon  to  make  diicovery.  They  fell 
into  an  ambufh  ;  three  were  killed,  and 
the  reft  retreated.  The  Lieutenant  then 
difpatched  an  exprefs  to  Major  Waldron 
and  Lieutenant  CofHn  at  Cochecho,  beg- 
ging moft  importunately  for  help,  which 
fhey  were  in  no  capacity  to  afford,  con- 

fiftently 


138  HISTORY     OF 

1 6J5.     iiftently  with  their  own  fafety.     The  next 


wv/ 


Hubbard, 

r-  24. 


day  Plaifted  ventured  out  with  twenty  men, 
and  a  cart  to  fetch  the  dead  bodies  of  their 
friends,  and  unhappily  fell  into  another 
ambufh.  The  cattle  affrighted  ran  back, 
and  Plaifted  being  deferted  by  his  men, 
and  difdaining  either  to  yield  or  fly,  was 
killed  on  the  fpot,  with  his  eldeft  fon  and 
one  more;  his  other  fon  died  of  his  wound 
in  a  few  weeks.  Had  the  heroifm  of  this 
worthy  family  been  imitated  by  the  reft 
of  the  party,  and  a  reinforcement  arrived 
in  feafon,  the  enemy  might  have  received 
fuch  a  fevere  check  as  would  have  prevent- 
ed them  from  appearing  in  final]  parties. 
The  gallant  behaviour  of  Plaifted,  though 
fatal  to  himfelf  and  his  fons,  had  this  good 
effect,  that  the  enemy  retreated  to  the 
woods ;  and  the  next  day  Captain  Froft 
came  up  with  a  party  from  Sturgeon  creek, 
and  peaceably  buried  the  dead  :  But  be- 
fore the  month  had  expired  a  mill  was 
burned  there,  and  an  affault  made  on  Froft's 
garrifon,  who  though  he  had  only  three 
boys  with  him,  kept  up  a  conftant  fire,  and 
called  aloud  as  if  he  were  commanding  a 
body  of  men,  to  march  here  and  fire  there : 
theftratagem  fucceeded,  and  the  houfe  was 
faved.  The  enemy  then  proceeded  down 
the  river,  killing  and  plundering  as  they 

found 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE.  139 

found  people  oft  their  guard,  till  they  came  1 675. 
oppofite  to  Portfmouth ;  from  whence  fome  ^^^ 
cannon  being  fired  they  difperfed,  and  were 
purlued  by  the  help  of  a  light  fnow  which 
fell  in  the  night,  and  were  overtaken  by 
the  fide  of  a  fwamp,  into  which  they  threw 
themfelves,  leaving  their  packs  and  plun- 
der to  the  purfuers.  They  foon  after  did 
more  mifchief  at  Dover,  Lamprey  river 
and  Exeter ;  and  with  thefe  fmall,  but  ir- 
ritating aflaults  and  fkirmhhes,  the  autumn 
was  ipent  until  the  end  of  November  ; 
when  the  number  of  people  killed  and 
taken  from  Kennebeck  to  Pafcataqua  a- 
mounted  to  upwards  of  fifty. 

The  Maffachuictts  government  being 
fully  employed  in  defending  the  fouthern 
and  weftern  parts,  could  not  feafonably 
lend  fuccours  to  the  eaftward.  Major 
General  Denifon,  who  commanded  the  mi- 
litia of  the  colony,  had  ordered  the  majors 
who  commanded  the  regiments  on  this 
fide  of  the  country,  to  draw  out  a  fufficient 
number  of  men  to  reduce  the  enemy,  by 
attacking  them  at  their  retreat  to  their 
head-quarters  at  OiTapy  and  Pigwacket. 
But  the  winter  letting  in  early  and  fiercely, 
and  the  men  being  unprovided  with  rack- 
ets to  travel  on  the  fnow,  which  by  the 
tenth  of  December  was  four  feet  deep  in 

the 


140  HISTORY    Otf 

1 675.  the  woods,  it  was  impoflible  to  execute  the 
l-rVN;  defign.  This  peculiar  feverity  of  the  fea- 
fon  however  proved  favourable.  The  In- 
dians were  pinched  with  famine,  and  hav- 
ing loft  by  their  own  confeflion  about 
ninety  of  their  number,  partly  by  the  war, 
and  partly  for  want  of  food,  they  were  re- 
duced to  the  neceflity  of  fuing  for  peace. 
With  this  view  they  came  to  Major  Wal- 
dron,  expreffing  great  forrow  for  what  had 
been  done,  and  promifing  to  be  quiet  and 
fubmiflive.  By  his  mediation  a  peace  was 
concluded  with  the  whole  body  of  eaftern 
Indians,  which  continued  till  the  next  Au- 
guft;  and  might  have  continued  longer, 
if  the  inhabitants  of  the  eaftern  parts  had 
not  been  too  intent  on  private  gain,  and 
of  a  difpofition  too  ungovernable  to  be  a 
barrier  againft  an  enemy  fo  irritable  and 
vindictive.  The  reftoration  of  the  captives 
made  the  peace  more  pleafant :  A  return 
from  the  dead  could  not  be  more  welcome 
than  a  deliverance  from  Indian  captivity. 
The  war  at  the  fouthward,  though  re- 
newed in  the  fpring,  drew  toward  a  clofe. 
Philip's  affairs  were  defperate ;  many  of 
his  allies  and  dependents  forfook  him ; 
,     . ,       and  in  the  month  of  Auguft  he  was  (lain 

Church  s  •  r 

Memoirs,      by  a  party  under  Captain  Church.    Thofe 
p' 44'         weftern  Indians  who  had  been  engaged  in 

the 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE.  i4x 

the  war,  now  fearing  a  total  extirpation,  1676. 
endeavoured  to  conceal  themfelves  among 
their  brethren  of  Penacook  who  had  not 
joined  in  the  war,  and  with  thofe  of  Oflapy 
and  Pigwacket  who  had  made  peace.  But 
they  could  not  fo  difguife  themfelves  or 
their  behaviour  as  to  efcape  the  difcern- 
ment  of  thofe  who  had  been  converfant 
with  Indians.  Several  of  them  were  taken 
at  different  times  and  delivered  up  to  pub- 
lic execution.  Three  of  them,  Simon, 
Andrew  and  Peter,  who  had  been  concern- 
ed in  killing  Thomas  Kimbal  of  Bradford, 
and  captivating  his  family,  did,  within  fix 
weeks  voluntarily  reitore  the  woman  and 
five  children.  It  being  doubted  whether 
this  act  of  fubmiilion  was  a  fufficient  atone- 
ment for  the  murder,  they  were  commit- 
ted to  Dover  prifon  till  their  cafe  could  be 
confidered.  Fearing  that  this  confinement 
was  a  prelude  to  farther  punifhment,  they 
broke  out  of  prifon,  and  going  to  the  east- 
ward, joined  with  the  Indians  of  Kenne- 
beck  and  Amorifcogin  in  thofe  depieda- 
tions  which  they  renewed  on  the  inhabi- 
tants of  thofe  parts,  in  Auguft,  and  were 
afterward  active  in  diftreffing  the  people 
at  Pafcataqua. 

This  renewal  of  hoftilities  occafioned  the 
fending  of  two  companies  to  the  eaftward 

under 


i4*  HISTORY    Of 

1676.  under  Captain  Jofeph  Syll,  and  Captain 
v-^^'  William  Hawthorne.  In  the  courfe  of 
their  march  they  came  to  Cochecho,  on 
the  fixth  of  September,  where  four  hun- 
dred mixed  Indians  were  met  at  the  houfe 
of  Major  Waldron,  with  whom  they  had 
made  the  peace,  and  whom  they  confider- 
ed  as  their  friend  and  father.  The  two 
captains  would  have  fallen  upon  them  at 
%ortce,  having  it  in  their  orders  to  feize  all 
Indians,  who  had  been  concerned  in  the 
war.  The  major  diffuaded  them  from  that 
purpofe,  and  contrived  the  following  ftra- 
tagem.  He  propofed  to  the  Indians,  to 
have  a  training  the  next  day,  and  a  mam 
fight  after  the  Englifh  mode ;  and  fum- 
moning  his  own  men,  with  thofe  under 
Captain  Froft  of  Kittery,  they,  in  conjunc- 
tion with  the  two  companies,  formed  one 
party,  and  the  Indians  another.  Having 
diverted  them  a  while  in  this  manner,  and 
caufed  the  Indians  to  fire  the  firft  volley ; 
by  a  peculiar  dexterity,  the  whole  body 
of  them  (except  two  or  three)  were  fur- 
rounded,  before  they  could  form  a  fufpi- 
cion  of  what  waa  intended.  They  were 
immediately  feized  and  difarmed,  without 
the  lofs  of  a  man  on  either  fide.  A  fepa- 
ration  was  then  made  :  Wonolanfet,  with 
the  Penacook  Indians,  and  others  who 

had 


N  E  W-H  AMPSH1RE.  143 

had  joined  in  making  peace  the  winter  be-  1 I 676. 
fore,  were   peaceably  di (miffed  ;  but  the    ^r^J 
ftrange  Indians,  (as  they  were  called)  who  (^ 
had  fled  from  the  ibuthward  and  taken  re- 
fuge among  them,  were  made  prilbners,    X 
to  the  number  of  two  hundred ;  and  being  ^  ^ 
fent  to  Bofton,   feven  or  eight  of  them,    \ 
who  were  known  to  have  killed  any  Eng- 
lifhmen,  were  condemned  and  hanged  ;  . 
the  reft  were  fold  into  flavery  in  foreign  • 
parts. 

This  action  was  highly  applauded  by 
the  general  voice  of  the  colony ;  as  it  gave 
them  opportunity  to  deal  with  their  ene- 
mies in  a  judicial  way,  as  rebels,  and,  as 
they  imagined,  to  extirpate  thofe  trouble- 
fome  neighbours.  The  remaining  Indi- 
ans, however,  looked  upon  the  conduct  of 
Major  Waldron  as  a  breach  of  faith ;  inaf- 
much  as  they  had  taken  thofe  fugitive  In- 
dians under  their  protection,  and  had  made 
peace  with  him,  which  had  been  ftrictly 
obferved  with  regard  to  him  and  his 
neighbours,  though  it  had  been  broken 
elfewhere.  The  Indians  had  no  idea  of 
the  fame  government  being  extended  very 
far,  and  thought  they  mijht  make  peace 
in  one  place,  and  war  in  another,  without 
any  imputation  of  infidelity ;  but  a  breach 
of  hofpitality  andfriendihip,  as  they  deem- 
ed 


144  HISTORY    OF 

1 676.  ed  this  to  be,  merited,  according  to  their1 
v>orv*  principles,  afevere  revenge,  and  was  never 
to  be  forgotten  or  forgiven.  The  major's 
fituation  on  this  occafion  was  indeed  ex- 
tremely critical;  and  he  could  not  have 
acted  cither  way  without  blame.  It  is 
faid  that  his  own  judgment  was  againit 
any  forcible  meafure,  as  he  knew  that 
many  of  thofe  Indians  were  true  friends 
*  to  the  colony;  and  that  in  cafe  of  failure 
he  fhould  expofe  the  country  to  their  re- 
fentment;  but  had  he  not  affifted  the  forces 
in  the  execution  of  their  commiffion,  (which 
was  to  feize  all  Indians  who  had  been  con- 
cerned with  Philip  in  the  war)  he  mull  have 
fallen  under  cenfure,  and  been  deemed 
acceflary,  by  his  neglect,  to  the  mifchiefs 
which  might  afterward  have  been  perpe- 
trated by  them.  In  this  dilemma  he  finally 
determined  to  comply  with  the  orders  and 
expectations  of  government;  imagining 
that  he  fhould  be  able  to  fatisfy  thofe  of 
the  Indians  whom  he  intended  to  diiinifs* 
and  that  the  others  would  be  removed  out 
of  the  way  of  doing  any  further  mif- 
chief;  but  he  had  no  fufpicion  that  hei  was 
laying  a  fnare  for  his  own  life.  It  was 
unhappy  for  him,  that  he  was  obliged  in 
deference  to  the  laws  of  his  country,  and 
the  orders  of  government,  to  give  offence 

to 


N  E  W-HA  MPSHIRE.  145 

to  a  people  who,  having  no  public  judica-  '  1676. 
tories  and  penal  laws  among  themfelves, 
were  unable  to  diitinguim  between  a  legal 
punimmcnt  and  private  malice*. 

Two  days  after  this  furpriial  the  forces 
proceeded  on  their  route  to  the  eaftward, 
bcim*  joined  with  feme  of  Waldron's  and 
•Froft's  men  ;  and  taking  with  them  Ulind 
Will,  a  fagamore  of  the  Indians  who  lived 
about  Cochecho,  and  eight  of  his  people 
for  pilots.  The  eaftern  fettlements  were 
all  either  destroyed  or  deferted,  and  no 
enemy  was  to  be  feen  ;  fo  that  the  expe- 
dition proved  fruitlefs,  and  the  companies 
returned  to  Pafcataqua. 

It  was  then  thought  advifcablc,  that  they 
fliould  march  up  toward  the  Oilapy  ponds ; 
where  the  Indians  had  a  ftrong  fort  of 
timber  fourteen  feet  high,  with  flankarts  ; 
which  they  had  a  few  years  before  hired 
fome  Engliih  carpenters  to  build  for  them, 
as  a  defence  againft  the  Mohawks,  of  whom 
they  were  always  afraid.  It  was  thought 
that  if  the  Indians  could  be  furprized  on 
their  firft  return  to  their  head-quarters,  at 
L  the 

*  The  above  account  of  the  feizure  of  the  Indians  isgiven  front 
the  molt  authentic  and  credible  tradition  that  could  he  obtained 
within  the  lafl  fixteen  years,  from  the  pofterity  of  thofe  pcrfons 
who  were  concerned  in  the  affair.  It  is  hut  juft  mentioned  by 
Hubhard  and  Mather,  and  not  in  connexion  with  its  confequences. 
Ncal,  for  want  of  better  information,  has  given  a  wrong  turn  to  the 
relation,  and  fo  has  Wynne  who  copies  from  him.  Hutchinfort 
lias  not  mentioned  it  at  all. 


146  HISTORY    OF 

1676.  the  beginning  of  winter,  fomeconfiderable 
Vw">^  advantage  might  be  gained  againft  them  ; 
or  if  they  had  not  arrived  there,  that  the 
provifions,  which  they  had  laid  in  for  their 
winter  fubfiftence,  might  be  deftroyed. 
Accordingly,  the  companies  being  well 
provided  for  a  march  at  that  feafon,  fet  off 
on  the  firft  of  November.;  and  after  tra- 
velling four  days  through  a  rugged,  moun- 
tainous wildernefs,  and  crofhng  feveral 
rivers,  they  arrived  at  the  fpot ;  but  found 
the  fort  and  adjacent  places  entirely  de- 
ferted,  and  faw  not  an  Indian  in  all  the 
way.  Thinking  it  needlefs  for  the  whole 
body  to  go  further,  the  weather  being  fe- 
vere,  and  the  fnow  deep,  a  (elect  party  was 
detached  eighteen  or  twenty  miles  above  ; 
who  difcovered  nothing  but  frozen  ponds, 
and  fnowy  mountains  ;  and  fuppofing  the 
Indians  had  taken  up  their  winter  quarters 
nearer  the  fea,  they  returned  to  Newich- 
wannock,  within  nine  days  from  their  firft 
departure. 

They  had  been  prompted  to  undertake 
this  expedition  by  the  falfe  accounts  brought 
by  Mogg,  an  Indian  of  Penobfcot,  who  had 
come  in  to  Pafcataqua,  with  a  propofal  of 
peace  ;  and  had  reported  that  an  hundred 
Indians  were  aflembled  at  Oflapy.  This 
Indian  brought  with  him  two  men  of 

Portfmouth> 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE.  147 

Portfmouth,  Fryer  and  Kendal,  who  had  1676. 
been  taken  on  board  a  veffel  at  the  eaft-  ^^^ 
ward  ;  he  was  deputed  by  the  Penobfcot 
tribe  to  confent  to  articles  of  pacification ; 
and  being  fent  to  Bofton,  a  treaty  was 
drawn  and  fubferibed  by  the  governor  and 
magiftrates  on  the  one  part,  and  by  Mogg 
on  the  other  ;  in  which  it  was  ftipnlated, 
that  if  the  Indians  of  the  other  tribes  did 
not  agree  to  this  tranfa&ion,  and  ceafe  ho- 
ftilities,  they  mould  be  deemed  and  treat- 
ed as  enemies  by  both  parties.  This  treaty 
was  figned  on  the  fixth  of  November ; 
Mogg  pledging  his  life  for  the  fulfilment 
of  it.  Accordingly,  veifels  being  fent  to 
Penobfcot,  the  peace  was  ratified  by  Mado- 
kawando  the  fachem,  and  two  captives 
were  reftored.  But  Mogg,  being  incau- 
tioufly  permitted  to  go  to  a  neighbouring 
tribe,  on  pretence  of  perfuading  them  to 
deliver  their  captives,  though  he  promifed 
to  return  in  three  days,  was  fecn  no  more. 
It  was  at  firft  thought  that  he  had  been 
facrificed  by  his  countrymen,  as  he  pre- 
tended to  fear  when  he  left  the  veiTels  ; 
but  a  captive  who  efcaped  in  January  gave  1 677. 
a  different  account  of  him ;  that  he  boaft-  ^-v>j 
ed  of  having  deceived  the  Enghlh,  and 
laughed  at  their  kind  entertainment  of  him. 
There  was  alfo  a  defign  talked  of  among 
L  2  them 


14S  HISTORY    OF 

1677.  them  to  break  the  peace  in  the  fpring,  and 
^^  join  with  the  other  Indians  at  the  eaftward 
in  ruining  the  fifhery.  About  the  fame 
•  time  it  was  difcovered  that  fome  of  the 
Narrhaganfet  Indians  were  fcattered  in  the 
eaftern  parts  ;  three  of  them  having  been 
decoyed  by  fome  of  the  Cochecho  Indians 
into  their  wigwams,  and  fcalped,  were 
known  by  the  cut  of  their  hair.  This 
raifed  a  fear  in  the  minds  of  the  people, 
that  more  of  them  might  have  found  their 
way  to  the  eaftward,  and  would  profecute 
their  revenge  againft  them. 

From  thefe  circumftances  it  was  fufpec- 
ted,  that  the  truce  would  be  but  of  fhort 
continuance.  The  treachery  of  Mogg, 
who  was  furety  for  the  performance  of 
the  treaty,  was  deemed  a  full  juftification 
of  the  renewal  of  hoftilities  ;  and  the  ftate 
of  things  was,  by  fome  gentlemen  of  Paf- 
cataqua,  reprefented  to  be  fo  dangerous, 
that  the  government  determined  upon  a 
winter  expedition.  Two  hundred  men, 
including  lixty  Natick  Indians,  were  en- 
lifted  and  equipped,  and  failed  fromBofton 
the  firft  week  in  February,  under  the  com- 
mand of  Major  Waldron ;  a  day  of  prayer 
having  been  previoufly  appointed  for  the 
fuccefs  of  the  enterprize. 

At 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE.  149 

At  Cafco  the  major  had  afruitlefs  con-  1677. 
ference,  and  a  flight  fkirmifh  with  a  few  ^^-> 
Indians,'of  whom  fome  were  killed  and 
wounded.  At  Kennebeck  he  built  a  fort, 
and  left  a  garrifon  of  forty  men,  under  the 
command  of  Captain  Sylvanus  Davis.  At 
Pemaquidhe  had  a  conference  with  a  com- 
pany of  Indians,  who  promifed  to  deliver 
their  captives  on  the  payment  of  a  ranfom: 
Part  of  it  being  paid,  three  captives  were 
delivered,  and  it  was  agreed  that  the  con- 
ference mould  be  renewed  in  the  after- 
noon, and  all  arms  be  laid  afide.  Some 
fufpicion  of  their  infidelity  had  arifen,  and 
when  the  major  went  afhore  in  the  after- 
noon with  five  men,  and  the  remainder 
of  the  ranfom,  he  difcovered  the  point  of 
a  lance  hid  under  a  board,  which  he  drew 
out  and  advanced  with  it  toward  them ; 
charging  them  with  treachery  in  conceal- 
ing their  arms  fo  near.  They  attempted 
to  take  it  from  him  by  force  ;  but  he 
threatened  them  with  inftant  death,  and 
waved  his  cap  for  a  fignal  to  the  veffels. 
While  the  reft  were  coming  on  fhore,  the 
major  with  his  five  men  fecured  the  goods : 
Some  of  the  Indians  fnatching  up  a  bun- 
dle of  guns  which  they  had  hid,  ran  away : 
Captain  Froft,  who  was  one  of  the  five, 
feized  an  Indian,  who  was  well  known  to 

be 


i5o  HISTORY    OF 

1677.  be  a  rogue,  and  with  Lieutenant  Nutter, 
^^^  carried  him  or.  board.  The  major  fearch- 
ing  about  found  three  guns,  \\  ith  which 
he  armed  his  remaining  three  men ;  and 
the  reft  being  come  on  fhore  by  this  time, 
they  puriued  the  Indians,  killed  feveral  of 
them  before  they  could  recover  their  ca- 
noes, and  after  they  had  pufhed  off,  funk 
one  with  five  men,  who  were  drowned ; 
and  took  four  prifoners,  with  about  a  thou- 
fand  pounds  of  dried  beef,  and  fome  other 
plunder.  The  whole  number  of  the  In- 
dians was  twenty-live. 

Whether  the  cafual  difcovery  of  their 
arms,  which  they  had  agreed  to  lay  afide, 
was  fufficient  to  juftify  this  feverity,  may 
be  doubted  ;  fince,  if  their  intentions  had 
really  been  hoftile,  they  had  a  fine  oppor- 
tunity of  ambufhing  or  feizing  the  major 
and  his  five  attendants,  who  cameafhore 
unarmed ;  and  it  is  not  likely  that  they 
would  have  waited  for  the  reft  to  come 
afhore  before  they  opened  the  plot.  Pofli- 
bly,  this  fudden fufpicion  might  be  ground- 
lefs,and  might  inflame  the  prejudice  againft 
the  major,  which  had  been  already  excited 
by  the  feizure  of  their  friends  at  Cochecho 
fome  time  before. 

On  the  return  of  the  forces,  they  found 
fome  wheat,  guns,  anchors  and  boards  at 

Kennebeck, 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE. 


j- 


Kennebeck,  which  they  took  with  them.  1677. 
They  killed  two  Indians  on  Arrowfick  ^^^ 
Ifland,  who,  with  one  of  the  prifoners 
taken  at  Femaquid,  and  fhot  on  board, 
made  the  number  of  Indians  killed  in 
this  expedition  thirteen.  They  returned 
to  Bolton  on  the  eleventh  of  March,  with- 
out the  lofs  of  a  man,  bringing  with  them 
the  bones  of  Captain  Lake,  which  they 
found  entire  in  the  place  where  he  was 
killed* 

There  being  no  profpec~t  of  peace  at  the 
eaftward,  it  became  neceflary  to  maintain 
great  circumfpection  and  refolution,  and 
to  make  ufe  of  every  poffible  advantage 
againft  the  enemy.  A  long  and  invete- 
rate animofity  had  fubfifted  between  the 
Mohawks  and  the  eaftern  Indians,  the 
original  of  which  is  not  mentioned,  and 
perhaps  was  not  known  by  any  of  our 
hiftorians;  nor  can  the  oldeft  men  among 
the  Mohawks  at  this  day  give  any  account 
of  it.  Thefe  Indians  were  in  a  ftate  of 
friendfliip  with  their  Englifh  neighbours; 
and  being  a  fierce  and  formidable  race  of 
men,  their  name  carried  terror  wherever 

it 


•  Here  ends  Hubbard's  printed  narrative.  Tlie  account  of  the 
remainder  of  this  war  is  taken  from  his  MS  Inltory,  from  fundry 
original  letters,  and  copies  of  letters,  and  from  a  MS  journal  found 
in  Prince's  collection,  and  fuppofed  to  have  been  written  by  Cap- 
tain Lawrence  Hammond  of  Charleftown, 


Genefis 
ch.  14. 


V52  HISTORY     OF 

1 677.  it  was  known.  It  was  now  thought,  that 
v^rsj  if  they  couid  De  in(lUCed  to  proiecute  their 
ancient  quarrel  with  the  eaftern  Indians, 
the  latter  might  be  awed  into  peace,  or 
incapacitated  for  any  farther  mifchief. 
The  propriety  of  this  meafure  became  a 
fubject  of  debate;  fome  queitioning  the 
lawful ncfs  of  making  ufe  of  their  help, 
"  as  they  were  heathen ;"  but  it  was  urged 
in  reply,  that  Abraham  had  entered  into 
a  confederacy  with  the  Amorites,  among 
whom  he  dwelled,  and  made  ufe  of  their 
affiftance  in  recovering  his  kinfman  Lot 
from  the  hands  of  their  common  enemy. 
With  this  argument  the  objectors  were 
fatisfied;  and  the  two  meflengers,  Major 
Pynchon  of  Springfield,  and  Richards  of 
Hartford  were  difpatched  to  the  country 
of  the  Mohawks ;  who  treated  them  with 
great  civility,  exprefled  the  moft  bitter 
Hubbard's  hatred  againft  the  eaftern  enemy,  and 
ry.  promifed  to  purfue  the  quarrel  to  the  ut- 

mod  of  their  power. 

Accordingly  fome  parties  of  them  came 
down  the  country  about  the  middle  of 
March,  and  the  firft  alarm  was  given  at 
Amufkeeg  falls;  where  the  fon  of  Wono- 
lanfet  being  hunting,  difcovered  fifteen 
Indians  on  the  other  fide,  who  called  to 
him  in  a  language  which  he  did  not  un- 

derftand ; 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE.  153 

derftand;  upon  which  he  fled,  while  they  1677. 
fired  near  thirty  guns  at  him  without  effect.  v^r>J 
Prefently  after  this  they  were  difcovered 
in  the  woods  about  Cochecho.  Major 
Waldron  fent  out  eight  of  his  Indians 
whereof  Blind  Will  was  one,  for  farther 
information.  They  were  all  furprized  to- 
gether by  a  company  of  the  Mohawks;  nai, March 
two  or  three  efcaped,  the  others  were  either 
killed  or  taken:  Will  was  dragged  away 
by  his  hair;  and  being  wounded,  perilhed 
in  the  woods,  on  a  neck  of  land,  formed 
by  the  confluence  of  Cochecho  and  Ifing- 
glafs  rivers,  which  dill  bears  the  name  of 
Blind  Will's  Neck.  This  fellow  was 
judged  to  be  a  fecret  enemy  to  the  Englim, 
though  he  pretended  much  friendlhip  and 
refpect;  fo  that  it  was  impoflible  to  have 
punifhed  him,  without  provoking  the 
other  neighbouring  Indians,  with  whom 
he  lived  in  amity,  and  of  whofe  fidelity 
there  was  no  fufpicion.  It  was  at  firft  Hubbard's 
thought  a  fortunate  circumftance  that  he 
was  killed  in  this  manner;  but  the  con- 
iequence  proved  it  to  be  othervvife;  for 
two  of  thofe  who  were  taken  with  him 
efcaping,  reported  that  the  Mohawks 
threatened  deftruction  to  all  the  Indians  msjoik- 
in  thefe  parts  without  diftinction :  So  that 
thofe  who  lived  in  fubjection  to  the  En- 
glim 


MS  Hilt. 


nal. 


154  HISTORY     OF 

1677.  Snm  g^w  jealous  of  their  fincerity,and  ima- 
^-^^  gined,  not  without  very  plaufible  ground, 
that  the  Mohawks  had  been  perfuaded  or 
hired  to  engage  in  the  war,  on  purpofe 
to  deftroy  them ;  fince  they  never  a&ually 
exercifed  their  fury  upon  thofe  Indians 
who  were  in  hoftility  with  the  Englifh, 
but  only  upon  thofe  who  were  in  friend- 
ship with  them ;  and  this  only  in  fuch  a 
degree  as  to  irritate,  rather  than  to  weak- 
en or  diftrefs  them.  It  cannot  therefore 
be  thought  flrange  that  the  friendly  In- 
dians were  alienated  from  their  Englifh 
neighbours,  and  difpofed  to  liften  to  the 
feducing  ftratagems  of  the  French;  who 
in  a  few  years  after  made  ufe  of  them,  in 
conjunction  with  others,  forely  to  fcourge 
thefe  unhappy  people.  The  Englifh,  in 
reality,  had  no  iuch  defign;  but  the  event 
proved,  that  the  fcheme  of  engaging  the 
Mohawks  in  oiir  quarrel,  however  lawful 
in  itfelf,  and  countenanced  by  the  exam- 
ple of  Abraham,  was  a  pernicious  fource 
of  innumerable  calamities. 

The  terror  which  it  was  thought  this 
incurfionof  the  Mohawks  would  ftrike  in- 
to the  eaftern  Indians  was  too  fmall  to 
prevent  their  renewing  hoftilities  very  early 
in  the  fpring.  Some  of  the  garrifon  who 
had  been  left  at  Kennebeck  were  furprized 

by 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE.  155 

by  an  ambufh,  as  they  were  attempting  1677. 
to  bury  the  dead  bodies  of  their  friends,  ^^^ 
who  had  been  killed  the  fummer  before, 
and  had  lain  under  the  fnow  all  winter.  Hoard's 
The  remainder  of  that  garrifon  were  then 
taken  off  and  conveyed  to  Palcataqua ; 
whither  a  company  of  fifty  men  and  ten 
Natick  Indians  marched,  under  Captain 
Swaine,  to  fuccour  the  inhabitants,  who 
were  alarmed  by  fcattered  parties  of  the 
enemy,  killing  and  taking  people,  and 
burning  houfes  in  Wells,  Kittery,  and 
within  the  bounds  of  Portfmouth*.  A 
young  woman  who  was  taken  from  Raw- 
ling's  houie,  made  her  efcape  and  came 
into  Cochecho,  informing  where  the  enemy 
lay  :  Three  parties  were  difpatched  to  am- 
bufh three  places,  by  one  of  which  they  *  pn  **' 
muft  pafs  :  The  enemy  appearing  at  one 
ofthefe  places,  wereieafonably  difcovered ; 
but  by  the  too  great  eagernefs  of  the  party 
to  fire  on  them,  they  avoided  the  ambufh 
and  efcaped. 

Soon  after  this  the  garrifons  at  Wells 
and  Black  Point  were  befet,  and  at  the  lat-    May  l6' 
ter  place  the  enemy  loft  their  leader  Mogg, 

who 

*  The  following  cxtratt  from  the  before  mentioned  journal, 
ftiews  fbmcthing  of  the  fpirit  of  the  times. 

•«  April  16.  The  houfe  of  John  Kenirton  was  burnt  andhekilled 
*'  at  Greenland.  The  Indians  are  Simon,  Andrew,  and  Peter, 
"  thofe  three  we  had  in  prifon,  and  ihould  have  killed.  The  good 
"  Lord  pardon  us." 


156  HISTORY    OF 

1677.     wno  nac*  proved  fo  treacherous  a  negocia- 

^^      tor.     Upon  his  death  they  fled  in  their 

canoes,  fome  to  the  eaftward  and  others 

toward  York,  where  they  alfo  did  fome 

May  27.  mifchief.  On  a  fabbath  morning,  a  party 
of  twenty,  under  the  guidance  of  Simon, 
furprized  fix  of  our  Indians,  who  lay  drunk 
in  the  woods,  at  a  fmall  diftance  from 
Portfmouth  ;  they  kept  all  day  hovering 
about  the  town,  and  if  they  had  taken  ad- 
vantage of  the  people's  abfence  from  home, 
in  attending  the  public  worfhip,  they  might 
eafily  have  plundered  and  burned  the  out- 

ms  Letter    moft  houfes  ;  but  they  were  providentially 

Woody.  reftrained.  At  night  they  crofled  the  ri- 
ver at  the  Long  Reach,  killed  fome  fheep 
at  Kittery,  and  then  went  toward  Wells ; 
but,  being  afraid  of  the  Mohawks,  let  their 

June  13.  prifoners  go.  Four  men  were  foon  after 
killed  at  North  Hill,  one  of  whom  was 
Edward  Colcott,  whofe  death  was  much 
regretted. 

More  mifchief  being  expected,  and  the 
eaftern  fettlements  needing  afhftance,  the 
government  ordered  two  hundred  Indians 
of  Natick,  with  forty  Englifh  foldiers, 
under  Captain  Benjamin  Swett  of  Hamp- 
ton, and  Lieutenant  Richardfon,  to  march 
to  the  falls  of  Taconick  on  Kennebeck 
river ;  where  it  was  faid  the  Indians  had 

fix 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE. 


*S7 


fix  forts,  well  furnifhed  with  ammunition.  1 677. 
The  veflels  came  to  an  anchor  off  Black  v^v%-> 
Point;  where  the  captain  being  informed  Juy" 
that  fome  Indians  had  been  feen,  went  on 
ihore  with  a  party  ;  and  being  joined  by 
fome  of  the  inhabitants,  fo  as  to  make  a- 
bout  ninety  in  all,  marched  to  feek  the 
enemy;  whofhewed  themfelves  on  a  plain 
in  three  parties.  Swett  divided  his  men 
accordingly,  and  went  to  meet  them.  The 
enemy  retreated  till  they  had  drawn  our 
people  two  miles  from  the  fort,  and  then 
turning  fuddenly  and  violently  upon  them, 
threw  them  into  confufion,  they  being 
moltly  young  and  unexperienced  loldiers. 
Swett,  with  a  few  of  the  more  refolute, 
fought  bravely  on  the  retreat,  till  he  came 
near  the  fort,  when  he  was  killed ;  fixty 
more  were  left  dead  or  wounded,  and  the 
reft  got  into  the  fort.  The  victorious  fa- 
vages  then  furprized  about  twenty  fiming 
veflels,  which  put  into  the  eaftern  harbours 
by  night;  the  crews,  not  being  apprehen- 
five  of  danger  on  the  water,  fell  an  eafy 
prey  to  them.  Thus  the  fummer  was  fpent 
with  terror  and  perplexity  on  our  part ; 
while  the  enemy  rioted  without  control, 
till  they  had  fatiated  their  vengeance,  and 
greatly  reduced  the  eaftern  fettlements. 

At 


MS  Utter 

of  Mr. 
Gookin  of 
Hampton. 


Hubbard's 
MS  Hift. 


158  HISTORY    OF 

1677.  At  length,  in  the  month  of  Augurt, 
^~^  Major  Androfle,  governor  of  New- York, 
fent  a  floop  with  fome  forces  to  take  pof- 
feflion  of  the  land  which  had  been  grant- 
ed to  the  Duke  of  York,  and  build  a  fort 
atPemaquid,  to  defend  the  country  againfl 
the  encroachment  of  foreigners.  Upon 
their  arrival  the  Indians  appeared  friendly ; 
and  in  evidence  of  their  pacific  difpofition, 
reftored  fifteen  prifoners  with  the  timing 
veflels.  They  continued  quiet  all  the  fuc- 
ceeding  autumn  and  winter,  and  lived  in 
harmony  with  the  new  garrifon. 
1 6^8.  In  the  fpring,  Major  Shapleigh  of  Kit- 
\^v^  tery,  Captain  Champernoon  and  Mr.  Fryer 
of  Portfmouth,  were  appointed  commifli- 
oners  to  fettle  a  formal  treaty  of  peace 
ms  jour-  with  Squando  and  the  other  chiefs,  which 
aa.' Apn  was  done  at  Cafco,  whither  they  brought 
the  remainder  of  the  captives.  It  was  fti- 
pulated  in  the  treaty,  that  the  inhabitants 
ihould  return  to  their  deferted  fettlements, 
on  condition  of  paying  one  peck  of  corn 
annually  for  each  family,  by  way  of  ac-^ 
knowledgment  to  the  Indians  for  the  pof- 
feffion  of  their  lands,  and  one  bufhel  for 
Major  Pendleton,  who  was  a  great  pro- 
prietor. Thus  an  end  was  put  to  a  tedious 
and  diftrefling  war,  which  had  fubfifted 
three  years.     The  terms  of  peace  were  dif- 

graceful* 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE.  159 

graceful,  but  not  unjuft,  confidering  the  167S. 
former  irregular  conduct:  of  many  of  the  ^^^^ 
eaftern  fettlers,  and  the  native  propriety  of 
the  Indians  in  the  foil  :  Certainly  they 
were  now  matters  of  it;  and  it  was  entire- 
ly at  their  option,  whether  the  Englifh 
mould  return  to  their  habitations  or  not. 
It  was  therefore  thought  better  to  live 
peaceably,  though  in  a  fort  of  fubjection, 
than  to  leave  fuch  commodious  fettlements 
and  forego  the  advantages  of  trade  and 
tifliery,  which  were  very  confiderable,  and 
by  which  the  inhabitants  of  that  part  of 
the  country  had  chiefly  fubfifted. 

It  was  a  matter  of  great  enquiry  and 
fpeculation  how  the  Indians  were  fupplied 
with  arms  and  ammunition  to  carry  on 
this  war.  The  Dutch  at  New- York  were  Hubbardr, 
too  near  the  Mohawks  for  the  eaftern  In-  Narrative, 
dians  to  adventure  thither.  The  French  p" 8z' 
in  Canada  were  too  feeble,  and  too  much 
in  fear  of  the  Englilh,  to  do  any  thing 
which  might  difturb  the  tranquility  ;  and 
there  was  peace  between  the  two  nations. 
It  was  therefore  fuppofed  that  the  Indians 
had  long  premeditated  the  war,  and  laid 
in  a  ftock  beforehand.  There  had  for- 
merly been  fevere  penalties  exacted  by  the 
government,  on  the  felling  of  arms  and 
ammunition  to  the  Indians  j    but  ever 

fince 


160  HISTORY    Of 

1678.     fince  1657,  ^cences  had  been  granted  to 
v*/v"x"      particular  perfons  to  fupply  them  occafion- 
ally  for  the  purpofe  of  hunting,  on  pay- 
ing an  acknowledgment  to  the  public  trea- 
fury.    This  indulgence,  having  been  much 
abufed  by  fomeof  the  eaftern  traders,  who, 
dolpb's        far  from  the  feat  of  government,  were  im- 
h,aSchC.     patient  of  the  reftraint  of  law,  was  fup- 
p°49a.pcrs'    pofed  t0   De  tne  fource  of  the  mifchief. 
But  it  was  afterward  difcovered  that  the 
Baron  de  St.  Caftine,  a  reduced  French  of- 
ficer, who  had  married  a  daughter  of  Ma- 
dokawando,  and  kept  a  trading  houfe  at 
Penobfcot,  where  he  conlidered  himfelf  as 
independent,  being  out  of  the  limits  of  any 
eftablifhed  government,   was  the  perfon 
from  whom  they  had  their  fupplies ;  which 
needed  not  to  be  very  great  as  they  always 
hufbanded  their  ammunition  with  much 
ihid,p.562.    care,  and  never  expended  it  but  when  they 
were  certain  of  doing  execution. 

The  whole  burden  and  expence  of  this 
war,  on  the  part  of  the  colonies,  were  borne 
by  themfelves.  It  was  indeed  thought  ftrange 
by  their  friends  in  England,  and  refented 
by  thofe  in  power,  that  they  made  no  ap- 
plication to  the  king  for  amftance.  It  was 
intimated  to  them  by  Lord  Anglefey i  that 
Hntchin.       «  his  maiefty  was  ready  to  affift  them  with 

Hift.  voU  ,    n-  •   •  -r 

i.  P.  309.      ■  mips,  troops,  ammunition  or  money,  it 

*  they 


N  E  W-H  A  M  P  S  H  I  R  E.  161 

'  they  would  but  afk  it;'  and  their  filence  1678. 
was  conflrued  to  their  difadvantage,  as  if 
they  were  proud,  and  obftinate,  and  de- 
fired  to  be  coniidered  as  an  independent 
ftate.  They  had  indeed  no  inclination  to 
afk  favours  from  thence;  being  well  aware 
of  the  confequence  of  laying  themielves 
under  obligations  to  thofe  who  had  been 
feeking  to  undermine  their  eftablifhment; 
and  remembering  how  they  had  been  ne- 
glected in  the  late  Dutch  wars,  when  they 
flood  in  much  greater  need  of  afliftance: 
The  king  had  then  fent  ammunition  to 
New- York,  but  had  fent  word  to  New-    tT    , 

'  Hutch. 

England,  '  that  they  muft  fhift  for  them-  co|p?p- 
4  felves  and  make  the  belt,  defence  they 
*  could.'  It  was  therefore  highly  injuri- 
ous to  blame  them  for  not  making  ap- 
plication for  help.  But  if  they  had  not 
beenfo  ill  treated,  they  could  not  be  charg- 
ed with  difrefpec\,  fince  they  really  did  not 
need  foreign  afliftance.  Ships  of  war  and 
regular  troops  mult  have  been  altogether 
ufelefs  ;  and  no  one  that  knew  the  nature 
of  an  Indian  war  could  be  ferious  in  pro- 
pofing  to  fend  them.  Ammunition  and 
money  were  neceflary,  but  as  they  had 
long  enjoyed  a  free  trade,  and  had  coined 
the  bullion  which  they  imported,  there 
was  no  fcarcity  of  money,  nor  of  any  ftores 
M  which 


i6i  HISTORY    OF 

1678.  which  money  could  purchafe.  The  me- 
^^  thod  of  fighting  with  Indians  could  be 
learned  only  from  themfelves  :  After  a 
little  experience,  few  men  in  fcattered 
parties  were  of  more  fervice  than  the  largeft 
and  beft  equipped  armies  which  Europe 
could  have  afforded.  It  ought  ever  to  be 
remembered  for  the  honor  of  New-Eng- 
land, that  as  their  firft  fettlement,  fo  their 
preservation,  increafe,  and  defence,  even 
if!  their  weaken:  infancy  were  not  owing 
to  any  foreign  affiftance,  but  under  God, 
to  their  own  magnanimity  and  perfeve- 
rance. 

Our  graveft  hiftorians  have  recorded 
many  omens,  predictions,  and  other  alarm- 
ing circumftances,  during  this  and  the  Pe- 
quod  war,  which  in  a  more  philofophical 
and  lefs  credulous  age  would  not  be  wor- 
thy of  notice.  When  men's  minds  were 
rendered  gloomy  by  the  horrors  of  a  fur- 
rounding  wildernefs,  and  the  continual 
apprehenfion  of  danger  from  itsfavage  in- 
habitants ;  when  they  were  ignorant  of 
the  caufes  of  many  of  the  common  ap- 
pearances in  nature,  and  were  difpofed  to 
refolve  every  unufual  appearance  into  pro- 
digy and  miracle,  it  is  not  to  be  wonder- 
ed that  they  fhould  imagine  they  heard 
the  noile  of  drums  and  guns  in  the  air, 

and 


N  E  W-H  AMPSH1RE.  163 

and  faw  flaming  fwords  and  fpears  in  the  1678. 
heavens,  and  fhould  even  interpret  eclipfes 
as  ominous.  Some  old  Indians  had  inti- 
mated their  apprehenlions  concerning  the 
increafe  of  the  Englifh,  and  the  diminu- 
tion of  their  own  people,  which  any  rati- 
onal obferver  in  a  courfe  of  forty  or  fifty 
years  might  eafily  have  foretold,  without 
the  leaft  pretence  to  a  fpirit  of  prophecy  ; 
yet  thefe  fayings  were  recollected,  and  re- 
corded, as  fo  many  predictions  by  force  of 
a  fupernatural  impulie  on  their  minds,  and 
many  perfons  of  the  greateft  diftinction 
were  difpofed  to  credit  them  as  fuch. 
Thefe  things  would  not  have  been  men- 
tioned, but  to  give  ajuft  idea  of  the  a-e  : 
If  mankind  are  now  better  enlightened, 
fuperftition  is  the  lcfs  excufeable  in  its  re- 
maining votaries. 


M  2  CHAP. 


1 64  HISTORY    OF 

CHAP.      VI. 

Ma/on* s  renewed  efforts.    Randolphs  mif- 

Jton  and  tranfaclions.     Attempts  for  the 

trial  of  Maforfs  title.     Neiv-Hampfhir  e 

feparated  from  Majfachufetts,  and  made 

a  royal  province.     Abflracl  of  the  com- 

mi/Jion.     Remarks  on  it. 

167c.     \X  7  ^^^  t^ie  country  was  labouring 

\^v^        V  V     under  the  perplexity  and  diftrefs 

arifing  from  the  war,  meafures  were  taking 

in  England  to   increafe  their  difficulties 

and  divide  their  attention.     The  fcheme 

of  felling  the  provinces  of  New-Hampfhire 

and  Maine  to  the  crown  being  laid  afide, 

Mafon  again  petitioned  the  king  for  the 

restoration  of  his  property  ;  and  the  king 

referred  the  matter  to  his  attorney  general 

Sir  William  Jones,  and  his  folicitor  general 

Sir  Francis  Winning  ton,  who  reported  that 

May  17.       "  John  Mafon,  efq.  grandfather  to  the  pe- 

"  titioner,  by  virtue  of  leveral  grants  from 

"  the  council  of  New-England  under  their 

"  common  feal  was  inflated  in  fee  in  fun- 

"  dry  great  traces  of  land  in  New-England, 

"  by  the  name  of  New-Hampfhire  ;  and 

ms  copy      "  that  the  petitioner  being  heir  at  law  to 

courfSe"    "  the  faid  John  had  a  good  and  legal  title 

"  to 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE.  165 

"  to  faid  lands."    Whereupon  a  letter  was      1 676. 
difpatched  to  the  Maflachuietts  colony,      **r>rsj 

...  c       ,  •   1  March  10. 

requiring  them  to  lend  over  agents  with- 
in fix  months,  fully  impowered  to  anfwer 
the  complaints,  which  Mafon  and  the  heirs 
of  Gorges  had  made,  of  their  ufurping 
jurifdi&ion  over  the  territories  claimed  by 
them ;  and  to  receive  the  royal  determi- 
nation in  that  matter.  Copies  of  the  com- 
plaints were  inclofed ;  and  Edward  Ran- 
dolph, a  kinfman  of  Mafon,  a  man  of  great 
addrefs  and  penetration,  refolute  and  in- 
defatigable in  buiinefs,  was  charged  with 
the  letters,  and  directed  by  the  Lords  of 
Trade  to  make  enquiry  into  the  ftate  of  the 
country.  When  he  arrived,  he  waited  on  June  10. 
Governor  Leverett,  who  read  the  king's 
letter  with  the  petitions  of  Mafon  and 
Gorges  in  council,  Randolph  being  pre- 
ferit,  who  could  obtain  no  other  anfwer    Hutcbln- 

1  col.  pap.  p. 

than  that  "  they  would  confider  it."  J°4- 

He  then  came  into  New-Hampfhire,  Juiy. 
and  as  he  palled  alon^,  freely  declared  the 
bufinels  on  which  he  was  come,  and  pub- 
licly read  a  letter  which  Mafon  had  fent 
to  the  inhabitants.  Some  of  them  he  found 
ready  to  complain  of  the  government,  and 
defirous  of  a  change  ;  but  the  body  of  the 
people  were  highly  enraged  againft  him  ; 
and  the  inhabitants  of  Dover  in  public 

town- 


166  HISTORY     OF 

1 676.  town-meeting  'protefted  againft  the  claim 
^^^  4  of  Mafon  ;  declared  that  they  had  bona. 
'  fide  purchafed  their  lands  of  the  Indians; 
1  recognized  their  fubjection  to  the  go- 
'  vernment  of  Maffachufetts,  under  whom 
4  they  had  lived  long  and  happily,  and  by 
1  whom  they  were  now  aflifted  in  defend- 
'  ing  their  eftates  and  families  againft  the 
'  favage  enemy.'  They  appointed  Major 
Waldron  "  to  petition  the  king  in  their 
"  behalf,  that  he  would  interpole  his  royal 
"  authority  and  afford  them  his  wonted 
"  favor ;  that  they  might  not  be  difturb- 
"  ed  by  Mafon,  or  any  other  perfon,  but 
"  continue  peaceably  in  pofleffion  of  their 

Dover  Re-  11  c  a  n     -r 

co^s.  4t  rights  under  the  government  or  Maiia- 

"  chufetts."     A  fimilar  petition  was  fent 

Portfmou.     by  the  inhabitants  of  Portfmouth,  who  ap- 

'fcpt!is.'  pointed  John  Cutts  and  Richard  Martyn, 
efqrs.  Captains  Daniel  and  Stilcman  to 
draught  and  forward  it. 

When  Randolph  returned  to  Bofton,  he 
had  a  fevere  reproof  from  the  governor, 
for  publifhinr  his  errand,  and  endeavour- 
ing to  raife  difcontent  among  the  people. 
To  which  he  made  no  other  anfwer  than 

Hutchin.      that  1  if  he  hac[  jone  amifs    they  might 

cnl.  pap.  m  '•<.** 

p-  510.         1  complain  to  the  king.' 

After  about  fix  weeks  flay,  he  went  back 
t.o  England  and  reported  to  the  king,  that 

"he. 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE.  167 

"  he  had  found  the  whole  country  com-  1676. 
44  plaining  of  the  ufurpation  of  the  magi-  **~r^' 
"  Urates  of  Bofton  ;  earneftly  hoping  and 
"  expecting  that  his  majefty  would  not 
*'  permit  them  any  longer  tobeoppreffed; 
**  but  would  give  them  relief  according 
44  to  the  promiies  of  the  commiffioners  in 
"  1 665"  With  the  fame  bitternefs  of 
temper,  and  in  the  fame  drain  of  mifre- 
prefentation,  he  inveighed  againft  the  go- 
vernment in  a  long  report  to  the  Lords  of 
Trade  ;  which  farther  inflamed  the  pre- 
judice that  had  long  been  conceived  againft 
the  colony,  and  prepared  the  way  for  the 
feparation  which  was  meditated. 

After  his  departure,  a  fpecial  council 
being  fummoned,  at  which  the  elders  of 
the  churches  were  prefent,  the  queftion 
was  propofed  to  them  "  whether  the  beft 
"  way  of  making  anfwer  to  the  complaints 
"  of  Gorges  and  Mafon  about  the  extent 
44  of  their  patent,  be  by  fending  agents, 
44  or  by  writing  only  ?"  To  which  they 
anfwered,  "  That  it  was  moft  expedient 
44  to  fend  agents,  to  anfwer  by  way  of  in- 
44  formation,  provided  they  were  inftrucT:- 
44  ed  with  much  care  and  caution  to  nego- 
44  ciate  the  affair  with  fafety  to  the  coun- 
44  try,  and  loyalty  to  his  majefty,  in  the 
44  prefervation  of  their  patent  liberties." 

Accordingly 


1 63 


HISTORY     OF 


l677- 


Narrative 
of  Allen's 
Title,  p.  s 


1676.     Accordingly  William  Stoughton,   after- 
v-'vnJ      ward  lieutenant-governor,  and  Peter  Bulk- 
pa.  vol.      ley  then  speaker  of  the  houfe  of  deputies, 
i-  p-  311-      were  appointed  agents  and  failed  for  Eng- 
land, 

At  their  arrival  an  hearing  was  ordered 
before  the  lords  chief  juftices  of  the  king's 
bench  and  common  pleas;  when  the  agents 
in  the  name  of  the  colony  difclaimed  all 
title  to  the  lands  claimed  by  the  petitioner, 
and  to  the  jurifdi£tion  beyond  three  miles 
northward  of  the  river  Merrimack,  to  fol- 
low the  courfe  of  the  river,  fo  far  as  it  ex-r 
tended.  The  judges  reported  to  the  king 
4  that  they  could  give  no  opinion  as  to  the 
4  right  of  foil,  in  the  provinces  of  New- 
4  Hampfhire  and  Maine,  not  having  the 
'  proper  parties  before  them  ;  it  appearing 
4  that  not  the  Maffachufetts  colony,  but 

*  the  ter-tenants  had  the  right  of  foil,  and 

*  whole  benefit  thereof,  and  yet  were  not 
4  fummoned  to  defend  their  titles.     As  to 

*  Mafon's  right  of  government  within  the 
4  foil  he  claimed,  their  lordfhips,  and  in-. 
4  deed  his  own  counfel,  agreed  he  had 
4  none ;  the  great  council  of  Plymouth, 
4  under  whom  he  claimed,  having  nopow- 
4  er  to  transfer  government  to  any.  It 
4  was  determined  that  the  four  towns  of 

*  Portfmouth,  Dover,  Exeter  and  Hamp- 

*  ton 


Hutchin. 
vo!.  1.  p. 
317. 


N  E  W-H  AMPSH1RE. 


169 


Hutch. toI. 
I.  p.  317. 


1  ton  were  out  of  the  bounds  of  Maflachu-      1 677. 
'  Setts.'     This  report  was  accepted  and      ^^ 
confirmed  by  the  king  in  council. 

After  this,  at  the  requeft  of  the  agents,     1  6jq. 
Sir  William  Jones  the  attorney  general      ^/-ynj 
drew  up  a  complete  ftate  of  the  cafe  to  be    Stpl  l8, 
tranfmitted  to  the   colony  ;   by  which  it 
feems  that  he  had  altered  his  opinion  fince 
the  report  which  he  gave  to  the  king  in 
1675,  concerning  the  validity  of  Maibn's 
title.     It  was  alio  admitted  that  the  title 
could  be  tried  only  on  the  place,  there  be- 
ing no  court  in  England  that  had  cogni- 
zance of  it. 

It  became  necelTary  then  to  the  eftablifh- 
ment  of  Mafon's  title,  that  a  new  juris- 
diction mould  be  erected,  in  which  the 
kino;  mi'jht  direct  the  mode  of  trial  and 
appeal  at  his  pleafure :  This  being  refolved 
upon,  the  colony  of  Malfachufetts  was  in- 
formed, by  a  letter  from  the  Secretary  of  juiy  24. 
ftate,  of  the  king's  intention  to  Separate 
New-Hampihire  from  their  government, 
and  required  to  revoke  all  commifhons 
which  they  had  granted  there,  and  which 
were  hereby  declared  to  be  null  and  void. 
To  prevent  any  extravagant  demand,  the 
king  obliged  the  claimant  to  declare,  un- 
der his  hand  and  feal,  that  he  would  re- 
quire no  rents  of  the  inhabitants  for  the 

time 


Hutchin. 
col.  pap. 

5*i- 


170  HISTORY     OF 

1679.     time  pafled,  before  the  twenty  fourth  of 
LrvV     June  1679,'  nor  moleft  any  in  their  pof- 
feflions  for  the  time  to  come;    but  would 
make  out  titles  to  them  and  their  heirs  for- 
ever, provided  they  would  pay  him  fix- 
pence  in  the  pound,  according  to  the  year- 
ly value  of  all  houfes  which  they  had  built 
and  lands  which  they  had  improved. 
Things  being  thus  prepared,  a  commif- 
commifTi-     (ion  paft*eci  tne  great  feal  on  the  eighteenth 
of  September  for  the  government  of  New- 
Hampfhire;  which  4  inhibits  and  reftrains 
4  the  jurifdi&ion  exercifed  by  the  colony 
4  of  MaiTachufetts  over  the  towns  of  Portf- 

*  mouth,  Dover,  Exeter  and  Hampton, 
■  and  all  other  lands  extending  from  three 
4  miles  to  the  northward  of  the  river  Mer- 
1  rimack  and  of  any  and  every  part  there- 
'  of,  to  the  province  of  Maine;  conftitutes 
4  a  prefident  and  council  to  govern  the  pro- 
4  vince;  appoints  John  Cutts,efq.  prefident, 
'  to  continue  one  year  and  till  another  be 
4  appointed  by  the  fame  authority;  Rich- 

*  ard    Martyn,   William   Vaughan,    and 

*  Thomas  Daniel  of  Portfmouth,  John 
4  Gilman  of  Exeter,  Chriftopher  HulTeyof 
4  Hampton  and  Richard  Waldron  of  Do- 
4  ver,efquires,  to  be  of  the  council,who  were 
4  authorifed  to  choofe  three  other  qualified 
4  perfons  out  of  the  feveral  parts  of  the 

4  province 


N  EW-H  A  MP  SHI  RE.  i7i 

'  province  to  be  added  to  them.  The  faid  1679. 
'  prefidentand  every  fucceedingone  to  ap-  v^w^ 
'  point  a  deputy  to  prefide  in  his  abfence; 
4  the  prefident  or  his  deputy  with  any  five 
4  to  be  a  quorum.  They  were  to  meet  at 
4  Portfmouth  in  twenty  days  after  the  ar- 
1  rival  of  the  commiffion  and  publilli  it. 
4  They  were  conflitutcd  a  court  of  record 

*  for  the  admini  ft  ration  of  juftice,  accord- 
4  ing  to  the  laws  of  England,  lo  far  as  cir- 
4  cumftances  would  permit;  referving  a 
1  right  of  appeal  to  the  king  in  council  for 
4  actions  of  fifty  pounds    value.     They 

4  were  impowercd  to  appoint  military  offi-  ' 

*  cers,  and  take  all  needful  meafures  for 

4  defence    againft    enemies.     Liberty   of    * 
4  confeience  was  allowed  to  all  proteftants, 

*  thofe  of  the  church  of  England  to  be 
'  particularly  encouraged.  For  the  fupport 

*  of  government  they  were  to  continue 
'  the  prefent  taxes,  till  an  affembly  could 

*  be  called;  to  which  end  they  were  with- 
(  in  three  months  to  irTue  writs  under  the 
'  province  feal,  for  calling  an  affembly, 
'  to  whom  the  prefident  Ihould  recommend 

*  the  pafTing  fuch  laws  as  mould  eftabliih 
1  their  allegiance,  good  order  and  defence, 
4  and  the  railing  taxes  in  fuch  manner  and 

*  proportion  as  they  Ihould  fee  fit.  All 
4  laws  to  be  approved  by  the  prefident  and 

4  council, 


172 
i679. 


HISTORY    OF 

c  council,  and  then  to  remain  in  force  till 

*  the  king's  pleaiure  mould  be  known,  for 
'  which  parpofe  they  mould  be  fent  to 
'  England  by  the  firft  fhips.  In  cafe  of 
'  the  prefident's  death,  his  deputy  to  fuc- 
'  ceed,  and  on  the  death  of  a  counfellor, 
'  the  remainder  to  elect  another,  and  fend 
4  over  his  name,  with  the  names  of  two 
c  other  meet  perfons,  that  the  king  might 

*  appoint  one  of  the  three.  The  king  en- 
1  gaged  for  himfelf  and  fucceflbrs  to  con- 
c  tinue  the  privilege  of  an  aflembly,  in  the 

*  fame  manner  and  form,  unlefs  by  in- 
c  convenience  arifing  therefrom  he  or  his 

*  heirs  mould  fee  caufe  to  alter  the  fame. 
1  If  any  of  the  inhabitants  fhould  refufe 
c  to  agree  with  Mafon  or  his  agents,  on 
4  the  terms  before  mentioned,  the  prefident 

*  and  council  were  directed  to  reconcile 
'  the  difference,  or  fend  the  cafe  ftated  in 

*  writing  with  their  own  opinions,  to  the 
'  king,  that  he  with  his  privy  council  might 

*  determine  it  according  to  equity.' 

The  form  of  government  defcribed  in 
this  commiffion  confidered  abftractedly 
from  the  immediate  intentions,  characters, 
and  connexions  of  the  perfons  concerned, 
appears  to  be  of  as  fimple  a  kind  as  the 
nature  of  a  fubordinate  government  and 
the  liberty  of  the  fubjeel;  can  admit.  The 

people, 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE.  173 

people,  who  are  the  natural  and  original  1679. 
fource  of  power,  had  a  reprefentation  in  ^-^^ 
a  body  chofen  by  themfelves ;  and  the  king 
was  reprefented  by  a  prciident  and  coun- 
cil of  his  own  appointment;  each  had  the 
right  of  inftru<fting  their  reprefentative, 
and  the  king  had  the  fuperior  prerogative 
of  difannulling  the  ads  of  the  whole  at 
his  pleafure.  The  principal  blemifh  in  the 
commiflion  was  the  right  claimed  by  the 
king  of  diicontinuing  the  reprefentation 
of  the  people,  whenever  he  mould  find  it 
inconvenient,  after  he  had  folemnly  en- 
gaged to  continue  this  privilege.  The 
claufe,  indeed,  is  artfully  worded,  and 
might  be  conftrued  to  imply  more  or  lefs 
at  pleafure.  Herein  Charles  was  confid- 
ent with  himfelf,  parliaments  being  his 
averfion.     However,  there  was   in    this 

»plan  as  much  of  the  fpirit  of  the  Britilh 
conftitution  as  there  could  be  any  founda- 
tion for  in  fuch  a  colony;  for  here  was 
no  third  branch  to  form  a  balance  between 
the  king  or  his  reprefentative,  and  the  peo- 
ple. The  inftitution  of  an  houfe  of  peers 
in  Britain  was  the  remit  of  the  feudal  fyf- 
tem :  the  barons  being  lords  of  the  foil 
and  enjoying  a  fovereignty  within  their 
own  territories  and  over  their  own  vaiTals; 
the  conftitution  was  formed  by  the  union 

of 


*74 


HISTORY    OF 


1 670.  of  thefe  diftintT:  eftates  under  one  common 
^">rN-'  fovereign.  But  there  was  nothing  fimilar 
to  this  in  New-England.  The  fettlements 
began  here  by  an  equal  divifion  of  pro- 
perty among  independent  freemen.  Lord- 
fhip  and  vaffalage  were  held  in  abhorrence. 
The  yeomanry  were  the  proprietors  of  the 
foil  and  the  natural  defenders  of  their  own 
rights  and  property;  and  they  knew  no 
fuperior  but  the  king.  A  council,  whether 
appointed  by  him  or  chofen  by  the  people 
could  not  form  a  diftin£t  body,  becaufe 
they  could  not  be  independent.  Had  fuch 
a  fimple  form  of  colony  government  been 
more  generally  adopted,  and  perfevering- 
ly  adhered  to,  and  adminiftered  only  by 
the  moll  delicate  hands,  it  might  have 
ferved  better  than  any  other,  to  perpetuate 
the  dependence  of  the  colonies  on  the  Bri- 
tifh  crown. 


CHAP. 


Council 
Rec. 


Fitch'sMS. 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE.  175 

CHAP.      VII. 

The  adminiflration  of  the  firft  council.  Op' 
pofition  to  the  acls  of  trade.  MaforCs 
arrival.  Oppofition  to  him.  His  de- 
par  tu  re.     State  of  trade  and  nav  igation. 

TH  E  commiflion  was  brought  to  Portf-  1 600. 
mouth  on  the  firft  of  January  by  Ed-  ^^r^J 
ward  Randolph,  than  whom  there  could  not 
be  a  more  unwelcome  meflenger.  It  was  re- 
ceived with  great  reluctance  by  the  gentle- 
men therein  named ;  who,  though  they 
were  of  the  firft  character,  intereit  and  in- 
fluence, and  had  fuftained  the  principal  offi- 
ces civil  and  military  under  the  colony  go- 
vernment*; yet  eafily  faw  that  their  ap- 
pointment 

*  The  prefident  Johx  Cutts  was  a  principal  merchant,  of  great 
probity  and  eftcem  in  Port! mouth  ;  but  now  aged  and  infirm. 

Richard  Martin,  was  of  good  character,  and  great  influence. 
He  had  been  very  active  in  procuring  the  fettlemcnt  of  a  minilter 
in  the  town  of  Portf'mouth. 

William  Vaughan,  was  a  wealthy  merchant,  generous  and  public 
fpirited,  and  of  undaunted  rclblution.  He  was  of  Welch  extraction, 
but  was  bred  in  London  under  Sir  Joliah  Child,  who  had  a  great 
regard  for  him,  and  whole  intcreft  he  made  ufe  of  for  the  good  of 
the  province. 

Thomas  Daniel  was  a  peif.m  of  fuch  note  and  importance,  that 
when  he  died  in  a  time  of  general  ficknefs  and  mortality,  Mr. 
Moody  preached  his  funeral  lermon  from  a  Sam.  ii.  30.  "  There 
•«  lacked  of  David's  lcrvants,  nineteen  men  and  Afobel."  (Fitch's 
MS.) 

Oilman  was  a  principal  man  in  Exeter,  as  was  Chrijlopher 
HuJJey,  in  Hamjiton. 

Richard  Waldron,  was  a  native  of  Somcrfetfhire,  and  one  of  the 
firft  fcttlers  in  Dover.  He  was  much  refpectcd  and  eminently  ufe- 
ful,  having  fuftained  divers  important  offices  civil  ai:d  military, 
and  approved  his  courage  and  fidelity  in  the  molt  hazardous  en- 
terprises. 


HISTORY     OF 

pointment  was    not  from  any  refpect.   to 
them  or  favour  to  the  people ;  but  merely 
to  obtain    a  more  eafy  introduction   to  a 
new  form  of  government,  for  a  particular 
purpofe,  which  they  knew  would  be  a 
fource  of  perplexity  and  diftrefs.     They 
would  gladly  have  declined  acting  in  their 
new  capacity ;  but  confidering  the  temper 
of  the  government  in  England,  the  una- 
voidable   neceffity  of  fubmitting    to  the 
change,  and  the  danger  (upon  their  refufal) 
of  others   being  appointed  who  would  be 
inimical  to   the  country,  they  agreed  to 
qualify   themfelves,    determining    to   do 
what  good,  and  keep  off  what  harm  they 
council       were  able.     They  therefore  publifhed  the 
commiffion,  and  took  the  oaths  on  the 
twenty  fecond  day  of  January,  which  was 
beyond  the  utmoft  time   limited  in   the 
commiiTion.     Agreeably  to  the  royal  di- 
rection they  chofe  three  other  gentlemen 
into  the  council;  Elias  Stileman  of  Great 
Ifland,  who  had  been  a  clerk  in  the  coun- 
ty courts,  whom  they  now  appointed  fe- 
cretary,  Samuel  Dalton  of  Hampton  and 
Job  Clements  of  Dover.     The  prefident 
nominated  Waldron  to  be  his  deputy  or 
vice  prefident,  Ivlartyn  was  appointed  trea- 
furer,  and  John  Roberts,  marlhal. 

This 


Rcc. 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE. 


177 


This  change  of  government  gratified  1680. 
the  difcontented  few,  but  was  greatly  dif-  v-^r^/ 
relifhed  by  the  people  in  general ;  as  they 
faw  themfelves  deprived  of  the  privilege 
of  choofing  their  own  rulers,  which  was 
ftill  enjoyed  by  the  other  colonies  of  New- 
England,  and  as  they  expected  an  invaiion 
of  their  property  foon  to  follow. 

When  writs  were  iflued  for  calling  a  ge- 
neral aflembly  the  perfons  in  each  town 
who  were  judged  qualified  to  vote  were 
named  in  the  writs*;  and  the  oath  of  al- 
legiance was  adminiftered  to  each  voter. 
A  public  faft  was  obferved,  to  afk  the  di-  Feb™.  »6, 
vine  bleffing  on  the  approaching  aflembly 
and  u  the  continuance  of  their  precious 
"  and  pleafant  things."  The  affembly  f 
met  at  Portfmouth  on  the  fixteenth  of 
March,  and  was  opened  with  prayer  and 
a  fermon  by  Mr.  Moody. 

N  To 

*  The  number  of  qualified  voters  in  each  town  was, 

In  Portfmouth  71 

Dover  6r 

Hampton  57 

Exeter  20 

209 

\  The  deputies  in  this  firft  affembly  were, 

For  Portfmouth.  Hampton. 

Robert  Eliot,  Anthony  Stanyon, 

Philip  Lewis,  Thomas  Marfton, 

John  Pickering.  Edward  Gove. 

Dover.  Exeter. 

Peter  Coffin,  Bartholomew  Tippin, 

Anthony  Nutter,  Ralph  Hall. 
Richard  Waldi on,  jun. 


178  HISTORY'OF 

1680.  To  exprefs  their  genuine  fentiments  of 

^^  the  prefent  change,  and  invalidate  the  falfe 
reports  which  had  been  raifed  againft  them, 
as  well  as  to  fhew  their  gratitude  and  re- 
fpectto  their  former  protectors,  they  wrote 
to  the  general  court  at  Bofton,  "  acknow- 
"  ledging  the  kindnefs  of  that  colony  in 
"  taking  them  under  their  protection  and 
"  ruling  them  well ;  alluring  them,  that 
"  it  was  not  any  diilatisfadion  with  their 
"  government,  but  merely  their  fubmiffion 
"  to  divine  providence  and  his  majefty's 
"  commands,  without  any  feeking  of  their 
**  own,  which  induced  them  to  comply 
"  with  the  prefent  feparation,  which  they 
"  mould  have  been  glad  had  never  taken 
"  place ;  fignifying  their  defire  that  a 
"  mutual  correfpondence  might  be  conti- 
"  nued  for  defence  againft  the  common 
Council  «  enemy,  and  offering  their  fervice  when 
"  it  fhould  be  neceiTary*." 

Their  next  care  was  to  frame  a  code 
of  laws,  of  which  the  firft,  conceived  in  a 
ftyle  beccoming  freemen,  was  "  that  no 

"  aft, 

*  This  letter  fully  fhcws  the  abfurdit.y  of  the  reafon  afllgncd  by 
Douglas  in  his  Summary,  vol.  II.  page  28,  for  the  erecting  this 
new  government.  "  The  proprietors  and  inhabitants  of  New- 
"  Hampshire  not  capable  of  protecting  themfelves  againft  the  Ca- 
*'  nada  French  and  their  Indians,  defned  of  the  crown  to  take 
«'  them  under  its  immediate  protection."  A  random  aflcrtion, 
unsupported  by  any  proof  and  contrary  to  plain  fact  !  The  crown 
could  afford  them  no  protection  againfl:  Indians.  With  the  French, 
the  crown  was  in  alliance,  and  the  nation  was  at  peace. 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE.  179 

u  ad,  impofition,  law  or  ordinance  fhould  1 680. 
"  be  made  or  impofed  upon  them,  but 
"  fuch  as  fhould  be  made  by  the  affembly 
"  and  approved  by  the  prelident  and  coun- 
"  cil."  Idolatry,  blafphemy,  treafon,  re- 
bellion, wilful  murder,  manflaughter, 
poilbning,  witchcraft,  fodomy,  beitiality, 
perjury,  man-ftealing,  curling  and  rebel- 
ling againft  parents,  rape  and  aribn  were 
made  capital  crimes.  The  other  penal 
laws  were  in  their  main  principles  the  lame 
that  are  now  in  force.  To  prevent  conten- 
tions that  might  arife  by  rcafon  of  the 
late  change  of  government,  all  townfhips 
and  grants  of  land  were  confirmed,  and 
ordered  to  remain  as  before;  and  contro-  \* 
verfies  about  the  titles  of  land  were  to  be 
determined  by  juries  chofen  by  the  fcveral 
towns,  according  to  former  cuftom.  The 
prelident  and  council  with  the  affembly 
were  a  fupreme  court  of  judicature,  with 
a  jury  when  defired  by  the  parties;  and 
three  inferior  courts  were  conftituted  at 
Dover,  Hampton  and  Portfmouth.  The 
military  arrangement  was,  one  foot  com-  uMSLaw*« 
pany  in  each  town,  one  company  of  artil- 
lery at  the  fort,  and  one  troop  of  horfe, 
all  under  the  command  of  Major  Waldron. 
During  thisadminiltration,  things  went 
en  as  nearly  as  poffible  in  the  old  channel, 
N  2  and 


i8o 


HISTORY    OF 


1680. 


March  23. 


Council 
Records  & 
Files. 


and  with  the  fame  fpirit,  as  before  the  re- 
paration. A  jealous  watch  was  kept  over 
their  rights  and  privileges,  and  every  en- 
croachment upon  them  was  withftood  to 
the  utmoft.  The  duties  and  reftridions 
eftablifhed  by  the  ads  of  trade  and  navi- 
gation were  univerfally  difguftful,  and  the 
more  fo  as  Randolph  was  appointed  col- 
ledor,  furveyor  andfearcherof  thecuftoms 
throughout  New-England.  In  the  exe- 
cution of  his  commiflion  he  feized  a  ketch 
belonging  to  Portfmouth,  but  bound  from 
Maryland  to  Ireland,  which  had  put  into 
this  port  for  a  few  days.  The  matter 
Mark  Hunking,  brought  an  adion  againft 
him  at  a  fpecial  court  before  the  prefident 
and  council,  and  recovered  damages  and 
cofts  to  the  amount  of  thirteen  pounds. 
Randolph  behaved  on  this  occafion  with 
fuch  infolence,  that  the  council  obliged 
him  publickly  to  acknowledge  his  offence 
and  afk  their  pardon.  He  appealed  from 
their  judgment  to  the  king;  but  what  the 
iliue  was  doth  not  appear.  Having  con- 
ftituted  Captain  Walter  Barefoote  his  de- 
puty at  this  port,  an  advertifement  was 
publifhed  requiring  that  all  veffels  fhould 
be  entered  and  cleared  with  him.  Upon 
which  Barefoot  was  brought  to  examina- 
tion, and  afterward  indided  before  the 

prefident 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE.  181 

prefident  and  council,  for  '  having  in  an      ^p 
'  high  and  prefumptuous  manner  fet  up    March  2/ 

*  his  majefty's  office  of  cuftoms  without 

*  leave  from  the  prefident  and  council;  in 

*  contempt  of  his  majefty's  authority  in 

*  this  place;  for  difturbing  and  obftrucl:- 
'  ing  his  majefty's  fubjecls  in  paffingfrom 

*  harbour  to  harbour,  and  town  to  town ; 

*  and  for  his  infolence  in  making  no  other 

*  anfwer  to  any  queftion  propounded  to 
c  him  but  "  my  name  is  Walter."  He  was 
fentenced  to  pay  a  fine  often  pounds,  and 
ftand  committed  till  it  was  paid.  But 
though  Randolph's  authority  was  denied, 
yet  they  made  an  order  of  their  own  for 
the  obfervation  of  the  ads  of  trade,  and 
appointed  officers  of  their  own  to  fee  them 
executed.  They  had  been  long  under  the 
MafTachufetts  government,  and  learned 
their  political  principles  from  them;  and 
as  they  had  been  ufed  to  think  that  all 
royal  authority  flowed  in  the  channel  of 
the  charter,  fo  they  now  thought  that  no 
authority  derived  from  the  crown  could 
be  regularly  exercifed  in  the  province  but 
through  their  commiffion.  In  this  they 
reafoned  agreeably  not  only  to  their  former 
principles,  but  to  their  fundamental  law, 
to  which  they  fteadily  adhered,  though 
they  had  no  reafon  to  think  it  would  be 

allowed 


182  HISTORY    OF 

1680.  allowed  by  the  crown;  and  though  they 
^^J      knew  that   a  rigid   adherence  to   rights, 

however  clear  and  facred,  was  not  the  way 
to  recommend  themfelves  to  royal  favour. 
But  they  were  not  fingular  in  thefe  fenti- 
ments,  nor  in  their  oppofition  to  the  laws 
of  trade-  Randolph  was  equally  hated, 
and  his  commirTion  neglected  at  Bofton; 
where  the  notary  refufed  to  enter  his 
mss  m  proteft  againft  the  proceedings  of  the  court ; 
and  he  was  obliged  to  poft  it  on  the 
exchange. 

In  the  latter  end  of  the  year  Mafon  ar- 
rived from  England  with  a  mandamus,  re- 
quiring the  council  to  admit  him  to  a  feat 

1 68 1 .  at  the  board,  which  was  accordinlgy  done. 
He  foon  entered  on  the  bufinefs  he  came 
about ;  endeavouring  to  perfuade  fome  of 
the  people  to  take  leafes  of  him,  threaten- 
ing others  if  they  did  not,  forbidding  them 
to  cut  fire-wood  and  timber,  aflerting  his 
right  to  the  province  and  affirming  the  title 
of  lord-proprietor.  His  agents,  or  ftew- 
ards  as  they  were  called,  had  rendered 
themfelves  obnoxious  by  demanding  rents 
of  feveral  perfons  and  threatening  to  fell 
their  houfes  for  payment.  Thefe  proceed- 
ings raifed  a  general  uneafinefs;  and  pe- 
titions were  lent  from  each  town,  as  well 
as  from  divers  individuals,  to  the  council 

for 


Dec.  30. 


\^-v^J 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE.  183 

for  protection ;  who  taking  up  the  matter  1681. 
judicially  publifhed  an  order  prohibiting  '  ^ 
Mafon  or  his  agents  at  their  peril  to  re- 
peat fuch  irregular  proceedings,  and  de- 
claring their  intention  to  tranfmit  the 
grievances  and  complaints  of  the  people 
to  the  king.  Upon  this,  Mafon  would  no 
longer  fit  in  council,  though  defired,  nor 
appear  when  fent  for;  when  they  threat- 
ened to  deal  with  him  as  an  offender,  he 
threatened  to  appeal  to  the  kinir,  and  pub- 
lifhed a  fummons  to  the  prefident  and  fe- 
veral  members  of  the  council,  and  others 
to  appear  before  his  majefty  in  three 
months.  This  was  deemed  "  an  ufurpa- 
"  tion  over  his  majefty's  authority  here 
"  eftablifhed,"  and  a  warrant  was  iffued 
for  apprehending  him  ;  but  he  got  out  of 
their  reach  and  went  to  England. 

During  thefe  tranfa&ions  prefident 
Cutts  died,  and  Major  Waldron  fucceed- 
ed  him,  appointing  Captain  Stileman  for 
his  deputy,  who  had  quitted  his  place  of 
fecretary  upon  the  appointment  of  Rich- 
ard Chamberlayne  to  that  office  by  royal  Dec.  30. 
commiffion.  The  vacancy  made  in  the 
council  by  the  prefident's  death  was  filled 
by  Richard  Waldron  junior.  On  the  death 
of  Dalton,  Anthony  Nutter  was  chofen. 

Henry 


March  27. 
April  5. 


1 84  HISTORY    OF 

1 68 1 .     Henry  Dow  was  appointed  marihal  in  the 
^^      room  of  Roberts  who  refigned. 
jgg^>  During  the  remainder  of  the  council's 

v^vvj  adminiftration,  the  common  bufinefs  went 
on  in  the  ufual  manner,  and  nothing  re- 
markable is  mentioned,  excepting  another 
profecution  of  Barefoote,with  his  afTiftants, 
March  ic.  William  Hafkins  and  Thomas  Thurton 
for  feizing  a  veflel  "  under  pretence  of 
"  his  majefty's  name,  without  the  know- 
"  ledge  of  the  authority  of  the  province, 
"  and  without  fhewing  any  breach  of 
"  ftatute  though  demanded."  Barefoote 
pleaded  his  deputation  from  Randolph; 
but  he  was  amerced  twenty  pounds  to 
be  refpited  during  his  good  behaviour, 
and  his  two  affiftants  five  pounds  each; 
the  complainant  being  left  to  the  law 
for  his  damages.  This  affair  was  carried 
by  appeal  to  the  king;  but  the  ifTue  is 
not  mentioned. 

It  will  be  proper  to  clofe  the  account  of 
this  adminiftration  with  a  view  of  the 
ftate  of  the  province  as  to  its  trade,  im- 
provements and  defence,  from  a  repre- 
fentation  thereof  made  by  the  council  to 
the  lords  of  trade,  purfuant  to  their  order. 
"  The  trade  of  the  province,  (fay  they) 
is  in  malls,  planks,  boards  and  ftaves  and 
#11  other  lumber,  which  at  prefent  is  of 

little 


V^v-s^ 


N  E  W-H  A  M  P  S  H  I  R  E.  185 

little  value  in  other  plantations,  to  which      1682. 
they   are  tranfported ;  fo  that  we  fee  no 
other  way  for  the  advantage  of  the  trade, 
unlefshis  majefly  pleafe  to  make  our  river 
a  free  port. 

"  Importation  by  ftrangers  is  of  little 
value;  mips  commonly  felling  their  car- 
goes in  other  governments,  and  if  they 
come  here,  ufually  come  empty  to  fill 
with  lumber:  but  if  haply  they  are  at 
any  time  loaded  with  fifh,  it  is  brought 
from  other  ports,  there  being  none  made 
in  our  province,  nor  likely  to  be,  until 
his  majefty  pleafe  to  make  the  fouth  part 
of  the  Ides  of  Shoals  part  of  this  govern- 
ment, they  not  being  at  prefent  under 
any*. 

"  In  reference  to  the  improvement  of 
lands  by  tillage,  our  foil  is  generally  fo 
barren,  and  the  winters  fo  extreme  cold 
and  long  that  there  is  not  provifipn  enough 
raifed  to  fupply  the  inhabitants,  many  of 
whom  were  in  the  late  Indian  war  fo  im- 

poverifhed 

'  When  thefe  iflands  were  firft  fettled  is  uncertain,  hut  it  rouft 
have  been  very  early,  as  they  are  molt  commodioufly  fituated  for 
the  filhery,  which  was  a  principal  objeft  with  the  firrt  fettlcr*. 
While  New  Hampfliire  was  united  to  MuiTuchufctts,  they  were  un- 
der the  fame  juiifdiction,  and  the  town  there  erected  was  called 
Appledore.  ^MalT'  K.ec]  They  are  not  named  in  Cutts's  nor 
C'ranfield's  commiflion;  hut  under  Dudley's  prcfidency,  caufes 
were  brought  from  thence  to  Portfniouth,  which  is  laid  to  be  in 
the  fame  county.  In  Allen's  and  all  fucceeding  comniifTions,  they 
pre  particularly  mentioned  ;  the  fouth  half  of  them  being  in  New- 
|iatnpfliire. 


186  HISTORY     OF 


*-"WJ 


1682.  poverifhed,  their  houfes  and  eftates  being 
deftroyed,  and  they  and  others  remaining 
flill  fo  incapacitated  for  the  improvement 
of  the  land,  (feveral  of  the  youth  being 
killed  alio)  that  they  even  groan  under 
the  tax  or  rate,  afieffed  for  that  fervice, 
which  is,  great  part  of  it,  unpaid  to  this 
day*. 

"  There  is  at  the  Great  Ifland  in  Portf- 
mouth,  at  the  harbour's  mouth,  a  fort 
well  enough  fituated,  but  for  the  prefent 
too  weak  and  infufficient  for  the  defence 
of  the  place ;  the  guns  being  eleven  in 
number  are  fmall,  none  exceeding  a  facre 
[fix  pounder]  nor  above  twenty  one  hund- 
red weight,  and  the  people  too  poor  to 
make  defence  fuitable  to  the  occafion  that 
may  happen  for  the  fort. 

"  Thefe  guns  were  bought,  and  the 
fortification  erected,  at  the  proper  charge 
of  the  towns  of  Dover  and  Portfmouth, 
at  the  beginning  of  the  firft  Dutch  war, 
about  the  year  1665,  in  obedience  to  his 

majefty's 

*  Taxes  were  commonly  paid  in  lumber  or  provifions  at  flated 
prices ;  and  whoever  paid  them  in  money  was  abated  one-third  part. 
Tbe  prices  in  1680,  were  as  follows. 

Merchantable  white  pine  boards  perm  30/. 

White  Oak  pipe  fhves  per  ditto       -      3  £. 

Red  Oak  ditto  per  ditto     -     -     -     -     30/. 

Red  Oak  Hhd.  ditto  per  ditto     -     -      ZSf. 

Indian  Corn  per  bulhel     .....    3  J, 

Wheat  per  ditto     -------     jf  7? 

Malt  per  ditto     -------       4^ 

N.  B.  Silver  was  6/.  and  3  d.  per  cz. 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE,  187 

majefty's  command  in  his  letter  to  the  go-      1682. 
vernment  under  which  this  province  then      ^^^ 
was. 

"  There  are  five  guns  more  lying  at 
the  upper  part  of  Portfmouth,  purchafed 
by  private  perfons,  for  their  fecurity  and 
defence  againft  the  Indians  in  the  late  war 
with  them,  and  whereof  the  owners  may 
difpofe  at  their  pleafure.  To  fupply  the 
forefaid  defect  and  weaknefs  of  the  guns 
and  fort,  we  humbly  fupplicate  his  majefty 
to  fend  us  fuch  guns  as  fhall  be  more  fer- 
viceable,  with  powder  and  lhot." 

By  an  account  of  the  entries  in  the  port 
annexed  to  the  above,  it  appears,  that  from 
the  fifteenth  of  June  1680,  to  the  twelfth 
of  April  1 68 1,  were  entered,  twenty  two 
fhips,  eighteen  ketches,  two  barks,  three  Council 
pinks,  one  lhallop  and  one  fly-boat;  in 
all  forty  feven. 


CHAP. 


188  HISTORY     OF 


CHAP.       VIII. 

The  adminiflration  of  Cranfield.  Violent 
meafures.  I?ifurrecliony  trial  and  impri- 
fonment  of  Gove.  Mafon' sfuits.  Vaugh- 
anys  imprifonment.  Profecution  of  Moo- 
dy and  his  imprifonment.  Arbitrary 
proceedings.  Complaints.  Tumults. 
Wearers  agency  in  England.  Cranfield' s 
removal.     Barefooted  adminift ration. 

1682.  C?  XPERIENCE  having  now  con- 
y^rsj  Fj  vinced  Mafon,  that  the  government 
which  he  had  procured  to  be  erected,  was 
not  likely  to  be  adminiftered  in  a  manner 
favourable  to  his  views,  he  made  it  his 
bufinefs,  on  his  return  to  England,  to  fo- 
licit  a  change  ;  in  confequence  of  which 
it  was  determined  to  commimon  Edward 
Cranfield,  efq.  lieutenant-governor  and 
commander  in  chief  of  New-Hampfhire. 
By  a  deed  enrolled  in  the  court  of  chan- 
jan.  25,  eery,  Mafon  furrendered  to  the  king  one 
fifth  part  of  the  quit-rents,  which  had  or 
mould  become  due  :  Thefe  with  the  fines 
and  forfeitures  which  had  accrued  to  the 
crown  fince  the  eftablifhment  of  the  pro- 
vince, and  which  fhould  afterward  arife, 
were  appropriated  to  the  fupport  of  the 

governor. 


O-v-O 


MSSintho 
files. 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE.  189 

governor.  But  this  being  deemed  too  1682. 
precarious  a  foundation,  Malbn  by  ano- 
ther deed  mortgaged  the  whole  province 
to  Cranfield,  for  twenty-one  years,  as  fe- 
curity  for  the  payment  of  one  hundred 
and  fifty  pounds  per  annum,  for  the  fpace 
of  feven  years.  On  this  encouragement 
Cranfield  relinquiihed  a  profitable  office  Fltch'SMS 
at  home,  with  the  view  of  bettering  his 
fortune  here. 

By  the  commiflion,  which  bears  date 
the  ninth  of  May,  the  governor  was  im- 
powered  to  call,  adjourn,  prorogue  and 
diflblve  general  courts  ;  to  have  a  nega- 
tive voice  in  all  acts  of  government ;  to 
fufpend  any  of  the  council  when  he  fhould 
fee  juft  caufe  (and  every  couniellor  fo  fu- 
ipended  was  declared  incapable  of  being 
elected  into  the  general  aflembly  ;)  to  ap- 
point a  deputy-governor,  judges,  juftices, 
and  other  officers,  by  his  fole  authority  ; 
and  to  execute  the  powers  of  vice-admiral. 
The  cafe  of  Mafon  was  recited  nearly  in 
the  fame  words  as  in  the  former  commit- 
fion,  and  the  fame  directions  were  given 
to  the  governor  to  reconcile  differences,  or 
fend  cafes  fairly  ftated  to  the  king  in 
council,  for  his  decifion.  The  counfellors 
named  in  this  commiflion  were  Mafon, 
who  is  ftyled  proprietor,  Waldron,  Daniel, 

Vaughan, 


Records. 


190  HISTORY    OF 

1682.     Vaughan,  Martyn,  Gilman,  Stileman  and 
^^      Clements :     Thefe  were  of  the   former 
council,  and  to  them  were  added  Walter 
Barefoote  and  Richard  Chamberlayne. 
council  Cranfield  arrived  andpublifhedhiscom- 

miffion  on  the  fourth  of  October,  and 
within  fix  days  Waldron  and  Martyn  were 
fufpended  from  the  council,  on  certain  ar- 
ticles exhibited  againft  them  by  Mafon. 
This  early  fpecimen  of  the  exercife  of 
power  muft  have  been  intended  as  a  pub- 
lic affront  to  them,  in  revenge  for  their 
former  fpirited  conduct ;  otherwife  their 
names  might  have  been  left  out  of  the 
commifficn  when  it  was  drawn. 

The  people  now  plainly  faw  the  dan- 
gerous defigns  formed  againft  them.  The 
negative  voice  of  a  governor,  his  right  of 
fufpending  counfellors,  and  appointing 
officers,  by  his  own  authority,  were  wholly 
unprecedented  in  New-England ;  and  they 
had  the  fingular  mortification  to  fee  the 
crown  not  only  appointing  two  branches 
of  their  legiflature,  but  claiming  a  nega- 
tive on  the  election  of  their  reprefentatives, 
in  a  particular  cafe,  which  might  fome- 
times  be  effentially  neceffary  to  their  own 
fecurity.  They  well  knew  that  the  fole 
defign  of  thefe  novel  and  extraordinary 
powers  was  to  facilitate  the  entry  of  the 

claimant 


N  E  W-H  AMPSH1RE.  191 

claimant  on  the  lands  which  fome  of  them  1682. 
held  by  virtue  of  grants  from  the  fame  v-°^-' 
authority,  and  which  had  all  been  fairly 
purchafed  of  the  Indians;  a  right  which 
they  believed  to  be  of  more  validity  than 
any  other.  Having  by  their  own  labour 
and  expence  fubdued  a  rough  wildernefs, 
defended  their  families  and  eftates  againft 
the  favage  enemy,  without  the  lcaff  aftift- 
ance  from  the  claimant,  and  held  pof- 
fefTion  for  above  fifty  years;  they  now 
thought  it  hard  and  cruel,  that  when  they 
had  juft  recovered  from  the  horrors  of  a 
bloody  war,  they  mould  have  their  liberty 
abridged,  and  their  property  demanded,  to 
fatisfy  a  claim  which  was  at  bell  disputable, 
and  in  their  opinion  groundless.  On  the 
other  hand  it  was  deemed  unjuft,  that 
grants  made  under  the  royal  authority 
mould  be  difregarded  ;  and  that  fo  great 
a  fum  as  had  been  expended  by  the  ances- 
tor of  the  claimant,  to  promote  the  Settle- 
ment of  the  country,  mould  be  entirely 
loft  to  him  ;  efpecially  as  he  had  foregone  }■■£■»* 
fome  juft  claims  on  the  eftate  as  a  condi- 
tion of  inheritance.  Had  the  inhabitants 
by  any  fraudulent  means  impeded  the  de- 
figns  of  the  original  grantee,  or  embezzled 
his  intereft,  there  might  have  been  a  juft 
demand  for  damages ;   but  the  unfuccefs- 

fulncis 


WilL 


Hj2  HISTORY    OF 

1682.  fulnefs  of  that  adventure  was  to  be  fought 
^^^  for  in  its  own  impracticability  ;  or  the 
negligence,  inability  or  inexperience  of 
thofe  into  whofe  hands  the  management 
of  it  fell  after  Captain  Maion's  death,  and 
during  the  minority  of  his  fuccefTor. 

An   affembly,  being   fummoned,   met 

on   the   fourteenth  of  November;  with 

whole  concurrence  a  new  body  of  laws 

was  enacted,  in  fome   refpects  different 

from  the  former;  the   fundamental  law 

being  omitted  and  an  alteration  made  in 

ms  Laws,     the  appointment  of  jurors,  which  was  now 

ordered  to  be  done  by  the  flieriff,  after  the 

cuftom  in  England. 

Vaughan's         Cranfield,  who  made  no  fecret  of  his  in- 

jcmnui.       tention  to  enrich  himfelf  by  accepting  the 

government,  on  the  firft  day  of  the  alTem- 

bly  reftored  Waldron  and  Martyn  to  their 

places  in  the  council;  having,  as  he  faid, 

examined  the  allegations  againft  them  and 

Council  .  rr    •  r 

R««.  found  them  infumcient.    In  return  for  this 

fliew  of  complaifance,  and  taking  advan- 
tage of  his  needy  fituation,  the  alTembly 
having  ordered  an  aiTeiTment  of  five  hun- 
dred pounds,  appropriated  one  half  of  it 
as  a  prefent  to  the  governor;  hoping  here- 
by to  detach  him  from  Mafon,  who  they 
knew  could  never  comply  with  his  en- 
gagements to  him*     Prefering  a  certainty 

to 


Dccemb.  I. 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE.  igj 

to  an  uncertainty,  he  paffed  the  bill,  though     1682. 

it  was  not  presented  to  him  till  after  he 

had  given  order  for  adjourning  the  court, 

and  after  Mafon,  Barefoote  and  Chamber-    J£L,nn" 

layne  were  withdrawn  from  the  council. 

This  appearance  of  good  humour  was  1683. 
but  fhort-lived;  for  at  the  next  feflion  of  j^^ 
the  affembly,  the  governor  and  council 
having  tendered  them  a  bill  for  the  fup- 
port  of  government,  which  they  did  not 
approve,  and  they  having  offered  him  fe- 
veral  bills  which  he  faid  were  contrary  to 
law,  he  diffolved  them ;  having  prcvioufly 
fufpended  Stileman  from  the.  council  and 
difmiffed  him  from  the  command  of  the 
fort,  for  fuffering  a  veffel  under  feizure  to 
go  out  of  the  harbour.  Barefoote  was  made    council 

Rcc. 

captain  of  the  fort  in  his  room. 

Thediffolutionof  the  Affembly,  a  thing 
before  unknown,  aggravated  the  popular 
difcontent,  and  kindled  the  refentment  of 
Ibme  ra(h  perfons  in  Hampton  and  Exe- 
ter; who,  headed  by  Edward  Gove,  a 
member  of  the  diffolved  affembly,  declar- 
ed by  found  of  trumpet  for  "  liberty  and 
"  reformation."  There  had  been  a  town 
meeting  at  Hampton,  when  a  new  clerk 
was  chofen  and  their  records  fecured.  Gove 
went  from  town  to  town  proclaiming  what 
had  been  done  at  Hampton,  carrying  his 
O  arms, 


i94  HISTORY    OF 

16S3.  arms,  declaring  that  the  governor  was  a 
v-''v>s-/  traitor  and  had  exceeded  his  commiflion, 
and  that  he  would  not  lay  down  his  arms 
till  matters  were  fet  right,  and  endeavour- 
ing to  excite  the  principal  men  in  the  pro- 
vince to  join  in  a  confederacy  to  overturn 
the  government.  His  project  appeared 
to  them  fo  wild  and  dangerous,  that  they 
not  only  difapproved  it,  but  informed  a- 
gainfi:  him  and  affifted  in  apprehending 
him.  Hearing  of  their  delign,  he  collect- 
ed his  company,  and  appeared  in  arms; 
but  ontheperfuafion  of  fome  of  his  friends 
he  furrendered.  A  fpecial  court  was  im- 
mediately commiflioned  for  his  trial,  of 
which  Major  Waldron  fat  as  judge,  with 
William  Vaughan  and  Thomas  Daniel 
afliftants.  The  grand  jury  prefented  a 
bill  in  which  Edward  Gove,  John  Gove, 
his  fon,  and  William  Hely,  of  Hampton  ; 
Joleph,  John  and  Robert  Wadleigh,  three 
brothers,  Thomas  Rawlins,  Mark  Baker 
and  John  Sleeper,  of  Exeter,  were  charg- 
ed with  high-treafon.  Gove,  who  behav- 
ed with  great  infolence  before  the  court, 
and  pretended  to  juftify  what  he  had  done, 
was  convicted  and  received  fentence  of 
Feb.  r.  death  in  the  ufual  hideous  form  ;  and  his 
eftate  was  feized,  as  forfeited  to  the  crown. 
s^ecTat  °f  Tne  others  were  convicted  -of  being  ac- 
c&nru.  complices, 


N  E  W-H  A  M  P  S  H  I  R  E;  t9$ 

tomplices,  and  refpited.  The  king's  1683. 
pleafure  being  fignified  to  the  governor  i*y*J 
that  he  fhould  pardon  fuch  as  he  judged 
objects  of  mercy  ;  they  were  all  fet  at  li- 
berty but  Gove,  who  was  fent  to  England, 
and  imprifoned  in  the  tower  of  London 
about  three  years.  On  his  repeated  peti- 
tions to  the  king,  and  by  the  intereft  of 
Randolph  with  the  Earl  of  Clarendon, 
then  lord  chamberlain,  he  obtained  his 
pardon  and  returned  home  in  1686,  with 
an  order  to  the  then  prefident  and  council 
of  New-England  to  reftore  his  eftate. 

Gove  in  his  petitions  to  the  king  plead-  Move's 
ed  "  a  diftemper  of  mind"  as  the  caufe  of 
thofe  actions  for  which  he  was  profecuted. 
He  alfo  fpeaks  in  fome  of  his  private  let- 
ters of  a  drinking  match  at  his  houfe,  and 
that  he  had  not  flept  for  twelve  days  and 
nights,  about  that  time.  When  thefe 
things  are  confidered,  it  is  not  hard  to  ac- 
count for  his  conduct.  From  a  letter 
which  he  wrote  to  the  court  while  in  pri- 
fon,  one  would  fuppofe  him  to  have  been  ms  in  files. 
difordered  in  his  mind.  His  punifhment 
was  by  much  too  fevere,  and  his  trial  was 
hurried  on  too  fait,  it  being  only  fix  days 
after  the  commiffion  of  his  crime.  Had 
he  been  indicted  only  for  a  riot  there  would 
have  been  no  difficulty  in  the  proof,  nor 
O  2  hardfhip 


196  HISTORY    OF 

1683.     hardfhip  in  inflicting  the  legal  penalty. 

'wv>  Waldron,  it  is  faid,  fhed  tears  when  pro- 
nouncing the  fentence  of  death  upon  him. 
On  the  fourteenth  of  February  the  go- 
vernor, by  advertifement,  called  upon  the 
inhabitants  to  take  out  leafes  from  Mafon 
within  one  month,  otherwife  he  muft, 
purfuant  to  his  inftru&ions,  certify  the  re- 
fufal  to  the  king,  that  Mafon  might  be 
difcharged  of  his  obligation  to  grant  them. 
Upon  this  fummons  and  within  the  time 
fet,  Major  Waldron,  John  Wingett  and 
Thomas  Roberts,  three  of  the  principal 
landholders  in  Dover,  waited  on  the  go- 
vernor to  know  his  pleafure,  who  directed 
them  to  agree  with  Mafon.  They  then 
retired  into  another  room  where  Mafon 
was,  and  propofed  to  refer  the  matter  to 
the  governor,  that  he  might  according  to 
his  commiffion,  ftate  the  matter  to  the 
king  for  his  decifion.  This  propofal  Ma- 
fon rejected,  faying  thatunlefs  they  would 
own  his  title,  he  would  have  nothing  to 

wear's  do  with  them.  While  they  were  in  dif- 
courfe  the  governor  came  in  and  defired 
them  to  depart. 

This  piece  of  conduct  is  difficult  to  be 
accounted  for,  it  being  directly  in  the  face 
of  the  commiffion.  Had  the  method  there- 
in prefcribed,  and  by  thefe  men  propofed, 

been 


fciS. 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE.  197 

been  adopted,  it  was  natural  to  expect  1683. 
that  the  king,  who  had  all  along  favoured  ^^ 
Mafon's  pretenfions,  would  have  deter- 
mined the  cafe  as  much  to  his  wifh  as  upon 
an  appeal  from  a  judicial  court;  befides, 
he  had  now  the  faireft  opportunity  to  have 
it  decided  in  the  Ihorteft  way,  to  which 
his  antagonifts  muft  have  fubmitted,  it 
being  their  own  propofal.  His  refufal  to 
accede  to  it  was  a  capital  miftake,  as  it  left 
both  him  and  Cranfield  expofed  to  the 
charge  of  difobedience.  But  it  afforded 
a  powerful  plea  in  behalf  of  the  people; 
whole  confidence  in  the  royal  juftice  would 
have  induced  them  to  comply  with  the  di- 
rections in  the  commimon.  It  being  now 
impoffible  to  have  the  controverfy  thus 
decided  they  determined  to  hearken  to 
none  of  his  propofals.  As  he  generally 
met  with  oppoiition  and  contradiction  he 
was  induced  to  utter  many  ram  fayings 
in  all  companies.  He  threatened  to  feize 
the  principal  eftates,  beggar  their  owners, 
and  provoke  them  to  rebellion  by  bring- 
ing a  frigate  into  the  harbour  and  procur- 
ing ibldiers  to  be  quartered  on  the  inhabi- 
tants. Thele  threats  were  fo  far  from  in-  ms!"5 
timidating  the  people  that  they  ferved 
the  more  firmly  to  unite  them  in  their  de- 
termination not  to  fubmit;  and  each  par- 
ty 


19S  HISTORY     OF 

1683.     ty  was  now  warm  in  their  oppofition  and 
v-"w      refentment. 

The  governor  on  fome  frefti  pretence 
fufpended  Waldron,  Martyn  and  Gilman 
from  the  council.  The  deaths  of  Daniels 
and  Clements  made  two  other  vacancies. 
Vaughan  held  his  feat  the  longeft,  but 
was  at  length  thruft  out  for  his  non-com- 
pliance with  fome  arbitrary  meafures.  So 
that  the  governor  had  it  in  his  power  to  mo- 
del the  council  to  his  mind,  which  he  did  by 
appointing  at  various  times  Nathanael  Fry- 
er, Robert  Eliot,  John  Hinckes,  James 
Sherlock,  Francis  Champernoon  and  Ed^ 
ward  Randolph,  efquires.  The  judicial 
courts  were  alfo  filled  with  officers  proper 
for  the  intended  bufinefs.  Barefoote,  the 
deputy  governor,  was  judge;  Mafon  was 
chancellor;  Chamberlayne was  clerk  and 
prothonotary ;  Randolph  was  attorney  ge^ 
Council  neral,  and  Sherlock  provoft  marfhal  and 
fherifF.  Some  who  had  always  been  difaf- 
fected  to  the  country,  and  others  who 
had  been  awed  by  threats  or  flattered  by 
promifes  took  leafes  from  Mafon;  and 
thefe  ferved  for  under  fheriffs,  jurors, 
evidences,  and  other  neceflary  perfons. 

Things  being  thus  prepared,  Mafon  be- 
gan his  law-fuits  by  a  writ  againft  Major 
Yfaldron,  (who  had  always  diftinguifhed 

himfelf 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE.  199 

himfelf  in  oppofition  to  his  claim)  for  1683. 
holding  lands  and  felling  timber  to  the  K~^J 
amount  of  four  thoufand  pounds.  The 
major  appeared  in  court,  and  challenged 
every  one  of  the  jury  as  interefted  per- 
fons,  fome  of  them  having  taken  leafcs  of 
Mafon,  and  all  of  them  living  upon  the 
lands  which  he  claimed.  The  judge  then 
caufed  the  oath  of  voire  dire  to  be  admini- 
ftered  to  each  juror,  purporting  "  that  he 
*'  was  not  concerned  in  the  lands  in  quc- 
"  (lion,  and  that  he  mould  neither  gain 
"  nor  lofe  by  the  caufe."  Upon  which  the 
major  faid  aloud  to  the  people  prefent, 
*'  That  his  was  a  leading  cafe,  and  that 
**  if  he  were  caft  they  mud:  all  become  te- 
"  nants  to  Mafon;  and  that  all  perfons  in 
"  the  province  being  interefted,  none  of 
**  them  could  legally  be  of  the  jury."  The  Ms  »  *i« 
cafe  however  went  on ;  but  he  made  no 
defence,  aflferted  no  title,  and  gave  no  evi- 
dence on  his  part.  Judgment  was  given 
againft  him  and  at  the  next  court  of  feffi- 
ons  he  was  fined  five  pounds  for  "  muti- 
"  nous  and  feditious  words." 

Suits  were  then  inftituted  againfl:  all  the 
principal  landholders  in  the  province,  who, 
following  Waldron's  example,  never  made 
any  defence.  Some,  chierly  of  Hampton, 
gave  in  writing  their  reafons  for  not  join- 
ing 


200  HISTORY     OF 

1683.  ing  iflue;  which  were,  the  refufal  of  Ma- 
^-^rsj  fori  to  comply  with  the  directions  in  the 
commimon;  the  impropriety  of  a  jury's 
determining  what  the  king  had  exprefsly 
referved  to  himfelf ;  and  the  incompetency 
of  the  jury,  they  being  all  interefted  per- 
fons,  one  of  whom  had  faid  that  "  he 
"  would  fpend  his  eft-ate  to  make  Mafon's 
"  right  good."  Thefe  reafons  were  irri- 
tating rather  than  convincing  to  the  court. 
The  jury  never  hefitated  in  their  verdicts. 
From  feven  to  twelve  caufes  were  difpatch- 
ed  in  a  day,  and  the  cofts  were  multiplied 
from  five  to  twenty  pounds.  Executions 
were  iflued,  of  which  two  or  three  only 
were  levied ;  butMafon  could  neither  keep 
fife^a^d  poffeffion  of  the  premifes  nor  difpofe  of 
Weare's  them  by  fale,  fo  that  the  owners  ftill  enjoy- 
ed them.  Several  threatened  to  appeal  to 
the  king  but  Major  Vaughan  alone  made 
the  experiment. 

A  fuit  was  alfo  commenced  againft 
IVIartyn  who  had  been  treafurer,  for  the 
fines  and  forfeitures  received  by  him, 
during  the  former  adminiftration;  and 
judgment  was  recovered  for  feventy  one 
pounds  with  cofts.  Martyn  petitioned 
Mafon  as  chancellor,  fetting  forth  that 
he  had  received  and  difpofed  of  the  mo- 
ney according  to  the  orders  of  the  late  pre- 
fident  and  council,  and  praying  that  the 

whole 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE.  201 

whole  burden  might  not  lie  upon  him.       '^P 
A  decree  was  then  iffued  for  the  other 
furviving:  members  of  the  late  council, 
and  the  heirs  of  thofe  who  were  dead,  to 
bear  their  proportion.     This  decree  was    filcs.  m 
afterward  reverfed  by  the  king  in  council. 

Cranfield  with  his  council  had  now  af- 
fumed  the  whole  le^iflative  power.  They 
prohibited  veffels  from  Maflachufetts  to  V 
enter  the  port,  becaufe  the  ads  of  trade 
were  not  obferved  in  that  colony:  They 
fixed  the  dimenfions  of  merchantable  lum- 
ber; altered  the  value  of  filver  money, 
which  had  always  pafled  by  weight  at 
fix  millings  and  eight-pence  per  ounce; 
and  ordered  that  dollars  mould  be  receiv- 
ed at  fix  millings  each,  which  was  then 
a  great  hardfhip;  as  many  of  them  were 
greatly  deficient  in  weight:  They  alfo 
changed  the  bounds  oftownfhips;  efta- 
blifhed  fees  of  office;  made  regulations 
for  the  package  of  fifh,  and  ordered  the 
conftables  to  forbear  collecting  any  town 
or  parifh  taxes  till  the  province  tax  was 
paid,  and  the  accounts  fettled  with  the 
treafurer. 

The  public  grievances  having  become 
infupportable,  the  people  were  driven  to 
the  neceffity  of  making  a  vigorous  ftand 
for  their  liberties.     The  only  regular  way 

was 


Omncil 
Rec. 


202  HISTORY     OF 

1683.  was  by  complaint  to  the  king.  Having 
^yn;  privately  communicated  their  fentiments 
to  each  other,  and  raifed  money  by  fub- 
fcription,  they  appointed  Nathaniel  Weare, 
efq.  of  Hampton  their  agent;  and  the  four 
towns  having  drawn  and  iubfcribed  diftincT; 
petitions  of  the  fame  tenor,  Weare  pri- 
vately withdrew  to  Boflon  from  whence 
he  failed  for  England.  Major  Vaughan 
who  accompanied  him  to  Bofton,  and  was 
appointed  to  procure  depofitions  to  fend 
after  him,  was  upon  his  return  to  Portf- 
mouth,  brought  to  an  examination,  treated 
with  great  infolence  and  required  to  find 
Mssu  fureties  for  his  good  behaviour;  which, 
having  broken  no  law,  he  refufed*;  and 
was  by  the  governor's  own  warrant  im- 
mediately committed  to  prifon;  where  he 
was  kept  nine  months  to  the  great  damage 
of  his  health,  and  of  his  own  as  well  as  the 
people's  intereft. 
1684..  Amidft  thefe  multiplied  oppreflions, 
Cranfieldwasftilldifappointedofthe  gains 
he  had  expected  to  reap  from  his  office; 
and  found  to  his  great  mortification,  that 
there  was  noway  of  fupplying  his  wants, 
but  by  application  to  the  people,  through 

an 

*  In  this  refufal  he  !s  countenanced  by  the  example  of  the  great 
Selden,  and  other  members  of  parliament  who  were  imprifoned  bj 
order  of  Charles  1.  in  1629. 

Macaulay's  Hift.  Eng.  ?>vo.  Vol.  %.  p.  7*. 


<s~sr*J 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE.  203 

an  aflembly.  He  had  already  abufed  them  1684. 
fo  much  that  he  could  hope  nothing  from  ^^ 
their  favour;  and  was  therefore  obliged 
to  have  recourfe  to  artifice.  On  a  vague 
rumour  of  a  foreign  war,  he  pretended 
much  concern  for  the  prefervation  of  the 
province  from  invafion;  and  prefuming 
that  they  would  mew  the  fame  concern 
for  themfelves,  he  called  an  aiTembly  at 
Great-Ifland  where  he  refided,  to  whom  jannar.14. 
he  tendered  a  bill,  which  in  a  manner  to- 
tally unparliamentary,  had  been  drawn 
and  palled  by  the  council,  for  raifino,  mo- 
ney to  defray  the  expence  of  repairing  the 
fort,  and  fupplyin-j;  it  with  ammunition, 
and  for  other  necefiary  charges  of  govern- 
ment. The  houfe*  debated  a  while,  and 
adjourned  for  the  night,  and  the  tide  ferv- 
ing,  the  members  went  up  to  the  town. 
In  the  morning  they  returned  the  bill  with 
their  negative ;  at  which  the  governor 
was  highly  enraged,  and  telling  them  that 
they  had  been  to  confult  with  Moody, 
and  other  declared  enemies  of  the  king 

and 


•  The  members  of  this  aflemhly  were, 

For  Portsmouth.  Hampton. 

Richard  Wald ion,  jun.  fpeakcr,  Anthony  Stanyon, 

Philip  Lewis,  Jofeph  Smith, 

John  Pickering.  John  Smith. 

Dover.  Exeter. 

John  Getrifh,  Robert  Smart, 

John  Woodman,  Thomas  VViggen. 
Anthony  Nutter.  (Couit  Records.) 


«o4  HISTORY    OF 

1 684.     and  church  of  England,  he  diffolved  them ; 

^"^     and  afterward  by  his  influence  with  the 

court  of  feffions,  divers  of  the  members 

court  Rcc.    were  made  conftables  for  the  following 

vaughans     year.     Some  of  them  took  the  oath,  and 

Journal.  / 

others  paid  the  fine  which  was  ten  pounds. 
Thus  by  a  mean  and  execrable  revenge, 
he  taxed  thofe  whom  he  could  not  per- 
fuade  to  tax  their  conftituents  for  his  pur- 
pofes. 

But  Moody  was  marked  as  an  object 
of  peculiar  vengeance.  He  had  for  fome 
time  rendered  himfelf  obnoxious  by  the 
freedom  and  plainnefs  of  his  pulpit  dif- 
courfes,  and  his  ftri&nefs  in  adminiftering 
the  difcipline  of  the  church ;  one  inftance 
of  which  merits  particular  notice.  Ran- 
dolph having  feized  a  veffel,  fhe  was  in 
the  night  carried  out  of  the  harbour.  The 
owner,  who  was  a  member  of  the  church, 
fwore  that  he  knew  nothing  of  it;  but 
upon  trial  there  appeared  ftrong  fufpicions 
that  he  had  perjured  himfelf.  He  found 
means  to  make  up  the  matter  with  the 
governor  and  collector ;  but  Moody,  be- 
ing concerned  for  the  purity  of  his  church, 
requefted  of  the  governor  copies  of  the 
evidence,  that  the  offender  might  be  called 
to  account  in  the  way  of  ecclefiaftical  dif- 
cipline.    Cranfield  fternly  refufed,  faying 

that 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE.  205 

that  he  had  forgiven  him,  and  that  neither  1 684. 
the  church  nor  minifter  mould  meddle  v-^vJ 
with  him;  and  even  threatened  Moody 
in  cafe  he  mould.  Not  intimidated,  Moody 
confulted  the  church  and  preached  a  fer- 
mon  againft.  falfe  fwearing;  then  the 
offender,  being  called  to  account,  was  cen-    P°rtf.cMj. 

1111  Records. 

fured,  and  at  length  brought  to  a  public 
confeffion.  This  procedure  extremely  dif- 
gufted  the  governor  who  had  no  way  then 
in  his  power  to  lhew  his  refentment.  But 
malice,  ever  fruitful  in  expedients  to  at- 
tain its  ends,  fuggefted  a  method,  which, 
to  the  fcandal  of  the  Englifh  nation,  has 
been  too  often  practifed.  The  penal  laws 
againft  nonconforming  were  at  this  time 
executing  with  great  rigour  in  England; 
and  Cranfield,  ambitious  to  ape  his  royal 
mafter,  determined  to  play  off  the  ecclefi- 
aftical  artillery  here,  the  direction  of 
which  he  fuppofed  to  be  deputed  to  him 
with  his  other  powers.  He  had  attempt- 
ed to  impofe  upon  the  people  the  obfer- 
vation  of  the  thirtieth  of  January*  as  a 
faft,  and  reftrain  them  from  manual  la- 
bour at  Chriftmafs ;  but  his  capital  ftroke 
was  to  iffue  an  order  in  council  "  that  af- 
"  ter  the  firft  of  January,  the  minifters 
"  fhoula  admit  all  perfonsof  fuitable  years 
"  and  not  vicious,  to  the  Lord's  lupper, 

"  and 


2o6  HISTORY     OF 

1684.  "  and  their  children  to  baptifm;  and  that 
\  y?v>>  (c  j£  any  perfon  fhould  defire  baptifm  or 
"  the  other  facrament  to  be  adminiftered 
"  according  to  the  liturgy  of  the  church 
"  of  England,  it  fhould  be  done,  in  pur- 
a  fuance  of  the  king's  command  to  the 
"  colony  of  MafTachufletts* ;  and  any  mi- 
"  nifter  refufing  fo  to  do  fhould  fuffer  the 
"  penalty  of  the  ftatutes  of  uniformity". 
The  fame  week  in  which  he  diflblved 
the  affembly,  he  fignified  to  Moody  in 
writing,  by  the  hands  of  the  fheriff,  that 
himfelf,  with  Mafonand  Hinckes,  intend- 
ed  to  partake  of  the  Lord's  fupper  the 
next  Sunday ;  requiring  him  to  admini- 
fter  it  to  them  according  to  the  liturgy ; 
and,  as  they  juftly  expected,  he  at  once 
denied  them.  The  way  was  now  opened 
for  a  profecution  ;  and  the  attorney  gene- 
ral 

*  This  command  was  conceived  in  the  following  terms  : 
"  And  fince  the  principle  and  foundation  of  that  charter  was 
and  is  freedom  and  liberty  of  confcience;  Wee  do  hereby  charge  and 
require  you  that  freedom  and  liberty  beduely  admitted  and  allow- 
ed, fo  that  they  that  defire  to  ufe  the  booke  of  common  prayer  and 
perform  their  devotion  in  that  manner  that  is  eitablilhed  here  be 
not  denyed  the  exercifc  thereof,  or  undergoe  any  prejudice  or  difa-d- 
ln%     ,  vantage  thereby,  they  ufing  their  liberty  peaceably  -without  any  difturb- 

2" "ar  es.s  ance  to  others;  and  that  all  perfons  of  good  and  honeft  lives  and 

Hutchin  conversations  be  admitted  to  the  facrament  of  the  Lord's  fupper 

col.  pap.  according  to  faid  booke  of  common  prayer,  and  their  children  to 

p.  378.  baptifme." 

This  command  cannot  confidently  with  the  acknowledged 
principle  and  (lri£l  limitation,  be  conftrued  any  other  way,  than 
that  the  ufe  of  the  liturgy  (hould  be  permitted  to  fuch  ministers 
and  people  as  dcfired  it.  To  compel  Hiinifters  to  ufe  it,  and  leave 
all  others  at  liberty,  was  a  couftruclion  that  malice  alone  could 
tujgeft. 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE.  207 

ral  Jofeph  Rayn,  by  the  governor's  order     1684. 
exhibited  an  information  at  the  next  court     ^^ 
of  ieflions,  before  Walter  Barefoote  judge, 
Nathanael  Fryer  and  Henry  Greene  aftift- 
ants,  Peter  Coffin,  Thomas  Edgerly  and 
Henry  Robie  juftices,  fetting  forth,  "  that 
"  Jofhua  Moody  clerk,  being  minifter  of 
"  the  town  of  Portfmouth  within  the  do- 
"  minions  of  King  Charles,  was  by  the 
"  duty  of  his  place  and  the  laws  of  the 
"  realm,  viz.  the  ftatutes  of  the  fifth  and 
"  fixth  of  Edward  VI,  the  firft  of  Eliza- 
"  beth,  and  the  thirteenth  and  fourteenth 
"  of  Charles  If,  required  toadminifter  the 
"  Lord's  fupper  in  fuch  form  as  was  fet 
*'  forth  in  the  book  of  common  prayer, 
"  and  no  other.     But  that  the  faid  Moody 
"  in  contempt  of  the  laws  had  wilfully 
"  and  obftinately  refufed  to  adminifter  the 
"  fame  to  the  Honourable  Edward  Cran- 
"  field,  Robert  Mafon,  and  John  Hinckes,    ^  m 
"  and  did  obftinately  ufefome  other  form." 
Moody  in  his  defence  pleaded  that  he  was 
not  epifcopatly  ordained  as  the  ftatutes  re- 
quired ;  nor  did  he  receive  his  maintenance 
according  to  them  ;  and  therefore  was  not 
obliged  to  the  performance  of  what  had 
been  commanded  ;   that  the  alledged  fta- 
tutes were  not  intended  for  thefe  planta- 
tions, the  known  and  avowed  end  of  their 

fettlement 


2o8  HISTORY    OF 

1 684.     fettlement  being  the  enjoyment  of  freedom 

'^^     from  the  impofition  of  thofe  laws  ;  which 

freedom  was  allowed  and  confirmed  by 

portrchh.  the  king,  in  the  liberty  of  confcience  grant- 
ed to  all  proteftants,   in  the  governor's 

Varan's  commiflion.  Four  of  the  juftices,  viz. 
Greene,  Robie,  Edgerly  and  Fryer  were 
at  firft.  for  acquitting  him  ;  but  the  matter 
being  adjourned  till  the  next  day,  Cran- 
field  found  means  before  morning  to  gain 
Robie  and  Greene,  who  then  joined  with 
Barefoote  and  Coffin,  in  fentencing  him 
to  fix  months  imprifonment,  without  bail 
or  mainprize.  The  other  two  perfifted  in 
their  former  opinion,  and  were  loon  after 
removed  from  all  their  offices.  Moody 
was  immediately  ordered  into  cuftody,- 
without  being  permitted  firft  to  fee  his  fa- 
mily ;  and  he  remained  under  confinement, 
in  company  with  Major  Vaughan,  at  the 
houfe  of  Captain  Stileman,  with  liberty  of 
the  yard,  for  thirteen  weeks  ;  u  his  bene- 
"  flee"  being  declared  forfeited  to  the 
crown.  The  next  week  after  Moody's 
trial,  the  governor  in  a  profane  bravado 
fent  word  to  Seaborn  Cotton  minifter  of 
Hampton,  that  "  when  he  had  prepared 

Yaughan's     "  his  foul,  he  would  come  and  demand 

journal.  u  the  facrament  of  him  as  he  had  done 
"  at  Portfmouth,"     Upon  which  Cotton 

withdrew 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE.  aog 

withdrew  to  Bofton.      The   minifter  of     1684* 
Dover,  John  Pike,  was  (fo  far  as  I  can      ^"^ 
find)  unmolefted.     Exeter  had  then  no 
fettled  minifter. 

During  Moody's  imprifonment,  Cran- 
field  would  neither  naffer  him  to  go  up  to 
the  town  to  preach,  nor  the  people  to  af~ 
femble  at  the  iiland  to  hear,  nor  the  neigh- 
bouring minifters  to  iupply  his  place;  on- 
ly the  family  where  he  was  confined  were 
permitted  to  be  prefent  with  him  at  fab- 
bath  exerciles.  But  while  the  governor 
was  abfent  on  a  tour  to  New- York,  Ma- 
fon  gave  leave  for  opening  the  meeting- 
houfe  twice,  when  they  obtained  a  mini-  varan's 
fter  to  officiate;  he  alfo  allowed  both  Jouinal- 
Moody  and  Vaughan  to  make  a  fliort  vi- 
fit  to  their  families.  At  length,  by  the 
interpofition  of  friends,  Moody  obtained 
a  releafe,  though  under  a  ftricl:  charge  to 
preach  no  more  within  the  province,  on 
penalty  of  farther  imprifonment.  He 
then  accepted  an  invitation  from  the  firft 
church  in  Bofton  ;  where  being  out  of  the 
reach  of  his  perfecutors,  he  was  emploved 
as  a  preacher,  and  was  lb  highly  efteemed 
that  upon  the  death  of  Prefident  Rogers  S^"* 
he  was  invited  to  take  the  overfight  of  the  Records, 
college,  which  he  modeftly  declined,  and 
continued  his  miniftrations  at  Bofton,  fre- 
P  quently 


2io  HISTORY    OF 

1684.     quently  vifiting  his  deftitute  church  at 

^^^      Portfmouth,  at  their  private  meetings,  till 

1692;  when,  the  government  being  in 

other  hands,  and  the  eaftern  country  under 

trouble  by  the  Indians,  at  the  earneft  re- 

ori  i  ai       queft  of  his  people,  and  by  the  advice  of 

mss.         an  ecclefiaftical  council,  he  returned  to  his 

charge  at  Portfmouth,  and  fpent  the  reft 

of  his  days  there  in  ufefulnefs,  love,  and 

peace*. 

Upon  a  calm  review  of  this  profecution, 
one  can  hardly  tell  which  is  moft  detefta- 
ble,  the  vindictive  temper  which  gave  it 
birth  ;  or  the  profanenefs  and  hypocrify 
with  which  it  was  conducted.  The  pre- 
tended zeal  of  the  profecutors  was  totally 
inconfiftent  with  a  due  regard  to  thofe 
laws,  and  the  principles  of  that  church, 
for  which  they  made  themfelves  fuch  con- 
temptible champions.  For  it  had  been 
long  before  this  time,  a  received  opinion 
in  the  church  of  England,  that  the  vali- 
dity of  all  the  facramental  adminiftrations 
depends  on  authority  derived  from  the 
apoftles,  by  epifcopal  ordination,  in  an 
uninterrupted  fucceffion ;  and  one  of  the; 
ftatutes   on  which   the  profecution  was 

grounded 

*  He  died  at  Bofton,  being  there  on  a  vifit,  July  4,  1697,  JEt. 
65.  Dr.  Cotton  Mather  preached  his  funeral  fermon  from  Acts 
\'\.  15.  "  They  law  his  face  as  it  had  been  the  face  of  an  angel." 
Magnalia,  lib.  4.  cap.  7. 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE.  211 

grounded  ena&s,  *  that  no  perfon  (hall     1684. 

*  prefume  to  confecrate  and  adminifter  the    s^7^& 
1  Lord's  fupper,  before  he  be  ordained  a    I4  Car- iU 

*  prieft  by  epifeopal  ordination,  on  pain 
c  of  forfeiting  for  every  offence  one  hun- 

*  dred  pounds.'  The  miniflers  then  in 
the  province,  being  deftitute  of  the  grand 
pre-requifite,  were  incapable  by  the  act, 
of  doing  what  was  fo  peremptorily  requir- 
ed of  them;  and  had  they  complied  with 
the  governor's  order,  mud  have  expofed 
themfelves  to  the  penalty,  if  he  bad  pleaf- 
ed  to  exact  it  from  them.  But  the  extend- 
ing thefe  penalties  to  the  king's  Ameri- 
can fubjec"ts,  who  had  fled  hither  from 
the  rod  of  prelatic  tyranny,  was  a  moft 
unwarrantable  ftretch  of  power ;  lince  the 
laft  of  thefe  acts,  and  the  only  one  which 
had  been  made  fince  the  fettlement  of  the 
colonies,  was  exprefsly  reftricted  in  its  ope- 
ration, to  "  the  realm  of  England,  domi- 
"  nion  of  Wales,  and  town  of  Berwick 
"  upon  Tweed*" 

Difappointed  in  all  his  fchemes  for  raif* 
ing  money  by  an  alTembly,  Cranfield  next 
ventured  on  the  project  of  taxing  the  peo- 
ple without  their  confent.  The  pretext 
for  this  was  a  claufe  in  the  commiflion, 
impowering  him,  with  the  council,  "  to 
"  continue  fuch  taxes  as  had  been  former- 
P    2  «  ly 


212  HISTORY    OF 


1 684.  "  ly  levied,  until  a  general  aflembly  could 
^^  «  be  called.'*  This  had  been  done,  with- 
out offence,  at  the  beginning  both  of  this 
and  the  former  adminiftration,  when  the 
change  of  government  rendered  it  necef- 
fary.  But  the  council,  though  too  much 
devoted  to  him,  were  not  eafily  perfuad- 
ed  into  the  meafure  at  this  time;  till  fear 
at  length  accomplifhed  what  realon  could 
not  approve  :  for,  letters  being  received 
from  the  eaftward,  informing  of  the  dis- 
covery of  a  plot  among  the  Indians,  who 
were  inftigated  by  Caftine  the  Frenchman 

feb.  14.  to  renew  the  war  early  in  the  fpring,  the 
council  were  fummoned  in  hafte,  and  pre- 
iently  agreed  to  the  governor's  propofal, 
for  continuing  fuch  taxes  as  had  been  for- 
merly laid,  which  he  told  them  was  ne- 
ceflary  for  the  immediate  defence  and  fe- 
curity  of  the  province.  This  affair,  how- 
ever, was  kept  fecret  for  the  prefent ;  and 
the  people  were  firft  to  be  convinced  of  the 
governor's  paternal  care  and  kindnefs  in 
taking  the  neceffary  precautions  for  their 

March  13.  fafety.  It  was  ordered  that  the  meeting- 
houfes  in  each  town  mould  be  fortified, 
and  bye  garrifons  were  eftablifhed  in  con- 
venient places  :  Supplies  of  ammunition 
were  ordered  to  be  provided  :  Circular 
letters  were  difpatched  to  the  governors 

of 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE. 


213 


Council 
Records. 

Vaughan's 
Journal. 


of  the  neighbouring  colonies,  informing  1684 
them  of  the  danger  ;  and,  to  crown  the 
whole,  Cranfield  himfelf,  at  the  requeft  of 
the  council,  undertook  a  tour  to  New- 
York  to  folicit  the  governor,  Donga n,  for 
a  number  of  the  Mohawks  to  come  down 
and  deftroythe  eaftern  Indians;  promifing 
to  pay  them  for  their  fervices  out  of  the 
money  which  was  thus  to  be  raifed. 

At  his  return  from  this  excurfion,  he 
found  himfelf  under  fome  embarrarTment 
in  his  favourite  views,  from  a  letter  of  the 
lords  of  trade,  which  directed  him  to  make 
ufe  of  an  aflembly,  in  raifing  money  on 
the  people.  He  could  not,  therefore,  avoid 
calling  one,  though  he  immediately  dif-  Maya? 
folved  it,  becaufe  feveral  of  the  members 
were  thofe  whom  he  had  formerly  order- 
ed to  be  made  conftablcs.  At  the  fame 
time,  in  his  letters  to  the  fecretary  of  ftate, 
he  reprefented  the  aflembly  as  perfons  of 
fuch  a  mutinous  and  rebellious  difpofition, 
that  it  was  not  fafe  to  let  them  convene ; 
that  they  had  never  given  any  thing  to- 
ward the  fupport  of  government ;  that  he 
was  obliged  to  raife  money  without  them ; 
and  that  it  was  impoflible  for  him  to  ierve 
his  majefty's  intereft  without  a  fhip  of  war 
to  enforce  his  orders  ;  and  finally  he  de- 
fired  leave  to  go  to  the  Weft-Indies  for  the 

recovery 


214  HISTORY    OF 

1684.     recovery  of  his  health.     When  this  bufi- 

V^N-'      nefs  was  difpatched,  warrants  were  iflued 

for  collecting  the  taxes  ;   which  caufed 

frefh  murmurings  and  difcontent  among 

the  people. 

But  however  difaffecTied  to  the  governor 
and  his  creatures,  they  were  always  ready 
to  teftify  their  obedience  to  the  royal  or- 
ders ;  an  inftance  of  which  occurred  at 
this  time.  The  leas  of  America  and  the 
Weft-Indies  being  much  infefted  with 
pirates,  the  king  fent  orders  to  all  the  go- 
vernors and  colony  aflemblies,  directing 
ads  to  be  made  for  the  fuppreffing  of  pi- 
racy and  robbery  on  the  high  feas.    Cran- 

juiy  a*.  field,  having  received  this  order,  fummon- 
ed  an  afTembly  ;  and  though  it  confifted 
almoft  entirely  of  the  fame  perfons  who 
were  in  the  laft  ;  he  fuffered  them  to  pafs 
the  a£t,  and  then  quietly  diflolved  them  : 

council       This  was  the  laft  aflembly  that  ever  he 

Records,  < 

and  Files.        Called. 

The  tax-bills  were  firft  put  into  the 
hands  of  the  newly  made  conftables ;  who 
foon  returned  them,  informing  the  gover- 
nor that  the  people  were  fo  averfe  from  the 
method,  that  it  was  impoflible  to  colled 
the  money.  The  provoft,  Thomas  Thur- 
ton,  was  then  commanded  to  do  it,  with 
the  afliftance  of  his  deputies  and  the  con- 
ftables* 


N  E  W-H  AMPSH1RE.  215 

{tables.  The  people  ftill  refufing  com-  1684. 
pliance,  their  cattle  and  goods  were  taken  ^-^^ 
by  diftreint  and  fold  by  auction :  Thofe 
who  would  neither  pay  nor  difcover  their 
goods  to  the  officers,  were  apprehended 
and  imprifoned  ;  and  fome  of  the  confta- 
bles,  who  refufed  to  affift,  fuffered  the  fame 
fate.  The  more  confiderate  of  the  people 
were  difpofed  to  bear  thefe  grievances, 
though  highly  irritating,  till  they  could 
know  the  refult  of  their  applications  to  the 
king.  But  in  a  country  where  the  love 
of  liberty  had  ever  been  the  ruling  paflion, 
it  could  not  be  expected  but  that  fome 
forward  fpirits  would  break  the  reftraints 
of  prudence,  and  take  a  fummary  method 
to  put  a  ftop  to  their  opprelfions.  Several 
perfons  had  declared  that  they  would 
fooner  part  with  their  lives,  than  fuffer 
diftreints  ;  and  alTociations  were  formed 
for  mutual  fupport.  At  Exeter  the  fheriff 
was  refifted  and  driven  off  with  clubs ; 
the  women  having  prepared  hot  fpits  and  Dec 
fcalding  water  to  allift  in  the  oppoiition, 
as  Thurton  teftified  in  his  depofition  on 
the  occafion.  At  Hampton  he  was  beaten, 
and  his  fword  was  taken  from  him ;  then  ja„uar.ia. 
he  was  feated  on  an  horfe,  and  conveyed 
out  of  the  province  to  Salifbury  with  a 
rope  about  his  neck  and  his  feet  tied  un- 
der 


2i6  HISTORY    OF 

1684.     der  the  horfe's  belly.     Juftice  Robie  at> 
v^v>^/     tempted  to  commit  fome  of  the  rioters; 
but  they  were  refcued  by  the  way,  and 
both  the  juftice  and  the  fheriffwere  ftruck 
in  the  execution  of  their  office.  The  troop 
januar.  9.     of  horfe,  under  Mafon's  command,  was 
then  ordered  to  turn  out  completely  mount- 
ed and  armed,  to  affift  in  fupprefling  the 
diforders ;  but  when  the  day  came  not  one 
trooper  appeared.     Cranfield  thus  finding 
Mssin        his  efforts  ineffectual,   and  his  authority 
contemptible,  was  obliged  to  defift. 

The  agent  had  been  a  long  time  in 
England,  waiting  for  the  depofitions, 
which  were  to  have  been  tranfmitted  to 
him,  in  fupport  of  the  complaint  which 
he  was  to  exhibit.  Cranfield  and  his  crea- 
tures here  did  all  that  they  could,  to  retard 
the  bufinefs ;  firft  by  imprifoning  Vaughan, 
and  then  by  refufing  to  fummon  and  fwear 
witneffes  when  applied  to  by  others;  who 
were  obliged  to  go  into  the  neighbouring 
governments,  to  get  their  depofitions  au- 
thenticated ;  and  after  all,  the  proof  was 
defective,  as  they  had  not  accefs  to  the 
public  records.  The  agent,  however,  ex- 
July  11.  hibited  his  complaint  againft  Cranfield  in 
general  terms,  confirming  of  eight  articles. 
'  That  he  had  engroffed  the  power  of  erecl- 
<  ing  courts,  and  eftablifhing  fees  exclu- 

4  five 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE. 


217 


<  five  of  the  affembly:  That  he  had  not     i6<\. 

*  followed  the  directions  in  his  commiflion      isvsj 
'  refpecting  Mafon's  controverfy ;  but  had 

1  caufed  it  to  be  decided  on  the  fpot  by 

*  courts  of  his  own  conftitution,  coniifting 

*  wholly  of  perfons  devoted   to  his  mte- 

*  reft :  That  exorbitant  charges  had  been 
'  exacted  and  fomc  who  were  unable  to 

*  fatisfy  them  had  been  imprifoned :  That 
'  others  had  been  obliged  to  lubmit,  for 
4  want  of  money  to  carry  on  the  fuits: 

*  That  he  had  altered  the  value  of  filver 
4  money :  That  he  had  imprilbned  fundry 

*  perfons  without  juft  caufe  :   Thathewith 

*  his  council  had  affumedlegiflativeautho- 
'  rity,  without  an  aifctnbly ;  and,  that  he 
4  had  done  his  utmoft  to  prevent  the  peo- 
4  pie  from  laying  their  complaints  before 

4  the  king,  and  procuring  the  necefTary    uss!5 
4  evidence.' 

This  complaint  was,  incourfe,  referred  juiyjj. 
to  the  board  of  trade;  who  tranfmitted 
copies  of  it,  and  of  the  feveral  proofs,  to 
Cranfield,  and  fummoned  him  to  make  his 
defence;  directing  him  to  deliver  to  the 
adverfe  party  copies  of  all  the  affidavits 
which  mould  be  taken  in  his  favour;  to 
let  all  perfons  have  free  accefs  to  the  re- 
cords; and  to  give  all  needful  affiftance  to 
them  in  collecting  their  evidence  againft  ibid, 
him.  When 


2iS  HISTORY    OF 

1684.  When  he  had  received  this  letter  he  fuf- 
****  pended  Mafon's  fuits,  till  the  queftion 
concerning  the  legality  of  the  courts  mould 
be  decided.  He  alfo  ordered  the  fecreta- 
ry  to  give  copies  to  thofe  who  fhould  ap- 
ply for  them.  At  the  fame  time  it  was 
complained  that  the  people,  on  their  part, 
had  been  equally  referved,  in  fecreting  the 
records  of  the  feveral  towns ;  fo  that  Mafon 
upon  enquiry  could  not  find  where  they 
were  depofited;  and  the  town  clerks,  when 
fummoned,  had  folemnly  fworn  that  they 
knew  neither  where  the  books  were  con- 
«es.  cealed,  nor  who  had  taken  them  out  of 

their  pofleffion. 
s*Q  The  neceflary  evidence  on  both  fides 

x^srCt'  being  procured,  a  new  complaint  was 
drawn  up,  confifting  of  twelve  articles, 
which  were.  *  That  at  the  firft  feflion  of 
4  the  aflembly  Cranfield  had  challenged 
1  the  power  of  legiflation  and  fettlement 
■  of  affairs  to  himfelf  againft  the  words  of 
c  the  commiflion :  That  he  had  by  pur- 

*  chafe  or  mortgage  from  Mafon,  made 
'  himfelf  owner  of  the  province,  and  fo 

*  was  not  likely  to  act  impartially  between 

*  Mafon  and  the  inhabitants :  That  he  had 
'  made  courts,  whereof  both  judges  and 

*  jurors  had  agreed  with  Mafon  for  their 
'  own  lands,  and  fome  had  taken  deeds  of 

*  him 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE.  219 

him  for  other  men's  lands,  fo  that  they  1685. 
were  engaged  by  their  intereft  to  fet  up  \sr*J 
Mafon's  title:  That  Mafon  had  fued 
forty  perfbns,  and  caft  all ;  and  that  the 
governor's  interpofal  to  ftate  the  cafes, 
as  by  his  commiffion  he  was  directed, 
had  been  refufed  though  defired ;  and 
that  the  defendants  pleas  grounded  on 
the  laws  of  England  were  rejected :  That 
they  could  not  reconcile  the  verdict  with 
the  attachment,  nor  the  execution  with 
the  verdict,  nor  their  practice  under  co- 
lour of  the  execution  with  either ;  that 
the  verdict  found  the  lands  fued  for  ac- 
cording to  the  royal  commiffion  and  in- 
ftructions,  and  that  commiffion  only  gave 
power  to  ftate  the  cafe  if  Mafon  and  the 
people  could  not  agree ;  but  the  execu- 
tion took  land  and  all :  That  the  charge 
of  every  action  was  about  fix  pounds, 
though  nothing  was  done  in  court,  but 
reading  the  commiffion  and  fome  blank 
grants  without  hand  or  feal ;  and  thefe 
were  not  read  for  one  cafe  in  ten  :  That 
court  charges  were  exacted  in  money, 
which  many  had  not ;  who  though  they 
tendered  cattle,  were  committed  to  pri- 
ibn  for  non-payment :  That  minifters, 
contrary  to  his  majefty's  commiffion, 
which  granted  liberty  of  confcience  to  all 

•  proteftants, 


220 


HISTORY    OF 


1685. 


Weare's 

*IS5. 


4  proteftants,  had  their  dues  withheld  from 
4  them,  even  thofe  that  were  due  before 

*  Cranfield  came,  and  were  threatened  with 
4  fix  months  imprifonment  for  not  admi- 
c  niftering  the  facrament  according  to  the 
4  liturgy  :  That  though  the  general  affem- 

*  bly  agreed  that  Spanifh  money  mould 

*  pafs  by  weight,  the  governor  and  council 
4  ordered  pieces  of  eight  to  pafs  for  fix  fhil- 
'  lings,  though  under  weight :  That  men 
4  were  commonly  compelled  to  enter  into 
4  bonds  of  great  penalty,  to  appear  and  an- 
4  fwer  to  what  mould  be  obje&ed  againft 
4  them,  when  no  crime  was  alledged  : 
4  That  they  had  few  laws  but  thofe  made 
4  by  the  governor  and  council,  when  his 
4  commimondireded  the  general  aflembly 
4  to  make  laws:  That  the  courts  were 
4  kept  in  a  remote  corner  of  the  province; 
4  and  the  fherifF  was  a  ftranger  and  had 
4  no  vifible  eftate,  and  fo  was  not  refponfi- 
4  ble  for  failures.' 

Upon  this  complaint,  an  hearing  was 
had  before  the  lords  of  trade  on  Tuefday 
the  tenth  of  March;  and  their  lordlhips 
reported  to  the  king,  on  three  articles  on- 
ly of  the  complaint  viz.  4  That  Cranfield 

*  had  not  purfued  his  inftru&ions  with  re- 
4  gard  to  Mafon's  controverfy ;  but  inftead 
4  thereof  had  caufed  courts  to  be  held  and 

4  titles 


&  Fitch'* 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE.  ill 

'  titles  to  be  decided,  with  exorbitant  cofts ;     1 6S5. 
4  and  that  he  had  exceeded  his  power  in     ^w^ 
•  regulating  the  value  of  coins.'  This  re- 
port was  accepted,  and  the  king's  plcafure 
therein   fignified  to  him.     At  the  fame 
time,  his  requeft  for  abfence  being  grant- 
ed, he,  on  receipt  of  the  letters,  privately    NearSKtt 
embarked  on  board  a  veffcl  for  Jamaica; 
and  from  thence  went  to  England,  where 
he  obtained  the  collectorfhip  of  Barbadoes. 
At  his  departure,  Barefoote  the  deputy- 
governor  took  the  chair;   which  he  held 
till  he  was  fuperfeded  by  Dudley's  com- 
mimon,  as  prefident  of  New-England. 

Cranfield's  ill  conduct  mud  be  afcribed 
in  a  great  meafure  to  his  difappointment 
of  the  gains  which  he  expected  to  acquire, 
by  the  eftabliihment  of  Mafon's  title; 
which  could  be  his  only  inducement  to  ac- 
cept of  the  government.  This  difappoint- 
ment inflaming  his  temper,  naturally  vin- 
dictive and  imperious,  urged  him  to  ac- 
tions not  only  illegal,  but  cruel  and  un- 
manly. A  ruler  never  degrades  his  cha- 
racter more  than  when  he  perverts  public 
juftice  to  gratify  perfonal  refentment;  he 
mould  punifh  none  but  the  enemies  of  the 
laws,  and  difturbers  of  the  peace  of  the 
community  over  which  he  prefides.  Had 
there  been  the  leaft  colour,  either  of  zeal 

or 


222  HISTORY    OF 

1685*    or  policy,  for  the  feverity  exercifed  in  the 
*-or>~'     profecution  of  Moody,   candour   would 
oblige  us  to  make  fome  allowance  for  hu- 
man frailty.     His  ordering  the  members 
of  the  affembly  to  be  made  conftables,  was 
a  mode  of  revenge  difgraceful  to  the  cha- 
racter of  the  fupreme  magiftrate.     From 
Neai,  vol*     the  fame  bafe  difpofition,  he  is  faid  to  have 
*' p' 39'       employed  fpies  and  pimps,  to  find  matter 
of  accufation  againft  people  in  their  clubs, 
and  private  difcourfe*     And  his  deceit  was 
equal  to  his  malice ;  for,  being  at  Bofton 
when  the  charter  of  that  colony  was  call- 
ed in  queftion,  and  the  people  were  feli- 
citous to  ward  off  the  danger ;  he  advifed 
them  to  make  a  private  offer  of  two  thou- 
fand  guineas  to  the  king,  promifing  to  re- 
prefent  them  in  a  favourable  light ;   but 
when  they,not  fufpecling  his  intention,fol- 
lowed  his  advice,  and  fhewed  him  the  let* 
ter  which  they  had  wrote  to  their  agents  for 
that  purpofe,  he  treacheroufly  reprefented 
Hutchhi.      them  as  "  difloyal  rogues ;"  and  made 
337*       '    them  appear  fo  ridiculous  that  their  agents 
were  afhamed  to  be  feen  at  court.     How- 
ever, when  he  had  quitted  the  country, 
and  had  time  for  refle&ion,  he  grew  a- 
fhamed  of  his  mifconduct,  arid  while  he 
was  collector  at  Barbadoes,  made  a  point 
Fitch'sMs.    of  treating  the  matters  of  vefTels,  and  other 

perfons 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE.  223 

perfons  who  went  thither  from  Pafcataqua,     1685. 
with  particular  refpe£t.  v^>r>-/ 

Although  the  decifion  of  titles  in  Cran- 
field's  courts  had  been  reprelented,  in  the 
report  of  the  lords,  as  extrajudicial,  and  a 
royal  order  had  been  thereupon  itfued  to 
fufpend  any  farther  proceedings  in  the  cafe 
ofMafon,  till  the  matter  lhould  be  brought 
before  the  king  in  council,  purfuant  to  the 
directions  in  the  commimon  ;  yet  Bare- 
foote  fufFered  executions  which  had  before 
been  ifiued  to  be  extended,  and  perfons  to 
be  imprifoned  at  Mafon's  fuit.  This  oc- 
casioned a  frefh  complaint  and  petition  to 
the  king,  which  was  fent  by  Weare,  who 
about  this  time  made  a  fecond  voyage  to 
England,  as  agent  for  the  province  and 
attorney  to  Vaughan,  to  manage  an  ap- 
peal from  feveral  verdi&s,  judgments,  Wwre1* 
decrees  and  fines  which  had  been  given 
againft  him  in  the  courts  here,  one  of  which 
was  on  the  title  to  his  eftate.  An  attempt 
being  made  to  levy  one  of  the  executions 
in  Dover,  a  number  of  perfons  forcibly 
refilled  the  officer,  and  obliged  him  to  re- 
linquish his  defign.  Warrants  were  then  mss  m 
iflued  againft  the  rioters,  and  the  fheriff" 
with  his  attendants  attempted  to  feize  them, 
while  the  people  were  aflembled  for  di- 
vine fervice.     This  caufed  an  uproar  in 

the 


files. 


224  HISTORY     Of 

1685.     the  congregation,  in  which  a  young  hero- 

^^^       ine  diftinguiihed  herfelf  by  knocking  down 

one  of  the  officers  with  her  bible.     They 

were  all  fo  roughly  handled  that  they  were 

glad  to  efcape  with  their  lives. 

That  nothing  might  be  wanting  to 
mew  the  enmity  of  the  people  to  thefe 
meafures,  and  their  hatred  and  contempt 

mss  in  for  the  authors  of  them ;  there  are  frill  pre- 
ferved  the  original  depofitions  on  oath, 
of  Barefoote  and  Mafon,  relating  to  an 
affault  made  on  their  perfons  by  Thomas 
Wiggen  and  Anthony  Nutter,  who  had 
been   members  of  the  affembly.     Thefe 

Dec.  30.  two  men  came  to  Barefoote's  houfe  wrhere 
Mafon  lodged,  and  entered  into  difcourfe 
with  him  about  his  proceedings ;  denying 
his  claim,  and  ufing  fuch  language  as  pro- 
voked him  to  take  hold  of  Wiggen,  with 
an  intention  to  thruft  him  out  at  the  door. 
But  Wiggen  being  a  ftronger  man  feized 
him  by  his  cravat,  and  threw  him  into 
the  fire;  where  his  clothes  and  one  of  his 
legs  were  burned.  Barefoote,  attempting 
to  help  him,  met  with  the  fame  fate,  and 
had  two  of  his  ribs  broken  and  one  of  his 
teeth  beaten  out  in  the  ftruggle.  The 
noife  alarmed  the  fervants,  who  atMafon's 
command  brought  his  fword,  which  Nut- 
ter 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE.  225 

ter  took  away,  making  fport  of  their  mi-      1685. 
fery*. 

Nothing  elfeoccured  during  Barefoote's 
fliort  adminiftration,  except  a  treaty  of 
friendihip,  between  the  Indians  of  Pena- 
cook  and  Saco,  on  the  one  part;  and  the 
people  of  New-Hamp{hire  and  Maine  on 
the  other.  The  foundation  of  this  treaty 
feems  to  have  been  laid  in  Cranfield's  pro- 
ject of  bringing  down  the  Mohawks  on  the 
ealtern  Indians;  which  had  once  before 
proved  a  pernicious  meafure;  as  they  made 
no  diftinction  between  thofe  tribes  which 
were  at  peace  with  the  Englifh,  and  thofe 
which  were  at  war.  Some  of  the  Pena- 
cook  Indians  who  had  been  at  Albany  af- 
ter Cranfield's  journey  to  New-York,  re- 
ported on  their  return,  that  the  Mohawks 
threatened  deftruttion  to  all  the  eaftern 
Q^  Indians, 

*  A  farther  fpecimen  of  the  contempt  in  which  thefemen  were 
held,  even  by  the  lower  elafsof  people,  ixprefl'cd  in  their  own  ge- 
nuine language,  may  be  feen  in  the  following  affidavit : 

"  Mary  Rann,  aged  thirty  years  or  thereabout,  witnefTeth,  that 
the  21  day  of  March  84,  being  in  company  with  Seabank  Hog,  [ 
heard  her  fay;  it  was  very  hard  for  the  governor  of  this  province 
to  (bike  Sam.  Scavy  before  he  fpoke  ;  the  faid  Hog  laid  alio  that  it 
was  well  the  faid  Seavy's  mother  was  not  there  for  the  governor, 
for  if  Ihe  had,  there  had  been  bloody  work  for  him.  I  heard  the 
faid  Hog  fay  alio,  that  the  governor  and  the  relt  of  the  gentlemen 
were  a  crew  of  pitiful  curs,  and  did  they  want  earthly  honour  ?  if 
ihcy  did,  fhe  would  pull  off  her  head  clothes  and  come  in  her  hair 
to  them,  like  a  parcel  of  pitiful  beggaily  curs  as  they  were;  come 
to  undo  us  both  body  aud  foul  ;  they  could  not  be  contented  to. 
take  our  eflates  from  us,  but  they  have  taken  away  the  gofpel  alfo, 
which  the  devil  would  have  them  for  it." 

«*  Sworn  in  the  court  of  pleas  held  at  Great   Ifland  the  7  of 
Nov.  1624.  R.  Chamberlain,  Prothon." 


226  HISTORY    OF 

1 685.  Indians,  from Narrhaganfet  to  Pechypfcot, 
^-^r^J  Hagkins,  a  chief  of  the  tribe,  had  inform- 
ed Cranfield  in  the  fpring  of  the  danger 
he  apprehended,  and  had  implored  afhft- 
ance  and  protection,  but  had  been  treated 
with  neglect.  In  Auguft  the  Penacook 
and  Saco  Indians  gathered  their  corn,  and 
removed  their  families;  which  gave  an 
alarm  to  their  Englifh  neighbours,  as  if 
they  were  preparing  for  war.  Mefiengers 
being  fent  to  demand  the  reafon  of  their 
movement,  were  informed  that  it  was  the 
fear  of  the  Mohawks,  whom  they  daily 
expected  to  deftroy  them;  and  being  afked 
why  they  did  not  come  in  among  the 
Englifh  for  protection,  they  anfwered, 
left  the  Mohawks  mould  hurt  the  Englifh 
on  their  account.  Upon  this  they  were 
perfuaded  to  enter  into  an  agreement ;  and 
accordingly  their  chiefs  being  aflembled 
with  the  council  of  New-Hampfhire,  and 
septemb.8.  a  deputation  from  the  province  of  Maine, 
a  treaty  was  concluded,  wherein  it  was 
ftipulated,  that  all  future  perfonal  injuries 
on  either  fide  mould,  upon  complaint,  be 
immediately  redrefled;  that  information 
mould  be  given  of  approaching  danger 
from  enemies;  that  the  Indians  fhould 
not  remove  their  families  from  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  the  Englifh  without  giving 

timely' 


V^v-^ 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE.  227 

timely  notice,  and  if  they  did  that  it  fhould     1685. 
be   taken  for  a  declaration  of  war;  and, 
that  while  thcie  articles  were  obferved  the 
Enp;lifh    would    affift   and   protect  them    original 
againft  the  Mohawks  and  all  other  ene-    fiks. 
mies.     The  danger   was  but  imaginary, 
and  the  peace  continued  about  four  years. 

Though  Mafon  was  hitherto  difppoiilt-      1 686. 
ed  in  his  views  of  recovering  the  inhabited 
part  of  the  province,  he  endeavoured  to  lay 
a  foundation  for  realizing  his  claim  to  the 
wafte  lands.    A  purchaie  having  been  made 
from  the  Indians,  by  Jonathan  Tyng  and 
nineteen  others,  of  a  tract  of  land  on  both 
fides  the  river  Merrimack,  fix  miles  in 
breadth,  from  Souhegan  river  to  Winni- 
piieogee  lake;   Mafon  by  deed  confirmed 
the  fame,  referving  to  himfelf  and  his  heirs 
the  yearly  rent  often  (hillings.     This  was 
called  the  million  acre  purchaie.     About    Douglas, 
the  fame  time  he  farmed  out  to  Hezckiah    ™ ' x" p' 
Ufher  and  his  heirs,  the  mines,  minerals, 
and  ores  within  the  limits  of  New-Hamp- 
Ihire,  for  the  term  of  one  thoufand  years; 
referving  to  himfelf  one  quarter  part  of  the 
royal  ores,  and   one  feventeenth  of  the 
bafer  forts ;  and  having  put  his  affairs  here    Deeds. 
in  the  beft  order  that  the  times  would  ad- 
mit, he  failed  for  England,  to  attend  the 
hearing  of  Vaughan's  appeal  to  the  king. 
Qj2  CHAP. 


April  15. 


May  15. 


22$  HISTORY     OF 

CHAP.       IX. 

The  adminiftration  of  Dudley  as  prefidenty 
and  Androffe  as  governor  of  New-Eng- 
land. Mafon's  farther  attempt.  His 
dif appointment  and  death.  Revolution, 
Sale  to  Allen.  His  commiffton  for  the 
government. 

WH  EN  an  arbitrary  government  is 
determined  to  infringe  the  liber- 
ty of  the  people,  it  is  eafy  to  find  preten- 
ces to  fupport  the  moft  unrighteous- 
claims.  King  Charles  the  fecond  in  the  lat- 
ter part  of  his  reign  was  making  large 
{bides  toward  defpotifm.  Charters,  which 
obftrudted  his  pernicious  views,  were  by 
a  perverfion  of  the  law  decreed  forfeited. 
The  city  of  London,  and  moft  of  the  cor- 
porations in  England,  either  fuffered  the 
execution  of  thefe  fentences,  or  tamely 
fur  rendered  their  franchifes  to  the  all— 
grafping  hand  of  power.  It  could  not  be 
expected  that  in  this  general  wreck  of 
privileges  the  colonies  of  New-England 
could  efcape.  The  people  of  MafTachu- 
fetts  had  long  been  viewed  with  a  jealous 
nutch  eye*  Though  the  king  had  repeatedly 
coi.  i»p,       allured  them  of  his  protection,  and  fo- 

lemnly 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE.  229 

lemnly  confirmed  their  charter  privileges ; 
yet  their  fpirit  and  principles  were  fo  to- 
tally diflbnant  to  the  corrupt  views  of  the 
court,  that  intriguing  men  found  eafy  ac- 
cefs  to  the  royal  ear,  with  complaints 
againft  them.  Of  thele  the  moft  invete- 
rate and  indefatigable  was  Randolph,  who  Hiitrh 
made  no  lefs  than  eight  voyages  in  nine  *°l-  '•  *• 
years  acrofs  the  Atlantic,  on  this  mifchie- 
vous  bufinefs.  They  were  accufed  of  ex- 
tending their  jurifdiction  beyond  the 
bounds  of  their  patent;  of  invading  the 
prerogative  by  coining  money;  of  not  al- 
lowing appeals  to  the  king  from  their 
courts;  and,  of  obftruiling  the  execution 
of  the  navigation  and  trade  laws.  By  the 
king's  command  agents  were  lent  over  to 
anfwer  to  thele  complaints.  They  found 
the  prejudice  againft  the  colony  fo  ftrong, 
that  it  was  in  vain  to  withftand  it;  and 
folicited  inftruclions  whether  to  fubmit  to 
the  king's  pleafure,  or  to  let  the  proceed- 
ings againft  them  be  iffued  in  form  of  law. 
A  folemn  confutation  being  held,  at  which 
the  clergy  affifted,  it  was  determined  "  to 
41  die  by  the  hands  of  others  rather  than 
"  by  their  own."  Upon  notice  of  this, 
the  agents  quitted  England;  and  Ran-  16S3. 
dolph,  as  the  angel  of  death  foon  followed     ^-^"^ 

1         ...        °  .  r  October. 

them,  bringing  a  writ  or  quo  warranto 

from 


Feb.  6 


43o  HISTORY     OF 

1 68  3.     from  the  king's  bench ;  but  the  fcire  facias 
o^y>J      which   iffued  from  the  chancery  did  not 
arrive  till  the  time  fixed  for  their  appear-* 
ance    was  elapfed:    This    however   was 
deemed   too  trivial  an  error  to  flop  the 
proceedings ;  judgment  was  entered  againft 
them,  and  the  charter  declared  forfeited. 
The  king  died  before  a  new  form  of 
1 68c.     government  was  fettled;  but  there  could 
be  no  hope  of  favour  from  his  fucceffor, 
who  inherited  the  arbitrary  principles  of 
his  brother,  and  was  publickly  known  to 
be  a  bigoted  papiit. 

The  intended  alteration  in  the  govern- 
ment was  introduced  in  the  fame  gradual 
manner  as  it  had  been  in  New-Hampfhire. 
A  commiifion  was  iffued,  in  which  Jofeph 
Dudley,  efquire,  was  appointed  prefident 
of  his  majeity's  territory  and  dominion  of 
New-England;  William  Stoughton  de- 
puty prefident ;  Simon  Bradftreet,  Robert 
Mafon,  John  Fitz  Winthrop,  John  Pyn- 
chon,  Peter  Bulkley,  Edward  Randolph, 
Wait  Winthrop,  Richard  Warton,  John 
Ufher,  Nathaniel  Saltonftall,  Bartho- 
lomew Gedney,  Jonathan  Tyng,  Dud- 
ley Bradftreet,  John  Hinckes,  and  Ed- 
ward Tyng,  couniellors.  Their  jurif- 
didion  extended  over  Maffachufetts,  New- 
Hampfhire,  Maine  and  the  Narrhagan- 
fet  or  King's  province.  Thefe  gentle- 
men 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE.  231 

men  were  moftly  natives  of  the  country,     1686. 
fome  of  them  had  been  magiftrates,  and      ^^rsj 
one  of  them  governor  under  the  charter. 
No  houfe  of  deputies  was  mentioned  in 
the  commimon. 

The  new  form  of  government  took  place 
on  the  twenty  fifth  day  of  May ;  and  on 
the  tenth  of  June  an  order  of  council  was 
iffued  for  fettling  the  county  courts,  which 
confifted  of  fuch  members  of  the  council  as 
refided  in  each  county,  and  any  others  of 
them  who  might  be  prefent;  with  fuch 
juflicesas  were  commiilioned  for  the  pur- 
pole.  Thefe  courts  had  the  power  of  try- 
ing and  iiTuing  all  civil  caufes,  and  all 
criminal  matters  under  life  or  limb ;  from 
them  an  appeal  was  allowed  to  a  iuperior 
court  held  three  times  in  the  year  at  Bofton, 
for  the  whole  territory  ;  and  from  thence 
appeals,  in  certain  cafes,  might  be  had  to 
the  king  in  council.  Juries  were  pricked 
by  the  marfhal  and  one  juftice  of  each 
county,  in  a  lift  given  them  by  the  felect- 
mcn  of  the  towns.  A  probate  court  was 
held  at  Bofton,  by  the  prefident,  and  "  in 
"  the  other  provinces  and  remote  counties" 
by  a  judge  and  clerk  appointed  by  the 
prefident.  The  territory  was  divided  into 
four  counties,  viz.  Suffolk,  Middlefex, 
Eflex  and  Hampfhire  ;  and  three  provin- 
ces, viz.    New-Hampfhire,   Maine,   and 

King's 


232  HISTORY     OF 

1686.     King's  province'.    By  another  order  of  the 
j^v-v-/      fame  date,  town-taxes  could  not  be  afleffed 

Printed  or- 
ders in  the     but  by  allowance  of  two  iuftices  ;  and  the 

£lcs.  J 

members  of  the  council  were  exempted 
from  paying  any  part  thereof. 

Things  were  conducted  with  tolerable 
decency,  and  the  innovations  were  render- 
ed as  little  grievous  as  pofRble ;  that  the 
people  might  be  induced  more  readily  to 
fubmit  to  the  long  meditated  introduction 
of  a  governor-general. 
Dec.  30,  jn  December  following,  Sir  Edmund 

Androffe  who  had  been  governor  of  New- 
York,  arrived  atBofton  with  a  commiffion, 
appointing  him  captain-general  and  go- 
vernor in  chief  of  the  territory  and  domi- 
nion of  New-England,  in  which  the  co- 
lony of  Plymouth  was  now  included.  By 
this  commiffion,  the  governor  with  his 
council,  five  of  whom  were  a  quorum, 
were  impowered  to  make  fuch  laws,  im- 
pofe  fuch  taxes,  and  apply  them  to  fuch 
purpofes  as  they  mould  think  proper. 
ms  copy  They  were  alfo  empowered  to  grant  lands 
Commiffi-  on  fuch  terms,  and  fubject  to  fuch  quit- 
rents,  as  mould  be  appointed  by  the  king. 
Inverted  with  fuch  powers,  thefemen  were 
capable  of  the  molt  extravagant  actions. 
Though  Androffe,  like  his  matter,  began 
Jiis  adminiftration  with  the  faireft  profef- 

fions, 


vu 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE.  233 

fions,  yet  like  him,  he  foon  violated  them,     1686. 
and  proved  himfelf  a  fit  inftrument  for  ao     v»'vv- 
complifhing  the  moft  execrable  defigns. 
Thoie  of  his  council  who  were  backward 
in  aiding  his  rapacious   intentions  were 
neglected.      Seven  being  fufficient  for  a 
full  board,  he  felected  fuch  only  as  were 
devoted  to  him,  and  with  their  concurrence 
did  what  he  pleated.     Randolph  and  Ma- 
fon  were  at  firft  among  his  confidents  ; 
but  afterward  when  New- York  was  an-    Jj!x!f! 
nexed  to  his  government,   the  members    Jl|lrt 
from  that  quarter  were  moil  in  his  favour.    p3p-  p  J6** 
To  particularize  the  many  inltances  of     1687, 
tyranny  and  opprefiion  which  the  country     <w^>w 
fuffered  from  thefe  men,  is  not  within  the 
defign  of  this  work.     Let  it  fuffice  to  ob- 
ferve,  that  the  prefs  was  refirained  ;  liber- 
ty of  confeience  infringed  ;  exorbitant  fees 
and  taxes  demanded,  without  the  voice  or 
confent  of  the  people,  who  had  no  privi- 
lege of  repreientation.    The  charter  being 
vacated,  it  was  pretended  that  all  titles  to 
land  were  annulled;  and  as  to  Indian  deeds, 
Androffe   declared  them   no  better  than    inVklJ 
«  the  (cratch  of  a  bear's  paw."     Land-    jf" 
holders  were  obliged  to  take  out  patents 
for  their  eftates  which  they  had  poffefled 
forty  or  fifty  years ;  for  thefe  patents  ex- 
travagant fees  were  exacted,  and  thofe  who 

would 


21. 


*34 


HISTORY    OF 


\^V~yJ 


I.Mather's 
life,  p. 107. 


16S7.  would  not  fubmit  to  this  impofition  had 
writs  of  intrusion  brought  againft  them, 
and  their  land  patented  to  others.  To 
hinder  the  people  from  confulting  about 
the  redrefs  of  their  grievances,  town- 
rneetings  were  prohibited,  except  one  in 
the  month  of  May  for  the  choice  of  town 
officers  ;  and  to  prevent  complaints  being 
carried  to  England,  no  perfon  was  permit- 
ted to  go  out  of  the  country  without  ex- 
prefs  leave  from  the  governor.  But  not- 
withstanding all  the  vigilance  of  the  go- 
vernor, his  emifTaries  and  his  guards,  the 
refolute  and  indefatigable  Increafe  Mather, 
minifter  of  the  fecond  church  in  Bofton, 
and  prefident  of  the  college,  got  on  board 
a  fhip  and  failed  for  England,  with  com- 
plaints in  the  name  of  the  people,  againft 
the  governor,  which  he  delivered  with  his 
own  hand  to  the  king ;  but  finding  no 
hope  of  redrefs,  he  waited  the  event  of  the 
revolution  which  was  then  expected. 

When  the  people  groaned  under  fo  many 
real  grievances,  it  is  no  wonder  that  their 
fears  and  jealoufies  fuggefted  fome  that 
were  imaginary.  They  believed  Androlfe 
to  be  a  papift  ;  that  he  had  hired  the  In- 
dians, and  mpplied  them  with  ammuniti- 
on to  deftroy  their  frontier  fettlements  ; 
and  that  he  was  preparing  to  betray  the 

country 


1688. 


Revolution 
jollified,  p. 
%%  40. 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE.  235 

country  into  the  hands  of  the  French.  At  1688. 
the  fame  time,  the  large  ftrides  that  King  x^r^J 
James  the  fecond  was  making  toward  the 
eftablimment  of  popery  and  defpotilm, 
raifed  the  moft  terrible  apprehenfions ;  fo 
that  the  report  of  the  landing  of  the  Prince 
of  Orange  in  England  was  received  here 
with  the  greateft  joy.  Androfle  was  fo 
alarmed  at  the  news,  that  he  imprifoned 
the  man  who  brought  a  copy  of  the  prince's 
declaration,  and  publifhed  a  proclamation 
commanding  all  perfons  to  be  in  readinefs 
to  oppofe  "  any  invafion  from  Holland," 
which  met  with  as  much  difregard  as  one 
he  had  iflfued  before,  appointing  a  day  of 
thankfgiving  for  the  birth  of  a  Prince  of 
Wales. 

The  people  had  now  borne  thefe  inno-  1689. 
vations  and  impofitions  for  about  three  ^^"^ 
years  :  Their  patience  was  worn  out,  and 
their  native  love  of  freedom  kindled  at 
the  profpect  of  deliverance.  The  news  of 
a  complete  revolution  in  England  had  not 
reached  them  ;  yet  fo  fanguine  were  their 
expectations,  fo  eager  were  they  to  prove 
that  they  were  animated  by  the  fame  fpirit 
with  their  brethren  at  home,  that  upon 
the  rumour  of  an  intended  mailacre  in  the 
town  of  Bofton  by  the  governor's  guards, 
they  were  wrought  up  to  a  degree  of  fury. 

On 


l^r^j 


236  HISTORY     OF 

1 689.  On  the  morning  of  the  eighteenth  of  April 
the  town  was  in  arms,  and  the  country 
flocking  in  to  their  affiftance.  The  go- 
vernor, and  thofe  who  had  fled  with  bim 
to  the  fort,  were  feized  and  committed  to 
prifon.  The  gentlemen  who  had  been 
magiftrates  under  the  charter,  with  Brad- 
ftreet,  the  late  governor,  at  their  head, 
aflumed  the  name  of  a  council  of  fafety, 
and  kept  up  a  form  of  government,  in  the 
exigency  of  affairs,  till  orders  arrived  from 
England  ;  when  Androfle  and  his  accom- 
plices were  fent  home  as  prifoners  of  ftate, 
to  be  difpofed  of  according  to  the  king's 
pleafure. 

The  people  of  New-Hampfhire  had  their 
ihare  of  fufferings  under  this  rapacious 
adminiftration  ;    and  Mafon  himfelf  did 
not  efcape.     Having  attended  the  hearing 
of  Vaughan's  appeal  to  the  king  which 
was  decided  in  Mafon's  favour;  thejudg- 
No*.  f,.        ment  obtained  here,  being  affirmed  ;   and 
having  now  the  faireft  profpecl  of  realiz- 
ing his  claim,  he  returned  hither  in  the 
fpring  of  1687,   but  found  his  views  ob- 
ftrucled  in  a  manner  which  he  little  ex- 
peeled.    The  government  was  in  the  hands 
of  a  fet  of  hungry  harpies,  who  looked 
Hutdiin.      w*tn  envY  on  the  large  fhare  of  territory 
c.iiea.  Pa.    which  Mafon  claimed,  and  were  for  par- 

celing 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE.  2  37 

celing  it  out  among  themfelves.  The  new  1689. 
judges  delayed  iffuing  executions  on  the  ^^ 
judgments  which  he  had  formerly  recover- 
ed, and  the  attorney-general,  Graham, 
would  not  allow  that  he  had  power  to 
grant  lands  by  leafes.  This  confirmed  the 
people  in  their  opinion  of  the  invalidity 
of  his  claim,  and  rendered  them  (if  pofli- 
ble)  more  avcrfe  from  him  than  ever  they 
had  been.  At  length,  however,  he  ob- 
tained from   Dudley  the  chief  iuftice,   a    "*9"»f»* 

.  ...  .  Court  files. 

writ  of  certiorari,  di  reeled  to  the  late  judges 
of  New-Hampihire,  by  which  his  caufes 
were  to  be  removed  to  the  fupreme  court    July  13, 
of  the  whole  territory,  then  held  at  Bofton ; 
but  before  this  could  be  done,  death  put 
an  end  to  his  hopes  and  relieved  the  peo- 
ple for  a  time  of  their  fears.     Being  one 
of  Sir  Edmund's  council,  and  attending    sePt.'i«» 
him  on  a  journey  from  New- York  to  Al-    TOi.  1.™'. 
bany  ;  he  died  at  Eibpus,  in  the  fifty  ninth    cofiVa. 
year  of  his  age  ;   leaving  two  fons,  John    J^"*' p* 
and  Robert,  the  heirs  of  his  claim  and 
controverfy. 

The  revolution  at  Bofton,  thourh  ex- 
tremely  pleafing  to  the  people  of  New- 
Hampiliire,  left  them  in  an  unfettled  ftate. 
They  waited  the  arrival  of  orders  from 
England;  but  none  arriving,  and  the  peo- 
ple's minds  being  uneafy,  it  was  propofed 

by 


233  HISTORY    OF 

1689.     by  fome  of  the  principal  gentlemen,  that 
^"^"^      a  convention  of  deputies  from  each  of  the 
towns  fhould  confider  what  was  belt  to  be 
done.  The  convention-parliament  in  Eng- 
land was  a  fufficient  precedent  to  autho- 
rize this  proceeding.     Deputies  were  ac- 
cordingly chofen*  andinftrudtedto  refolve 
upon  fome  method  of  government.     At 
1600.     their  firft  meeting  they  came  to  no  con- 
<^r*j'     clufion  ;   but   afterward  they  thought  it 

January.  ...  ... 

jviaiia.Rec.  beit  to  return  to  their  ancient  union  with 
Dom-and  Maffachufetts.  A  petition  for  this  pur- 
cords?'  pofe  being  prefented,  they  were  readily 
admitted;  till  the  king's  pleafure  ihould 
be  known  and  members  were  fent  to  the 
general  court  which  met  there  in  this  and 
the  two  following  years.  The  gentlemen 
who  had  formerly  been  in  com  million  for 
the  peace,  the  militia  and  the  civil  offices, 
were  by  town  votes,  approved  by  the  ge- 
neral court,  reftored  to  their  places,  and 

ancient 

*  The  members  of  this  convention  were, 

For  Portfmouth.  John  Tuttle, 

Major  William  Vaughan,  John  Roberts, 

Richard  Waldron,  Thomas  Edgerly, 

Nathaniel  Fryer,  Nicholas  Follet. 

Robert  Eliot,  For  Exeter. 

Thomas  Cobbett,  Robert  Wadiey; 

Capt.  John  Pickering,  William  More, 

For  Dover.  Samuel  jLeavitt. 

Capt.  John  Woodman,  [Poitfm.  Dover  and  Exeter 

Capt.  John  Gerrifh,  Records.] 

k  does  not  appear  from  Hampton  records  whether  they  joined 
in  this  convention,  or  returned  immediately  to  the  government 
of  MalTachufctts. 


March  12, 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 


239 


ancient  laws  and  cuftoms  continued  to  be 
obferved. 

Had  the  inclination  of  the  people  been 
confulted,  they  would  gladly  have  been 
annexed  to  that  government.  This  was 
well  known  to  Mather  and  the  other  agents, 
who  when  foliciting  for  a  new  charter, 
earneftly  requeued  that  New-Hamplhire 
might  be  included  in  it.  But  it  was  an- 
fwered  that  the  people  had  exprefled  an 
aver  lion  from  it  and  defired  to  be  under  a 
diftincl:  uovernment.  This  could  be  found- 
ed  only  on  the  reports  which  had  been 
made  by  the  commiilioners  in  1665,  anc* 
by  Randolph  in  his  narrative.  The  true 
'  reafon  for  denying  the  requeft  was;  that 
Mafon's  two  heirs  had  fold  their  title  to 
the  lands  in  New-Hampfhire  to  Samuel 
Allen  of  London,  merchant ;  for  feven 
hundred  and  fifty  pounds,  the  entail  hav- 
ing been  previouily  docked  by  a  fine  and 
recovery  in  the  court  of  king's  bench;  and 
Allen  was  now  foliciting  a  recognition  of  his 
title  from  the  crown,  and  a  commiffion  for 
the  government  of  the  province.  When 
the  inhabitants  were  informed  of  what 
was  doing,  they  again  alfembled  by  depu- 
ties in  convention,  and  lent  over  a  petition 
to  the  king,  praying  that  they  might  be 
annexed  to  Maifachufetts.     The  petition 

was 


1690. 
1691* 


I  Matlier'i 
Life,  pag. 
Ij6. 


Hutchin. 
vol.  1.  p. 
4I». 


April  47. 


MS  in  Sup- 
Cuurc  files. 


240^  HISTORY     OF 

1 69 1,  was  prefented  by  Sir  Henry  Afhurft,  and 
*^fV     they  were  amufed  with  fome  equivocal 

*•!  a  i-.6.  promifes  of  fuccels  by  the  earl  of  Notting- 
ham; but  Allen's  importunity  co-inciding 
with  the  king's  inclination,  effectually 
fruftrated  their  attempt.  The  claim  which 
Allen  had  to  the  lands  from  Naumkeag 

1692.  to  three  miles  northward  of  Merrimack, 
^r~*      was  noticed  in  the  Maffachuletts  charter; 

March  1.  .  ' 

and  he  obtained  a  commimon  for  the  go- 
vernment of  New-Hampfhire,  in  which 
his  fon  in  law  John  Ufher,  then  in  Lon- 
don, was  appointed  lieutenant  governor, 
with  power  to  execute  the  commiffion  in 
Allen's  ablence.  The  counfellors  named 
in  the  governor's  inftructions  were  John 
Ufher  lieutenant  governor,  John  Hinckes, 
Nathaniel  Fryer,  Thomas  Gratfort,  Peter 
Corhn,  Henry  Green,  Robert  Eliot,  John 
Gerrifh,  John  Walford  and  John  Love* 
The  governor  was  inftructed  to  fend  to  the 
fecretary  of  ftate  the  names  of  fix  other 
perfons  fuitable  for  counfellors.  Three 
were  a  quorum,  but  the  inftru&ions  were 
that  nothing  fhould  be  done  unlefs  five 
were  prefent  except  in  extraordinary  emer- 
gencies. Major  Vaughan,  Nathaniel  Weare 
ms  copy  or    and  Richard  Waldron,    were    afterward 

Com.  ike. 

Council       added  to  the  number. 

1  he 


N  E  W-H  A  MPSHIRE.  241 

The  council  was  compofed  of  men  who,  1692. 
in  general,  had  the  confidence  of  the  peo-  v-^v^-/ 
pie  ;  but  Ufher  was  very  difagreeable,  not 
only  as  he  had  an  intereft  in  Allen's  claim 
to  the  lands,  but  as  he  had  been  one  of 
Sir  Edmund  AndrofTe's  adherents,  and  an 
active  inftrument  in  the  late  oppreihve  go- 
vernment.    He  arrived  with  the  commif-    Coi,nril 

minutes. 

fion  and  took  upon  him  the  command, 
on  the  thirteenth  day  of  AugufL  The 
people  again  fubmitted,  with  extreme  re- 
luctance, to  the  unavoidable  neceflity  of 
being  under  a  government  diftincl  from 
MaiTachuietts. 

The  year   1692  was  remarkable  for  a 
great  mortality  in  Portfmouth  and  Grt  ■ 
land  by  the  fmall  pox.    The  infection 
brought  in  bags  of  cotton  from  the  Weft 
Indies,  and  there  being  but  few  people    ms Later. 
who  were  acquainted  with  ir,  the  patients 
fuftered  greatly,  and  but  few  recovered. 


R  C  H  A  P. 


242  HISTORY    OF 

CHAP.       X. 

The  tvar  with  the  French  and  Indian?* 
commonly  called  King  William* s  ivar. 

T  was  the  misfortune  of  this  country  to 
have  enemies  of  different  kinds  to  eon- 
tend  with  at  the  fame  time.  While  the 
changes  above  related  were  taking  place 
m  their  government,  a  f refh  war  broke 
out  on  their  frontiers,  which,  though  af- 
eribed  to  divers  caufes,  was  really  kindled 
by  the  rafhnefs  of  the  fame  perfons  who 
were  making  havock  of  their  liberties. 

The  lands  from  Penobfcotto  Nova-Sco- 
tia had  been  ceded  to  the  French,  by  the 
Hntchin.  treaty  of  Breda,  in  exchange  for  the  ifland 
p!  548.ap'  of  St.  Chriftopher.  On  thefe  lands  the 
Baron  de  St.1  Gaftine  had  for  many  years 
refided,  and  carried  on  a  large  trade  with 
the  Indians ;  with  whom  he  was  intimate- 
ly connected;  having  feveral  of  their  wo- 
men, befide  a  daughter  of  the  fachem 
Madokawando,  for  his  wives.  The  lands 
which  had  been  granted  by  the  crown  of 
England  to  the  duke  of  York  (now  King 
James  the  feeond)  interfered  with  Caftine's 
plantation,  as  the  duke  claimed  to  the  ri- 
ver St.  Croix.     A  fort  had  been  built  by 

his- 


N  E  W-H  AMPSH1RE.  243 

his  order  at  Pemaquid,  and  a  garrifon  fta- 
tioned  there  to  prevent  any  intrufion  on 
his  property.  In  1686  a  fhip  belonging 
to  Pafcataqua  landed  fome  wines  at  Penob- 
fcot,  fuppofing  it  to  be  within  the  French 
territory.  Palmer  and  Weft,  the  duke's 
agents  at  Pemaquid,  went  and  feized  the 
wines;  but  by  the  influence  of  the  French 
ambaflador  in  England  an  order  was  ob- 
tained for  the  reftoration  of  them.  Here- 
upon a  new  line  was  run  which  took  Caf- 
tine's  plantation  into  the  duke's  territory. 
In  the  fpring  of  1688,  Androfle  went  in  1688. 
the  Rofe  frigate,  and  plundered  Caftine's  \*rv>j 
houfe  and  fort;  leaving  only  the  orna- 
ments of  his  chapel  to  confole  him  for  the 
lofs  of  his  arms  and  goods.  This  bafe  ac-  HutcMn 
tion  provoked  Caftine  to  excite  the  Indi-  co11  ,pap- 
dians  to  a  new  war,  pretences  for  which 
were  not  wanting  on  their  part.  They 
complained  that  the  tribute  of  corn  which 
had  been  promifed  by  the  treaty  of  1678, 
had  been  withheld ;  that  the  fifhery  of  the 
river  Saco  had  been  obftrueted  by  feines; 
that  their  ftanding  corn  had  been  devour- 
ed by  cattle  belonging  to  the  Englifh ;  that 
their  lands  at  Pemaquid  had  been  patent- 
ed without  their  confent;  and  that  they 
had  been  fraudulently  dealt  with  in  trade. 
Some  of  thefe  complaints  were  doubtlefs 
R  2  well 


244  HISTORY    OF 

1688.     well  grounded;  but  none  of  them  were 
**^v>->      ever  enquired  into  or  redreffed. 

They  began  to  make  reprifals  at  North 
Yarmouth  by  killing  cattle.  Juftice  Black- 
man  ordered  fixteen  of  them  to.be  feized 
and  kept  under  guard  at  Falmouth;  but 
others  continued  to  rob  and  captivate  the 
inhabitants.  Androfle,  who  pretended  to 
treat  the  Indians  with  mildnefs,  command- 
ed thofe  whom  Blackman  had  feized  to  be 
fet  at  liberty.  But  this  mildnefs  had  not 
the  clefircd  effect;  the  Indians  kept  their 
prifoners,  and  murdered  fome  of  them  in 
their  barbarous  frolicks.  Androfle  then 
changed  his  meafures,  and  thought  to 
frighten  them,  with  an  army  of  feven  hun- 
dred men,  which  he  led  into  their  coun- 
try in  the  month  of  November.  The  rigor 
of  the  feafon  proved  fatal  to  fome  of  his 
men;  but  he  never  faw  an  Indian  in  his 
whole  march.  The  enemy  were  quiet 
during  the  winter. 

After  the  revolution,  the  gentlemen 
who  affumed  the  government  took  fome 
precautions  to  prevent  the  renewal  of  hof- 
tilities.  They  fent  meflengers  and  pre- 
Hutchin-  ients  to  feveral  tribes  of  Indians,  who  an- 
a°nd  Ma- '  fwered  them  with  fair  promifes ;  but  their 
prejudice  againft  the  Englifh  was  too  in- 
veterate to  be  allayed  by  fuch  means  as 
thefe.  Thirteen 


1689. 


ther. 


V-'V-nJ 


N  E  W-H  A  M  PSH1RE.  245 

Thirteen  years  had  almoft  elapfed  fince  1689. 
the  feizure  of  the  four  hundred  Indians, 
at  Cochecho,  hy  Major  Waldron;  during 
all  which  time,  an  inextinguifhable  third 
of  revenge  had  been  cherifhed  among  them, 
which  never  till  now  found  opportunity  for 
gratification*.  Wonolanfct,  one  of  the 
fachems  of  Penacook,  who  was  diihiiffed 
with  his  people  at  the  time  of  the  feizure, 
always  obferved  his  father's  dying  charge 
not  to  quarrel  with  the  Englifh ;  but  Hag- 
kins,  another  fachem,  who  had  been  treated 
with  neglect  by  Cranfield,  was  more  ready 
to  liften  to  the  feducing  invitations  of 
Caftine's  emiflaries.  Some  of  thofe  In- 
dians, who  were  then  feized  and  fold  into 
flavery  abroad,  had  found  their  way  home, 
and  could  not  reft  till  they  had  revenge. 
Accordingly  a  confederacy  being  formed 
between  the  tribes  of  Penacook  and  Pig- 
wacket,  and  the  ftrange  Indians  (as  they 
were  called)  who  were  incorporated  with 
them,  it  was  determined  to  furprife  the 
major  and  his  neighbours,  among  whom 
they  had  all  this  time  been  peaceably  con- 
veriant.  In 

*  The  inveteracy  cf  their  hatred  to  Major  Waldron  on  account 
of  that  tranfacliosi,  appears  from  what  is  related  hy  Mr.  Williams 
in  the  narrative  of  his  captivity,  which  happened  in  1704.  When  he 
was  in  Canada,  a  jcfuit  difcouifing  with  him  on  the  caufcs  of  their 
wars  with  New-England,  "  julillcJ  the  Indians  in  what  they  did 
*'  aeainft  us;  rehearfing  fome  things  done  by  Major  Waldron 
'above  30  years  ago,  and  how  juilly  God  retaliated  them.'  pa.  i3. 


«46  HISTORYOF 

1689,  In  that  part  of  the  town  of  Dover  which 
y^~J  lies  about  the  firft  falls  in  the  river  Co- 
checho,  were  five  garrifoned  houfes ;  three 
on  the  North  fide,  viz.  Waldron's,  Otis's 
and  Heard's;  and  two  on  the  fouth  fide, 
viz.  Peter  Coffin's  and  his  fon's.  Thefe 
houfes  were  fur  rounded  with  timber-walls, 
the  gates  of  which,  as  well  as  the  houfe 
doors,  were  fecured  with  bolts  and  bars. 
The  neighbouring  families  retired  to  thefe 
houfes  by  night;  but  by  an  unaccountable 
negligence,  no  watch  was  kept.  The  In- 
dians who  were  daily  paffing  through  the 
town  vifiting  and  trading  with  the  inha- 
bitants, as  ufual  in  time  of  peace,  viewed 
their  lituationwith  an  attentive  eye.  Some 
hints  of  a  mifchievous  defign  had  been 
given  out  by  their  fquaws;  but  infuch  dark 
and  ambiguous  terms  that  no  one  could 
comprehend  their  meaning.  Some  of  the 
people  were  uneafy;  but  Waldron  who, 
from  a  long  courfe  of  experience,  was  in- 
timately acquainted  with  the  Indians,  and 
on  other  occafions  had  been  ready  enough 
to  fufpect  them,  was  now  fo  thoroughly 
fecure,  that  when  fome  of  the  people  hint- 
ed their  fears  to  him,  he  merrily  bad 
them  to  go  and  plant  their  pumpkins, 
faying  that  he  would  tell  them  when  the 
Jndians  would  break  out.  The  very  even- 
ing 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE.  247 

ing  before  the  mifchief  was  done,  being  1689. 
told  by  a  young  man  that  the  town  was  v-^^-' 
full  of  Indians  and  the  people  were  much 
concerned;  he  anfwered  that  he  knew  the 
Indians  very  well  and  there  was  no  danger. 
The  plan  which  the  Indians  had  pre- 
concerted was,  that  two  fquaws  mould  go 
to  each  of  the  garrifoned  houfes  in  the 
evening,  and  afk  leave  to  lodge  by  the 
fire;  that  in  the  night  when  the  people 
were  afleep  they  mould  open  the  doors 
and  gates,  and  give  the  fignal  by  a  whiftle ; 
upon  which  the  Itrange  Indians,  who 
were  to  be  within  hearing,  mould  rum  in, 
and  take  their  long  meditated  revenge. 
This  plan  being  ripe  for  execution,  on  the 
evening  of  Thurfday  the  twenty  feventh 
of  June,  two  fquaws  applied  to  each  of 
thegarrifons  for  lodging,  as  they  frequent- 
ly did  in  time  of  peace.  They  were  ad- 
mitted into  all  but  the  younger  Coffin's, 
and  the  people,  at  their  requelt,  mewed 
them  how  to  open  the  doors,  in  cafe  they 
mould  have  occafion  to  go  out  in  the  night. 
Mefandowit,  one  of  their  chiefs,  went  to 
Waldron'sgarrifon,  and  was  kindly  enter- 
tained, as  he  had  often  been  before.  The 
fquaws  told  the  major,  that  a  number  of 
Indians  were  coming  to  trade  with  hijn 
the  next  day,  and  Mefandowit  while  at 

fupper, 


248  HISTORY     OF 

1689.  fupper,  with  his  ufual  familiarity,  faid, 
Lrw/  t  Brother  Waldron,  what  would  you  do  if 
c  the  ftrange  Indians  mould  come  ?'  The 
major  carelefsly  anfwered,  that  he  could 
aiTemble  an  hundred  men,  by  lifting  up 
his  tinker.  In  this  unfufpedting  confidence 
the  family  retired  to  reft. 

When  all  was  quiet,  the  gates  were  o- 
pened  and  the  fignal  given.  The  Indians 
entered,  fet  a  guard  at  the  door,  and  rufh- 
ed  into  the  major's  apartment,  which  was 
an  inner  room.  Awakened  by  the  noife, 
he  jumped  out  of  bed,  and  though  now 
advanced  in  life  to  the  age  of  eighty  years, 
he  retained  fo  much  vigour  as  to  drive 
them  with  his  fword,  through  two  or  three 
doors ;  but  as  he  was  returning  for  his 
other  arms,  they  came  behind  him,  ftun- 
ned  him  with  an  hatchet,  drew  him  into 
his  hall,  and  feating  him  in  an  elbow  chair 
on  a  long  table  infultingly  afked  him, 
"  Who  fhall  judge  Indians  now  ?"  They 
then  obliged  the  people  in  the  houfe  to 
get  them  fome  victuals  ;  and  when  they 
had  done  eating,  they  cut  the  major  acrofs 
the  breaft  and  belly  with  knives,  each  one 
with  a  ftroke,  faying,  "  I  crofs  out  my  ac- 
"  count."  They  then  cut  off  his  nofe  and 
ears,  forcing  them  into  his  mouth  ;  and 
when  fpent  with  the  lofs  of  blood,  he  Was 

falling 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE,  249 

falling  down  from  the  table,  one  of  them  1689. 
held  his  own  fword  under  him,  which  put  ^-^^"^ 
an  end  to  his  mifery.  They  alfo  killed 
his  fon  in  law  Abraham  Lee  ;  but  took 
his  daughter  Lee  with  feveral  others,  and 
having  pillaged  the  houfe,  left  it  on  fire. 
Otis's  garrifon,  which  was  next  to  the 
major's,  met  with  the  fame  fate  ;  he  war. 
killed,  with  feveral  others,  and  his  wife 
and  child  were  captivated.  Heard's  was 
faved  by  the  barking  of  a  dog  juft  as  the 
Indians  were  entering :  Elder  Wentworth, 
wrho  was  awakened  by  the  noife  pufhed 
them  out,  and  falling  on  his  back,  fet  his 
feet  againft  the  gate  and  held  it  till  he  had 
alarmed  the  people;  two  balls  were  fired 
through  it,  but  both  miffed  him.  Coffin's 
houfe  was  fur  prized,  but  as  the  Indians  had 
no  particular  enmity  to  him,  they  fpared 
his  life,  and  the  lives  of  his  family,  and 
contented  themfelves  with  pillaging  the 
houfe.  Finding  a  bag  of  money,  they 
made  him  throw  it  by  handfuls  on  the 
floor,  while  they  amufed  themfelves  in 
fcrambling  for  it.  They  then  went  to  the 
houfe  of  his  fon  who  would  not  admit  the 
fquaws  in  the  evening,  and  fummoned  him 
to  furrender,  promifing  him  quarter:  He 
declined  their  offer  and  determined  to  de- 
fend his  houfe,   till  they  brought  out  his 

father 


^^r>U 


250  HISTORY     OF 

16S9.  father  and  threatened  to  kill  him  before 
his  eyes:  Filial  affedtion  then  overcame 
his  refolution,  and  he  furrendered.  They 
put  both  families  together  into  a  deferted 
houfe,  intending  to  referve  them  for  pri- 
foners;  but  while  the  Indians  were  bufy 
in  plundering,  they  all  efcaped. 

Twenty  three  people  were  killed  in  this 
furprifal,  and  twenty  nine  were  captivat- 
ed; five  or  fix  houfes,  with  the  mills, 
were  burned;  and  fo  expeditious  were  the 
Indians  in  the  execution  of  their  plot,  that 
before  the  people  could  be  collected  from 
the  other  parts  of  the  town  to  oppofe  them, 
they  fled  with  their  prifoners  and  booty. 
As  they  paffed  by  Heard's  garrifonin  their 
retreat,  they  fired  upon  it;  but  the  people 
being  prepared  and  refolved  to  defend  it, 
and  the  enemy  being  in  hafte,  it  was  pre- 
ferred. The  prefervation  of  its  owner  was 
more  remarkable. 

Elizabeth  Heard,  with  her  three  fons 
and  a  daughter,  and  fome  others,  were  re- 
turning in  the  night  from  Portfmouth. 
They  paffed  up  the  river  in  their  boat  un- 
perceived  by  the  Indians,  who  were  then 
in  poffeffion  of  the  houfes;  but  fufpecting 
danger  by  the  noife  which  they  heard, 
after  they  had  landed  they  betook  them- 
felves    to     Waldron's    garrifon,    where 

they 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE.  251 

they  faw  lights,  which  they  imagined  1689. 
were  fet  up  for  direction  to  thofe  who  ^^- 
might  be  feeking  a  refuge.  They 
knocked  and  begged  earneftly  for  admif- 
fion;  but  no  anfwer  being  given,  a  young 
man  of  the  company  climbed  up  the  wall, 
and  faw,  to  his  inexpreffible  furprize,  an 
Indian  {landing  in  the  door  of  the  houfe, 
with  his  gun.  The  woman  was  fo  over- 
come with  the  fright  that  (he  was  unable 
to  fly;  but  begged  her  children  to  fhift  for 
themfelves;  and  they  with  heavy  hearts, 
left  her.  When  (he  had  a  little  recovered 
fhe  crawled  into  fome  bufhes,  and  lay 
there  till  day-light.  She  then  perceived 
an  Indian  coming  toward  her  with  a  piftol 
in  his  hand;  he  looked  at  her  and  went 
away:  returning,  he  looked  at  her  again; 
and  ifhe  afked  him  what  he  would  have; 
he  made  no  anfwer,  but  ran  yelling  to 
the  houfe,  and  fhe  faw  him  no  more.  She 
kept  her  place  till  the  houfe  was  burned, 
and  the  Indians  were  gone;  and  then  re- 
turning home,  found  her  own  houfe  fafe. 
Her  prefervation  in  thefe  dangerous  cir- 
cumftances  was  the  more  remarkable,  if 
(as  it  is  fuppofed)  it  was  an  inftance  of 
juftice  and  gratitude  in  the  Indians.  For 
at  the  time  when  the  four  hundred  were 
feized  in  1676,  a  young  Indian  efcaped 

and 


252  HISTORY    OF 

1689.  and  took  refuge  in  her  houfe,  where  fhe 
^^  concealed  him ;  in  return  for  which  kind- 
nefs  he  promifed  her  that  he  would  never 
kill  her,  nor  any  of  her  family  in  any  fu- 
ture war,  and  that  he  would  ufe  his  influ- 
ence with  the  other  Indians  to  the  fame 
purpofe.  This  Indian  was  one  of  the 
party  who  furprized  the  place,  and  fhe 
was  well   known  to  the  moft  of  them. 

The  fame  day,  after  the  mifchief  was 
done,  a  letter  from  Secretary  Addington, 
written  by  order  of  the  government,  di- 
rected to  Major  Waldron,  giving  him  no- 
tice of  the  intention  of  the  Indians  to  fur- 
prize  him  under  pretence  of  trade,  fell  in- 

Maff.  r«c.  to  tne  hands  of  his  fon.  This  defign  was 
communicated  to  Governor  Bradftreet  by 
Major  Henchman  of  Chelmsford,  who 
had  learned  it  of  the  Indians.     The  letter 

Later!  was  difpatched  from  Bofton,  the  day  be- 
fore, by  Mr.  Weare;  butfome  delay  which 
he  met  with  at  Newbury  ferry  prevented 
its  arrival  in  feafon. 

The  prifoners  taken  at  this  time  were 
moftly  carried  to  Canada,  and  fold  to  the 
French  ;  and  thefe,  fo  far  as  I  can  learn, 
were  the  firft  that  ever  were  carried  thither*. 

The 

*  One  of  thefe  prifoners  was  Sarah  Gcrrifh,  a  remarkably  fine 
child  of"  feven  years  old,  and  grand-daughter  of  Major  Waldron, 
iu  whofc  houfe  (he  lodged  that  fatal  night.     Some  circum fiances 

attending 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE,  253 

The  Indians  had  been   feduced   to   the     i68g. 
French  intereft  by  popiili  emifTaries,  who     k-^v>-' 

had 

attending  her  captivity  are  truly  affecting.  When  (he  was  awaken- 
ed by  the  noife  of  the  Indians  in  the  houfe,  flic  crept  into  ano- 
ther bed  and  hid  hcrfclf  under  the  clothes  to  efcape  their  fearch. 
She  remained  in  their  hands  till  the  next  winter,  and  was  fold 
from  one  to  another  feveial  times.  An  Indian  girl  once  pnlhed 
her  into  a  river ;  hut,  catching  by  the  bufhes,  fhe  efcaped  drown- 
ing, yet  durft  not  tell  how  (lie  came  to  be  wet.  Once  fhe  was  fo 
weary  with  travelling  that  flic  did  not  awake  in  the  morning  till 
the  Indians  were  gone,  and  then  found  beifelf  alone  in  the  woods, 
covered  with  fiiow,  and  without  any  food  ;  having  found  their 
tracks  fhe  went  crying  after  them  till  they  heard  her  and  took  her 
with  them.  At  another  time  they  kindled  a  great  fiie,  and  tha 
young  Indians  told  her  fhe  was  to  be  roaflcd.  She  burfl  into  tears, 
threw  her  arms  round  her  mafler's  neck,  and  licked  him  to  fave 
her,  which  he  promifed  to  do  if  ihe  would  behave  well.  Being 
arrived  in  Canada,  ihe  was  bought  by  the  Iniendant's  lady,  who 
treated  her  courtcoufly,  and  fent  her  to  a  nunnery  for  education. 
But  when  Sir  William  Phips  was  at  (>uebec  fhe  was  exchanged, 
and  returned  to  her  friends,  with  whom  ihe  lived  till  (he  was  fix- 
teen  years  old. 

The  wife  of  Richard  Otis  was  taken  at  the  fame  time,  with  an 
infant  daughter  of  three  months  old.  The  French  pricirs  took 
this  child  under  their  care,  baptized  her  by  the  name  of  Chriftina, 
and  educated  her  in  the  Romilh  religion.  She  pafTed  fonie  time  in 
a  nunnery,  but  declined  taking  the  veil,  and  was  married  to  a 
Frenchman,  by  whom  fhe  had  two  children.  But  her  defire  to  fee 
New-England  was  fb  flrong,  that  upon  an  exchange  of  prisoners 
in  1714,  being  then  a  widow,  fhe  left  both  her  children,  who  were 
not  permitted  to  come  with  her,  and  returned  home,  where  die 
abjured  the  Romifli  faith.  M.  Siguenot,  her  former  confeflbr, 
wrote  her  a  flattering  letter,  warning  her  of  her  danger,  inviting 
her  to  return  to  the  bofom  of  the  catholic  church,  and  repeating 
many  grofs  calumnies  which  had  formerly  been  vented  againfl  Lu- 
ther and  the  other  reformers.  This  letter  being  (hewn  to  Gover- 
nor Burnet,  he  wrote  her  a  fenfible  and  mafrerly  arjfwer,  refuting 
the  arguments,  and  detecting  the  falfchoods  it  contained  :  Kotli 
thefe  letters  were  printed.  She  was  married  afterward  to  Capt. 
Thomas  Baker,  who  had  been  taken  at  Deerfield  in  1 704,  and 
lived  in  Dover,  where  fhe  was  born,  till  the  year  1773. 

Mr.  John  Emerfon,  by  declining  to  lodge  at  Major  Waldron's 
on  the  fatal  night,  though  fhongly  urged,  met  with  r.n  happy 
efcape.  He  was  afterward  a  minifter  at  New-Caflle  and  Portf- 
mouth. 

£?  Some  of  the  circumftances  relating  to  the  deflrudtion  of 
Cochecho  are  taken  from  Mather's  Magnalia.  The  others  from 
the  tradition  of  the  iuncters  and  their  delcendants. 


254  HISTORY    OF 

1689.  had  began  to  fafcinate  them  with  their 
,~'VN-  religious  and  national  prejudices.  They 
had  now  learned  to  call  the  Englifh  here- 
ticks,  and  that  to  extirpate  them  as  fuch 
was  meritorious  in  the  fight  of  heaven. 
When  their  minds  were  filled  with  religi- 
ous phrenzy,  they  became  more  bitter  and 
implacable  enemies  than  before;  and  find- 
ing the  fale  of  fcalps  and  prifoners  turn  to 
good  account  in  Canada,  they  had  ftill 
farther  incitement  to  continue  their  de- 
predations, and  profecute  their  vengeance. 

The  neceffity  of  vigorous  meafures  was 
now  fo  prefling,  that  parties  were  imme- 
diately difpatched,  one  under  Captain 
Noyes  to  Penacook,  where  they  deftroyed 
the  corn,  but  the  Indians  efcaped;  another 
from  Pafcataqua,  under  Captain  Wincal, 
to  Winnipifeogee,  whither  the  Indians  had 
retired,  as  John  Church,  who  had  been  ta- 
ken at  Cochecho  and  efcaped  from  them, 
reported :  One  or  two  Indians  were  killed 
there,  and  their  corn  cut  down.  But  thefe 
excurfions  proved  of  fmall  fervice,  as 
the  Indians  had  little  to  lofe,  and  could 
find  an  home  wherever  they  could  find 
game  and  fifh. 

In  the  month  of  Auguft  Major  Swaine, 
with  leven  or  eight  companies  raifed  by 
the  Maffachufetts  government,  marched 

to 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE,  255 

to  the  eaftward;  and  Major  Church,  with  1689. 
another  party,  confifting  of  Englifh  and  <^^J 
Indians,  from  the  colony  of  Plymouth, 
foon  followed  them.  While  thefe  forces 
were  on  their  march,  the  Indians,  who 
lay  in  the  woods  about  Oyfter  river,  obfer- 
ved  how  many  men  belonged  to  Huck- 
ing's  garrifon;  and  feeing  them  all  go  out 
one  morning  to  work,  nimbly  ran  between 
them  and  the  houfe,  and  killed  them  all 
(being  in  number  eighteen)  except  one 
who  had  pafled  the  brook.  They  then 
attacked  the  houfe,  in  which  were  only 
two  boys  (one  of  whom  was  lame)  with 
fome  women  and  children.  The  boys  kept 
them  off  for  fome  time  and  wounded  feve- 
ral  of  them.  At  length  the  Indians  fet 
the  houfe  on  fire,  and  even  then  the  boys 
wTould  notfurrender  till  they  had  promifed 
them  to  ipare  their  lives.  They  perfidi- 
oufly  murdered  three  or  four  of  the  chil- 
dren; one  of  them  was  fet  on  a  fharp 
ftake,  in  the  view  of  its  diftrefled  mother, 
who  with  the  other  women  and  the  boys 
were  carried  captive.  One  of  the  boys 
efcaped  the  next  day.  Captain  Garner 
with  his  company  purfued  the  enemy,  but 
did  not  come  up  with  them. 

The  Maftachufetts  and  Plymouth  com- 
panies proceeded  to  the  eaftward,  fettled 

garrifons 


256  HISTORY     OF 

1689.  garrifons  in  convenient  places,  and  had 
^^     ibme  fkirmifhes  with  the  enemy  at  Cafco 

and  Blue  Point.  On  their  return,  Major 
Swainefent  a  party  of  the  Indian  auxiliaries 
under  Lieutenant  Flagg  toward  Winni- 
pifeogee  to  make  difcoveries.  Thefe  In- 
dians held  a  confultation  in  their  own 
language;  and  having  perfuaded  their 
lieutenant  with  two  men  to  return,  nine- 
teen of  them  tarried  out  eleven  days  longer; 
in  which  time  they  found  the  enemy,  ftaid 
with  them  two  nights,  and  informed  them 
of  every  thing  which  they  defired  to  know ; 
Magnaiia,  Up0n  which  the  enemy  retired  to  their 
c J-  inaccefhble  defer ts,  and  the  forces  returned 

without  finding  them,  and  in  November 
were  difbanded. 

Nothing  was  more  welcome  to  the  dif- 
treffed  inhabitants  of  the  frontiers  than 
the  approach  of  winter,  as  they  then 
expected  a  refpite  from  their  fufferings. 
The  deep  mows  and  cold  weather  were 
commonly  a  good  fecurity  againft  an  attack 
from  the  Indians;  but  when  refolutely  fet 
on  mifchief,  and  infligated  by  popifli  en- 
thufiafm,  no  obftacles  could  prevent  the 
execution  of  their  purpofes. 

1 690.  The  Count  de  Frontenac,  now  governor 
^^^      of  Canada,  was   fond   of  diftinguifhing 

himfelf  by  fome  enterprizes  againft  the 

American 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE.  257 

American  fubjedts  of  King  William,  with  1690. 
whom  his  mafter  was  at  war  in  Europe*  ^v^ 
For  this  purpofe  he  detached  three  parties 
of  French  and  Indians  from  Canada  in  the 
winter,  who  were  to  take  three  different 
routes  into  the  Englifh  territories.  One  of 
thefc  parties  marched  from  Montreal  and 
deftroyed  SchencCtada,  a  Dutch  village  on 
the  Mohawk  river,  in  the  province  of  New- 
York.  This  action  which  happened  at  an 
unufual  time  of  the  year,  in  the  month  of 
February,  alarmed  the  whole  country ;  and 
the  ealtern  fettlements  were  ordered  to  be 
on  their  guard.  On  the  eighteenth  day 
of  March,  another  party  which  came  from 
Trois  Rivieres,  under  the  command  of  the 
Sieur  Hertcl,  an  officer  of  great  repute  in 
Canada,  found  their  way  to  Salmon  falls, 
a  fettlement  on  the  river  which  divides 
New-FIampfhire  from  the  province  of 
Maine.  This  party  confifted  of  fifty  two 
men,  of  whom  twenty  five  were  Indians 
under  Hoophood  a  noted  warrior.  They 
began  the  attack  at  day-break,  in  three 
different  places.  The  people  were  fur- 
prized  ;  but  flew  to  arms  and  defended 
themielves  in  the  garriibned  houfes,  with 
a  bravery  which  the  enemy  themielves 
applauded.  But  as  in  all  fuch  onfets  the 
aflailants  have  the  greateft  advantage,  fo 
S  they 


25$  HISTORY    OF 

1 690.  they  here  proved  too  ftrong  for  the  deferi- 
*^y^  dants  ;  about  thirty  of  the  braveft  were 
killed,  and  the  reft  furrendered  at  difcre- 
tion,  to  the  number  of  fifty  four,  of  whom 
the  greater  part  were  women  and  children. 
After  plundering,  the  enemy  burned  the 
houfes,  mills  and  barns,  with  the  cattle* 
which  were  withindoors,  and  then  retreat- 
ed into  the  woods,  whither  they  were  pur- 
fued  by  about  one  hundred  and  forty  men, 
fuddenly  collected  from  the  neighbouring 
towns,  who  came  up  with  them  in  the 
afternoon  at  a  narrow  bridge  on  Woofter's 
river.  Hertel  expecting  a  purfuit,  had 
polled  his  men  advantageouily  on  the  op- 
pofite  bank.  The  purfuers  advanced  with 
great  intrepidity,  and  a  warm  engage- 
ment enfued,  which' lafted  till  night,  when 
they  retired  with  the  Iofs  of  four  or  five 
Charlevoix  killed  j  the  enemy  by  their  own  account 
74-  loft  two,  one  of  whom  was  Hertel's  ne- 

phew ;  his  fon  was  wounded  in  the  knee ; 
another  Frenchman  was  taken  prifoner, 
Magnaiia,     who  was  fo  tenderly  treated  that  he  em- 

1:1.   -  -  /.o  J 

braced  the  proteftant  faith,  and  remained 
in  the  country.  Hertel  on  his  way  home- 
ward met  with  a  third  party  who  had 

marched 

*  Charlevoix  fays  they  burned  "  twenty  feven  honfes  and  twa 
thoufand  head  of  cattle  in  the  barns."  The  number  of  buildings, 
including  mills,  barns  and  other  out  houfes,  might  amount  to  near 
twenty ;  but  the  number  of  cattle  as  he  gives  it,  "is  incredible. 


lib.7-p.6S. 


\SV*J 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE.  259. 

marched  from  Quebec,  and  joining  his  1690. 
company  to  them  attacked  and  deitroyed 
the  fort  and  fettlement  at  Cafco,  the  next 
May.  Thus  the  three  expeditions  plan- 
ned by  Count  Frontenac  proved  luccefs- 
ful ;  but  the  glory  of  them  was  much 
tarniihed  by  ads  of  cruelty,  which  chrifti- 
ans  mould  be  afhamed  to  countenance, 
though  perpetrated  by  favages*. 

S  2  After 


*  The  following  inftances  of  cruelty  exercifed  towards  the  pri- 
foneis  taken  at  Salmon  falls  are  mentioned  by  Dr.  Mather. 

Robert  Rogers,  a  corpulent  man,  being  unable  to  carry  the 
burden  which  the  Indians  impofed  upon  him,  threw  it  In  the  path 
and  went  afide  in  the  woods  to  conceal  himfelf.  They  found  him 
by  his  track,  ftripped,  beat  and  pricked  him  with  their  fwordst 
then  tied  him  to  a  tree  and  danced  round  him  till  they  had  kindled 
3  fire.  They  gave  Mm  timeto  pray,  and  take  leave  of  his  fellow- 
prifoners  who  were  placed  round  the  tire  to  fee  his  death.  They 
pulhed  the  fire  toward  him,  and  when  he  was  almoft  flifled,  took 
it  away  to  give  him  time  to  breathe,  and  thus  prolong  his  rnifery  ; 
they  drowned  his  dying  groans  with  their  hideous  tinging  and 
yelling';  all  the  while  dancing  round  the  fire,  cutting  off  pieces  of 
his  ficfh  and  throwing  them  in  his  face.  When  he  was  dead  they 
left  his  body  broiling  on  the  coals,  in  which  ftatc  it  was  found  by 
his  friends,  and  buried. 

Mehetabel  Goodwin  was  taken  with  a  child  of  five  months  old. 
When  it  cried  they  threatened  to  kill  it,  which  made  the  mother 
go  afide  and  tit  for  hours  together  in  the  fnow  to  lull  it  to  flecp  ; 
her  mafrer  feeing  that  this  hindered  her  from  travelling,  took  the 
child,  llruck  its  head  againft  a  tree,  and  hung  it  on  one  of  the 
branches;  ihe  would  have  buried  it  but  he  would  not  let  her,  telling 
her  that  if  the  came  again  that  way  ihe  might  have  the  pleafure  ef 
feeing  it.  She  was  carried  to  Canada,  and  after  five  years  return- 
ed home. 

Mary  Plaifted  was  taken  out  of  her  bed,  having  lain  in  but 
three  weeks.  They  made  her  travel  with  them  through  the  fnow, 
and  "  to  eafc  her  of  her  burden,"  as  they  faid,  ftruck  the  child's 
head  againrt  a  tree,  and  threw  it  into  a  river. 

An  anecdote  of  another  kind  may  relieve  the  reader  after  thefe 
tragical  accounts.  Thomas  Toogood  was  purftied  by  three  Indians 
and  overtaken  by  one  of  them,  who  having  enquired  his  name, 

wad 


P-  73 


26o  HISTORY    OF 

1690.  After  the  deftruction  of  Cafco  the  eaft- 
^^  ern  fettlements  were  all  deferted,  and  the 
people  retired  to  the  fort  at  Wells.  The 
Indians  then  came  up  weftward,  and  a 
party  of  them  under  Hoophood  fometime 
in  May  made  an  aflault  on  Fox  Point,  [in 
Newington]  where  they  burned  feveral 
houfes,  killed  about  fourteen  people,  and 
carried  away  fix.  They  were  purfued  by 
Mag.  lib.;,  the  Captains  Floyd  and  Greenleaf,  who 
came  up  with  them  and  recovered  fome  of 
the  captives  and  fpoil,  after  a  fkirmifh  in 
which  Hoophood  was  wounded  and  loft 
his  gun.  This  fellow  was  foon  after  kill- 
ed by  a  party  of  Canada  Indians  who 
miftook  him  for  one  of  the  Iroquois,  with 
whom  they  were  at  war.  On  the  fourth 
day  of  July  eight  perfons  were  killed  as 
they  were  mowing  in  a  field  near  Lam- 
prey river,  and  a  lad  was  carried  captive. 
The  next  day  they  attacked  Captain  Hil- 
ton s  garrifon  at  Exeter,  which  was  reliev- 
ed by  Lieutenant  Bancroft  with  the  lofs  of 
a  few  of  his  men ;   one  of  them,  Simon 

Stone, 

was  preparing  firings  to  bind  him,  holding  bis  gun  under  his  arm, 
which  Toogapd  fcized  and  went  backward,  keeping  the  gun  pre- 
sented at  him,  and  protecting  that  lie  would  (hoot  him  if  he  alarm- 
'd  the  others  who  had  flopped  on  the  oppofite  fide  of  the  hill. 
Ey  this  dexterity  he  ei'caped  and  got  fafe  into  Cocheclio  ;  while 
his  adveriai  y  had  no  recompence  in  his  power  but  to  call  after  him 
by  the  name  of  No  good.  When  he  returned  to  his  companions 
without  gun  or  prifoner,  their  dcrifiou  made  his  miiadventure  the 
more  grievous. 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE.  261 

Stone,  recvived  nine  wounds  with  fhct,  1 690. 
and  two  ftrokes  of  a  hatchet ;  when  his  \~^*u 
friends  came  to  bury  him  they  perceived  Mag.  lib. 7. 
life  in  him,  and  by  the  application  of  cor-  F' 
dials  he  revived,  to  the  amazement  of  all. 
Two  companies  under  the  Captains 
Floyd  and  Wifwal  were  now  fcouting,  and 
on  the  fixth  day  of  July  difcovered  an  In- 
dian track,  which  they  puriued  till  they 
came  up  with  the  enemy  at  Whelewri^ht's 
Pond,  [in  Lee]  where  a  bloody  engage- 
ment enfued  for  fome  hours ;  in  which 
Wifwal,  his  lieutenant,  Flagg,.and  ferjeant 
Walker,  with  twelve  more,  were  killed, 
and  feveral  wounded.  It  was  not  known 
how  many  of  the  enemy  fell,  as  they  al- 
ways carried  off  their  dead.  Floyd  main- 
tained the  fight  after  Wifwal's  death,  till 
his  men,  fatigued  and  wounded,  drew  off; 
which  obliged  him  to  follow.  The  enemy 
retreated  at  the  fame  time ;  for  when 
Captain  Convers  went  to  look  after  the 
wounded,  he  found  feven  alive,  whom  he 
brought  in  by  funrife  the  next  morning, 
and  then  returned  to  bury  the  dead.  The 
enemy  then  went  weftward,  and  in  the 
courfe  of  one  week  killed,  between  Lam- 
prey river  and  Almfbury,  not  lefs  than 
forty  people. 

The 


262  HISTORY    OF 

1690.         The  cruelties  exercifed  upon  the  cap- 


UorvJ 


tivesin  this  war  exceeded,  both  in  number 
and  degree,  any  in  former  times.  The 
moft  healthy  and  vigorous  of  them  were 
fold  in  Canada,  the  weaker  were  facrificed 
and  fcalped ;  and  for  every  fcalp  they  had 
a  premium.  Two  inftances  only  are  re- 
membered of  their  releafing  any  without 
a  ranfom ;  one  was  a  woman  taken  from 

Mag.  73.  Fox  Point,  who  obtained  her  liberty  by 
procuring  them  fome  of  the  neceflaries  of 
life ;  the  other  was  at  York ;  where,  after 
they  had  taken  many  of  the  people,  they 
reftored  two  aged  women  and  five  children, 
in  return  for  a  generous  action  of  Major 
Church,  who  had  fpared  the  lives  of  as 
many  women  and  children  when  they  fell 

Ms  Letter,    'ln^0  h}s  nands  at  Amarifcogin. 

The  people  of  New-England  now  look- 
ed on  Canada  as  the  fource  of  their  troubles, 
and  formed  a  defign  to  reduce  it  to  fubjec- 
tion  to  the  crown  of  England.  The  en- 
terprize  was  bold  and  hazardous ;  and  had 
their  ability  been  equal  to  the  ardour  of 
their  patriotifm,  it  might  probably  have 
been  accomplifhed.  Straining  every  nerve, 
they  equipped  an  armament  in  fome  degree 
equal  to  the  fervice.  What  was  wanting  in 
military  and  naval  difcipline  was  made  up 
in  refolution  j  and  the  command  was  given 

to 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE.  263 

to  Sir  William  Phips,  an  honeft  man,  and  a  1690. 
friend  to  his  country;  but  by  no  means 
qualified  forfuch  anenterprife.  Unavoida- 
ble accidents  retarded  the  expedition,  lb 
that  the  fleet  did  not  arrive  before  Quebec 
till  October;  when  it  was  more  than  time  to 
return.  It  being  impoflible  to  continue  there 
to  any  purpofe;  and  the  troops  growing 
fickly  and  difcouraged,  after  fomc  inef- 
fectual parade,  they  abandoned  the  cntcr- 
prize. 

This  difappointment  was  feverely  felt. 
The  equipment  of  the  fleet  and  army  re- 
quired a  fupply  of  money  which  could  not 
readily  be  collected,  and  occafioned  a  pa- 
per currency ;  which  had  often  been  drawn 
into  precedent  on  like  occafions,  and  has 
proved  a  fatal  fource  of  the  moft  compli- 
cated and  extenfive  mifchief.  The  peo- 
ple were  almoft  difpirited  with  the  pro- 
fpect  of  poverty  and  ruin.  In  this  melan- 
choly ftate  of  the  country,  it  was  an  hap- 
py circumftance  that  the  Indians  volun- 
tarily came  in  with  a  flag  of  truce,  and  de-  Nov.  29. 
fired  aceflationof  hoftilities.  A  conference 
being  held  at  Sagadahock,  they  brought 
in  ten  captives,  and  fettled  a  truce  till  the 
firft  day  of  May,  which  they  obferved  till 
the  ninth  of  June;  when  they  attacked  1691. 
Storer's  garrifon  at  Wells,  but  were  brave-     v^^/ 


264 


HISTORY    OF 


Mag.  78. 


MS  Tetter 
o\  Morril 
to  Prince. 


Fitch'sMS. 
1692. 

Jsnuar.25- 


1 69 1,  ly  repulfcd.  About  the  fame  time  they 
killed  two  men  at  Exeter,  and  on  the 
twenty  ninth  of  September,  a  party  of 
them  came  from  the  eaftward  in  canoes  to 
Sandy  Beach,  [Rye]  where  they  killed  and 
captivated  twenty  one  perfons.  Captain 
Sherburne  of  Portfmouth,  a  worthy  officer, 
was  this  year  killed  at  Macquoit. 

The  next  winter,  the  country  being 
alarmed  with  the  deftru&ion  of  York, 
fome  new  regulations  were  made  for  the 
general  defence.  Major  Elifha  Hutchinfon 
was  appointed  commander  in  chief  of  the 
militia;  by  whofe  prudent  conduct  the 
frontiers  were  well  guarded,  and  fo  con- 
ftant  a  communication  was  kept  up,  by 
ranging  parties,  from  one  poft  to  another, 
that  it  became  impoffible  for  the  enemy  to 
attack  in  their  ufual  way  by  furprife. 
The  good  effect  of  this  regulation  was 
prefently  feen.  A  young  man  being  in 
the  woods  near  Cochecho,  was  fired  at  by 
fome  Indians.  Lieutenant  Wilfon  imme- 
diately went  out  with  eighteen  men ;  and 
finding  the  Indians,  killed  or  wounded 
the  whole  party  excepting  one.  This 
flruck  a  terror,  and  kept  them  quiet  the 
remainder  of  the  winter  and  fpring. 
But  on  the  tenth  day  of  June,  an  army  of 
French  and  Indians  made  a  furious  attack 

on 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE.  265 

on  Storer's  garrifon  at  Wells,  where  Cap-     1692. 
tain  Convers  commanded;    who  after  a     v-^v^-' 
brave  and  refolute  defence,  was  fo  happy 
as  to  drive  them  off  with  great  lofs. 

Sir  William  Phips,  being  now  governor 
of  Maffachufetts,  continued  the  lame  me- 
thod of  defence;  keeping  out  continual 
fcouts  under  brave  and  experienced  officers. 
This  kept  the  Indians  fo  quiet  that,  ex- 
cept one  poor  family  which  they  took  at 
Oyfter  river,  and  fome  fmall  mifchief  at 
Quaboag,  there  is  no  mention  of  any  des- 
truction made  by  them  during  the  year 
1693.  Their  animofity  againftNew-Eng-  I093* 
land  was  not  quelled;  but  they  needed  a 
fpace  to  recruit ;  fome  of  their  principal  men 
were  in  captivity,and  they  could  not  hope  to 
redeem  them  without  a  peace.  To  obtain  Ar}£,  ir, 
it,  they  came  into  the  fort  at  Pemaquid; 
and  there  entered  into  a  folemn  covenant; 
wherein  they  acknowledged  fubjection  to 
the  crown  of  England ;  engaged  to  aban- 
don the  French  intereft;  promifed  perpe- 
tual peace ;  to  forbear  private  revenge ;  to 
reftore  all  captives;  and  even  went  fo  far 
as  to  deliver  hoftages  for  the  due  perform-  M.1?.r.S5. 
ance  of  their  engagements.  This  peace, 
or  rather  truce,  gave  both  fides  a  refpite, 
which  both  earneftly  defired. 

The  people  of  New-Hampfhire  were 
much  reduced;  their  lumber  trade  and 

hufbandry 


266  HISTORY    OF 

1693.  hufbandry  being  greatly  impeded  by  the 
v-^~^/  war.  Frequent  complaints  were  made  of 
the  burden  of  the  war,  the  fcarcity  of  pro- 
vifions,  and  the  difpiritednefs  of  the  peo- 
ple. Once  it  is  faid  in  the  council  minutes 
that  they  were  even  ready  to  quit  the  pro- 
vince. The  governor  was  obliged  to  im- 
prefs  men  to  guard  <{ie  outpofts;  they 
were  fometimes  difmifled  for  want  of  pro- 
vifions,  and  then  the  garrifon  officers  cal- 
led to  account  and  feverely  puniihed :  Yet 
all  this  time  the  public  debt  did  not  exceed 
four  hundred  pounds.  In  this  fituation 
they  were  obliged  to  apply  to  their  neigh- 
bours for  affiflance ;  but  this  was  granted 
with  a  fparing  hand.  The  people  of  Maf- 
fachufetts  were  much  divided  and  at  vari- 
ance among  themfelves,  both  on  account 
of  the  new  charter  which  they  had  receiv- 
ed from  King  William,  and  the  pretend- 
ed witchcrafts  which  have  made  fo  loud 
a  noife  in  the  world.  Party  and  paflion 
had  ufurped  the  place  of  patriotifm ;  and 
the  defence,  not  only  of  their  neighbours, 
but  of  themfelves  was  neglected  to  grati- 
fy their  malignant  humours.  Their  go- 
vernor too  had  been  affronted  in  this  pro- 
vince,  on  the  following  occafion. 

Sir  William  Phips,  having  had  a  quar- 
rel with  Captain  Short  of  the  Nonfuch  fri- 
gate 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE.  267 

gate  about  the  extent  of  his  power  as  vice  1693. 
admiral,  arretted  Short  at  Bofton,  and  put  ^^^ 
him  on  board  a  merchant  fhip  bound  for 
England,  commanded  by  one  Tay,  with 
a  warrant  to  deliver  him  to  the  iecretary 
of  ftate.  The  iliip  put  into  Paicataqua, 
and  the  Nonluch  came  in  after  her.  The 
lieutenant,  Cary,  lent  a  letter  to  Hinckes, 
prefidentof  the  council  threatening  to  im- 
prefs  fcamen  if  Short  was  not  relcafed. 
Cary  was  arrefted  and  brought  before  the 
council,  where  he  received  a  reprimand 
for  his  infolence.  At  the  fame  time  Sir 
William  came  hither  by  land,  went  on 
board  Tay's  (hip,  and  fent  the  cabbin-boy 
with  a  meifage  to  the  prefident  to  come  to 
him  there;  which  Hinckes  highly  relent- 
ed and  refufed.  Phips  then  demanded  of 
Tay  his  former  warrant,  and  iffued  ano- 
ther commanding  the  re-delivery  of  Short 
to  him,  broke  open  Short's  cheft,  and 
feized  his  papers.  This  action  was  looked 
upon  by  fome  as  an  exertion  of  power  to 
which  he  had  no  right,  and  it  was  pro- 
pofed  to  cite  him  before  the  council  to  an-  March  ^ 
fwer  for  afTuming  authority  out  of  his  ju- 
riidiction.  The  prefident  was  warm ;  but 
a  majority  of  the  council,  confidering  Sir 
William's  opinion  that  his  vice  admiral's 
commiflion    extended    to  this  province, 

(though 


268  HISTORY    OF 

1 693.  (though  Ufher  had  one,  but  was  not  prefent) 
v^v>->      and  that  no  perfon  belonging  to  the  province 

Ms  in  files.    kacj  keen  injure<j>  advii'ed  the  prefident  to 

take  no  farther  notice  of  the  matter.  Soon 
after  this  Sir  William  drew  off  the  men 
whom  he  had  {rationed  in  this  province 
as  foldiers;  and  the  council  advifed  the 
lieutenant  governor  to  apply  to  the  colo- 
ny of  Connecticut  for  men  and  provifions ; 
but  whether  this  requeft  was  granted  does 
not  appear. 

The  towns  of  Dover  and  Exeter  being 
more  expofed  than  Fortfmouth  or  Hamp- 
ton fuffered  the  greater!:  fhare  in  the  com- 
mon calamity.  Nothing  but  the  hope  of 
better  times  kept  alive  their  fortitude. 
When  many  of  the  eaftern  fettlements  were 
wholly  broken  up,  they  flood  their  ground, 
and  thus  gained  to  themfelves  a  reputati- 
on which  their  pofterity  boafl  of  to  this 
day. 

1 694.  The  engagements  made  by  the  Indians 
in  the  treaty  of  Pemaquid,  might  have 
been  performed  if  they  had  been  left  to 
their  own  choice.  But  the  French  mifiion- 
aries  had  been  for  fome  years  very  affidu- 
ous  in  propagating  their  tenets  among 
them,  one  of  which  was  '  that  to  break 
*  faith  with  hereticks  was  no  fin.'  The 
Sieur  de  Villieu,  who  had  diftinguifhed 

himfelf 


\*~v^J 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE.  269 

himfelf  in  defence  of  Quebec  when  Phips     1694. 
was  before  it,  and  had  contracted  a  ftrong     ^^^ 
antipathy  to  the  Ncw-Englanders,  being 
now  in  command  at  Penobfcot,   he  with 
M.  Thury,  the  mifhonary,  diverted  Ma- 
dokawando  and  the  other  fachems  from 
complying   with  their  engagements;  fo 
that  pretences  were  found  for  detaining 
the  Englifh  captives,  who  were  more   in 
number,    and  of  more  confequence  than 
the  hoftages  whom  the  Indians  had  given. 
Influenced  by  the  fame  pernicious  councils, 
they  kept  a  watchful  eye  on  the  frontier 
towns,  to  fee  what  place  was  moft  fecure 
and  might  be  attacked  to  the  grcateft  ad- 
vantage.    The  fcttlement  at  Oyfter  river, 
within  the  town  of  Dover,  was   pitched 
upon  as  the  moft  likely  place;  and  it  is 
laid  that  the  defign  of  furprizing  it  was 
publickly  talked  of  at  Quebec  two  months 
before  it  was  put  in  execution.  Rumours 
of  Indians   lurking  in  the  woods  there- 
about made  fome  of  the  people  apprehend 
danger;  but  no  mifchief  being  attempted, 
they  imagined  them  to  be  hunting  parties,    M??.naiia, 
and  returned  to  their  iecurity.     At  length, 
the   neceffary  preparations  being   made, 
Villieu,  with  a  body  of  two  hundred  and 
fifty  Indians,  collected  from  the  tribes  of    chariem* 
St.  John,  Penobfcot  and  Norridgwog,  at-    mq. J' p' 

tended 


27o  H  I  S  T  O  R  Y     O  F 

1 694.     tended  by  a  French  prieft,  marched  for  thd 
v^>rN^     devoted  place. 

Oyfter  river  is  a  ftream  which   runs 
into   the  weftern  branch  of  Pafcataqua; 
the  fettlements  were   on  both    fides    of 
It,   and  the  houfes  chiefly  near  the  wa- 
ter.    Here  were  twelve  garrifoned  houfes 
fufficient  for  the  defence  of  the  inhabitants, 
but  apprehending  no  danger,  fome  fami- 
lies   remained  at  their    own   unfortified 
houfes,  and  thofe  who  were  in  the  gam-* 
ions  were  but  indifferently  provided   for 
defence  fome  being  even  destitute  of  pow- 
der. The  enemy  approached  the  place  un- 
difcovered,  and   halted  near  the  falls  on 
Tuefday  evening,  the  feventeenth  of  July. 
Here  they  formed  into  two  divifions,  one 
of  which  was  to  go  on  each  fide  of  the 
river  and  plant  themfelves  in  ambufh,  irt 
fmall  parties,  near  every  houfe,  fo  as  to  be 
ready  for  the  attack  at  the  rifing  of  the 
fun;   the  firftgun  to  be  the  fignal.     John 
Dean,  whofe  houfe  flood  by  the  faw-mill 
at  the  falls,  intending  to  go  from  home 
very  early,  arofe  before  the  dawn  of  day, 
and  was  mot  as  he  came  out  of  his  door. 
This  firing,  in  part,  difconcerted  their  plan ; 
feveral  parties  who  had  fome  diftance  to 
go,  had  not  then  arrived  at  their  ftations ; 
the  people  in  general  were  immediately 

alarmed. 


V^-y-v^ 


N  E  W-H  AMPSH1RE.  271 

alarmed,  fome  of  them  had  time  to  make     1694. 
their  efcape,  and  others   to  prepare  for 
their  defence.     The  fignal  being  given, 
the  attack  began  in  all  parts  where  the 
enemy  was  ready. 

Of  the  twelve  garrifoned  houfes  five 
were  deftroyed,  viz.  Adams's,  Drew's, 
Edgerly's,  Medar's  and  Beard's.  They 
entered  Adams's  without  refinance,  where 
they  killed  fourteen  perfons ;  one  of  them, 
being  a  woman  with  child,  they  ripped 
open.  The  grave  is  (till  to  be  ieen  in 
which  they  were  all  buried.  Drew  fur- 
rendered  his  garrifon  on  the  promife  of 
fecurity,  but  was  murdered  when  he  fell 
into  their  hands  ;  one  of  his  children,  a 
boy  of  nine  years  old,  was  made  to  run 
through  a  lane  of  Indians  as  a  mark  for 
them  to  throw  their  hatchets  at,  till  they 
had  difpatched  him.  Edgerly's  was  eva- 
cuated ;  the  people  took  to  their  boat,  and 
one  of  them  was  mortally  wounded  before 
they  got  out  of  reach  of  the  enemy's  mot. 
Beard's  and  Medar's  were  alfo  evacuated 
and  the  people  efcaped. 

The  defencelefs  houfes  were  nearly  all 
fet  on  fir$,  the  inhabitants  being  either 
killed  or  taken  in  them,  or  elfe  in  endea- 
vouring to  fly  to  the  garrifons.  Some 
efcaped  by  hiding  in  the  bulhes  and  other 

fecret 


^7*  HISTORY    OF 

1694.  fecret  places.  Thomas  Edgerly,  by  con- 
cealing himfelf  in  his  cellar,  preferred  his 
houfe,  though  twice  fet  on  fire.  The 
houfe  of  John  Bufs,  the  minifter,  was  de- 
ftroyed  with  a  valuable  library.  He  was 
abfent,  his  wife  and  family  fled  to  the  woods 
and  efcaped.  The  wife  of  John  Dean,  at 
whom  the  firft  gun  was  fired  was  taken 
with  her  daughter,  and  carried  about  two 
miles  up  the  river,  where  they  were  left 
under  the  care  of  an  old  Indian  while  the 
others  returned  to  their  bloody  wrork. 
The  Indian  complained  of  a  pain  in  his 
head,  and  aiked  the  woman  what  would 
be  a  proper  remedy :  (he  anfwered,Occapee, 
which  is  the  Indian  word  for  rum,  of 
which  fhe  knew  he  had  taken  a  bottle 
from  her  houfe.  The  remedy  being 
agreeable,  he  took  a  large  dofe  and  fell 
afleep;  and  {he  took  that  opportunity  to 
make  her  efcape,  with  her  child,  into  the 
wroods,  and  kept  concealed  till  they  were 
gone. 

The  other  feven  garrifons,  viz.  Burn- 
ham's,  Bickford's,  Smith's,  Bunker's, 
Davis's,  Jones's  and  Woodman's  were  re- 
folutely  and  fuccefsfully  defended.  At 
Burnham's  the  gate  was  left  open :  The 
Indians,  ten  in  number,  who  were  ap- 
pointed to  furprize  it,  were  afleep  under 

the 


N  E  W-H  A  M  P  S  H  I  R  E.  273 

the  bank  of  the  river,  at  the  time  that  the  1694. 
alarm  was  given.  A  man  within,  who 
had  been  kept  awake  by  the  tooth-ach, 
hearing  the  firft  gun,  roufed  the  people 
and  Secured  the  gate,  juft  as  the  Indians 
who  were  awakened  by  the  fame  noife 
were  entering.  Finding  themfelves  dis- 
appointed, they  ran  to  Pitman's,  a  defence* 
lefs  houfe,  and  forced  the  door  at  the  mo- 
ment that  he  had  burft  a  way  through  that 
end  of  the  houie  which  was  next  to  the 
garrifon,  to  which  he  with  his  family, 
taking  advantage  of  the  fhade  of  fbme 
trees,  it  being  moonlight,  happily  efcaped. 
Still  defeated,  they  attacked  the  houfe  of 
John  Davis,  which  after  fome  reSiftance 
he  Surrendered  on  terms ;  but  the  terms 
were  violated,  and  the  whole  family  either 
killed  or  made  captives.  Thomas  Bick- 
ford  preferved  his  houfe  in  a  Singular 
manner.  It  was  Situated  near  the  river, 
and  Surrounded  with  a  paliSade.  Being 
alarmed  before  the  enemy  had  reached  the 
houfe,  he  Sent  off  his  family  in  a  boat,  and 
then  (hutting his  gate,  betook  himfelf  alone 
to  the  defence  of  his  fortrefs.  DeSpifing 
alike  the  promiSes  and  threats  by  which 
the  Indians  would  have  perSuaded  him  to 
Surrender,  he  kept  up  a  conftant  fire  at 
them,  changing  his  dreSs  as  often  as  he 
T  could, 


274  HISTORY    OF 

1 694.  could,  fhewing  himfelf  with  a  different 
^"^  cap,  hat  or  coat,  and  fometimes  without 
either,  and  giving  directions  aloud  as  if 
he  had  had  a  number  of  men  with  him. 
Finding  their  attempt  vain,  the  enemy 
withdrew,  and  left  him  fole  mailer  of  the 
houfe  which  he  had  defended  with  fuch 
admirable  addrefs.  Smith's,  Bunker's,  and 
Davis's  garrifons,  being  feafonably  appriz- 
ed of  the  danger,  were  refolutely  defended, 
one  Indian  was  fuppofed  to  be  killed  and 
another  wounded  by  a  fhot  from  Davis's. 
Jones's  garrifon  was  befet  before  day ;  Capt. 
Jones  hearing  his  dogs  bark,  and  imagin- 
ing wolves  might  be  near,  went  out  to 
fecure  fome  fwine  and  returned  unmolefted. 
He  then  went  up  into  the  flankart  and  fat 
on  the  wall.  Difcerning  the  flafh  of  a  gun, 
he  dropped  backward;  the  ball  entered 
the  place  from  whence  he  had  withdrawn 
his  legs.  The  enemy  from  behind  a 
rock  kept  firing  on  the  houfe  for  fome  time 
and  then  quitted  it.  During  thefe  trans- 
actions the  French  prieft  took  poflemon  of 
the  meeting-houfe,  and  employed  himfelf 
in  writing  on  the  pulpit  with  chalk;  but 
the  houfe  received  no  damage. 

Thole  parties  of  the  enemy  who  were 
on  the  fouth  fide  of  the  river  having  com- 
pleted their  deftru&ive  work,  collected  in 

a  field 


N  E  W-H  A  M  PSHIRE.  275 

a  field  adjoining  to  Burnham's  garrifon,  1694. 
where  they  infultingly  fhewed  their  pri- 
foners,  and  derided  the  people,  thinking 
themfelves  out  of  reach  of  their  {hot.  A 
young  man  from  the  centry-box  fired  at 
one  who  was  making  fome  indecent  figns 
of  defiance,  and  wounded  him  in  the  heel : 
Him  they  placed  on  a  horle  and  carried 
away.  Both  divifions  then  met  at  the  falls, 
where  they  had  parted  the  evening  before* 
and  proceeded  together  to  Capt.  Wood- 
man's garrilon.  The  ground  being  un- 
even, they  approached  without  danger, 
and  from  behind  a  hill  kept  up  a  long  and 
fevere  fire  at  the  hats  and  caps  which  the 
people  within  held  up  on  fticks  above  the 
walls,  without  any  other  damage  than 
galling  the  roof  of  the  houfe.  At  length, 
apprehending  it  was  time  for  the  people 
in  the  neighbouring  fettlements  to  be  col- 
lected in  purfuit  of  them,  they  finally 
withdrew ;  having  killed  and  captivated 
between  ninety  and  an  hundred  perfons, 
and  burned  about  twenty  houles,  of  which 
five  were  garrifons*.  The  main  body  of 
them  retreated  over  Winnipifeogee  lake, 
1  where  they  divided  their  prifoners,  fepa- 
rating  thofe  in  particular  who  were  mod 
T  2  intimately 

*  Charlevoix  with  his  ufua!  parade  boafls  of  their  havirij  ' 
j  two  hundred  and  thirty  people,  and  bin  tied  fifty  or  fixty  1 
He  fpeaks  of  only  two  forts,  both  of  which  were  (lormcd. 


276  HISTORY    OF 

1 694.     intimately  connected,  in  which  they  often 
^^^      took  a  pleafure  fuited  to  their  favage  na- 
turef. 

About  forty  of  the  enemy  under  Tox- 
us,  a  Norridgwog  chief,  refolving  on  far- 
ther mifchief,  went  weftward  and  did  ex- 
ecution as  far  as  Groton.  A  fmaller  par- 
ty having  eroded  the  river  Pafcataqua, 
came  to  a  farm  where  Urfula  Cutts,  wi- 
dow of  the  deceafed  prefident,  refided, 
who  imagining  the  enemy  had  done  what 
mifchief  they  intended  for  that  time,  could 
not  be  perfuaded  to  remove  into  town  till 
her  haymaking  fhould  be  finifhed.  As 
Magnaiu,  fhe  was  in  the  field  with  her  labourers,  the 
86.  enemy  fired  from  an  ambufh  and  killed 

her,  with  three  others.     Colonel  Richard 

Waldron 

t  Among  thefe  prifoners  were  Thomas  Drew  and  his  wife  who 
were  newly  married.  He  was  carried  to  Canada,  where  he  conti- 
nued two  years  and  was  redeemed.  She  to  Norridgwog,  and  was 
gone  four  years,  in  which  (he  endured  every  thing  but  death.  She 
was  delivered  of  a  child  in  the  winter,  in  the  open  air,  and  in  a 
violent  fnow  dorm.  Being  unable  to  fuckle  her  child,  or  provide 
it  any  food,  the  Indians  killed  it.  She  lived  fourteen  days  on  a 
decoction  of  the  bark  of  trees.  Once  they  let  her  to  draw  a  fled 
up  a  river  againfl;  a  piercing  north-weft  wind,  and  left  her.  She 
was  fo  overcome  with  the  cold  that  fhe  grew  fleepy,  laid  down  and 
was  nearly  dead,  when  they  returned  ;  they  carried  her  fenfclefs 
to  a  wigwam,  and  poured  warm  water  down  her  throat,  which  re- 
covered her.  After  her  return  to  her  hufband,  fhe  had  fourteen 
children  ;  they  lived  together  till  he  was  ninety  three  and  fhe  eigh- 
ty nine  years  of  age  ;  they  died  within  two  days  of  each  other  and 
were  buried  in  one  grave. 

$5"  Thefe  particular  ciicumftances of  the  deftruelion  at  Oyfler 
river  were  at  my  defire  collected  from  the  information  of  aged  peo- 
ple by  John  Smith,  Efq.  a  defcendant  of  one  of  the  fufiering  fami» 
lies. 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE. 

Waldron  and  his  wife  with  their  infant 
fon  (afterward  fecretary)  had  almoft  fhar- 
ed  the  fame  fate;  they  were  taking  hoat 
to  go  and  dine  with  this  lady,  when  they 
were  (topped  by  the  arrival  of  lome  friends 
at  their  houfe;  while  at  dinner  they  were 
informed  of  her  death.  She  lived  about 
two  miles  above  the  town  of  Portfmouth, 
and  had  laid  out  her  farm  with  much  ele- 
gance. The  fcalps  taken  in  this  whole 
expedition  were  carried  to  Canada  by  Ma- 
dokawando,  and  preiented  to  Count  Fron- 
tenac,  from  whom  he  received  the  reward 
of  his  treacherous  adventure. 

There  is  no  mention  of  any  more  mif-     169  £. 
chief  by  the  Indians  within  this  province      v-^^ 
till  the  next  year,  when,  in  the  month  of 
July,  two  men  were  killed  at  Exeter.  The 
following    year,   on   the    feventh  day  of     1696. 
May,  John  Church,  who  had  been  taken       v^^ 
and  efcaped  from  them  feven  years  before, 
was  killed  and  fcalped  at  Cochccho,  near 
his  own  houfe.     On  the  twenty-fixth  of 
June  an  attack   was  made  at  Portfmouth 
plain,    about   two  miles   from  the  town. 
The   enemy   came  from  York-nubble  to 
Sandy-beach  in  canoes,   which  they  hid 
there   among  the  bufhes  near  the   fhore. 
Some  fufpicion  was  formed  the  day  before 
by  reafon  of  the  cattle  running  out  of  the 

woods 


27S  H  I  S  T  O  R  Y    O  F 

1696.  woods  at  Little-harbour;  but  falfe  alarms 
'^~Y^J  were  frequent  and  this  was  not  much  re- 
garded. Early  in  the  morning  the  attack 
was  made  on  five  houfes  at  once ;  fourteen 
perfons  were  killed  on  the  fpot,  one  was 
fcalped  and  left  for  dead,  but  recovered, 
and  four  were  taken.  The  enemy  having 
plundered  the  houfes  of  what  they  could 
carry,  fet  them  on  fire,  and  made  a  pre- 
cipitate retreat  through  the  great  fwamp. 
A  company  of  militia  under  Captain 
Shackford  and  Lieutenant  Libbey  purfued, 
and  difcovered  them  cooking  their  break- 
faft,  at  a  place  ever  fince  called  Breakfaft- 
hill.  The  Indians  were  on  the  farther  fide, 
having  placed  their  captives  between  them- 
felves  and  the  top  of  the  hill,  that  in  cafe 
of  an  attack  they  might  firft  receive  the 
fire.  The  lieutenant  urged  to  go  round 
the  hill,  and  come  upon  them  below  to 
cut  off  their  retreat;  but  the  captain  fear- 
ing that  in  that  cafe  they  would,  accord- 
ing to  their  cuftom,  kill  the  prifoners, 
ruihed  upon  them  from  the  top  of  the  hill, 
by  which  means  they  retook  the  captives 
and  plunder,  but  the  Indians,  rolling  down 
the  hill,  efcaped  into  the  fwamp  and  got 
to  their  canoes.  Another  party,  under 
another  commander,  was  then  fent  out  in 
fhallops  to  intercept  them  as  they  mould 

crofs 


N  E  W-H  AMPSH1RE,  279 

crofs  over  to  the  eaftward  by  night.  The  1696. 
captain  ranged  his  boats  in  a  line,  and  or-  ^v^ 
dered  his  men  to  refcrve  their  fire  till  he 
gave  the  watch-word.  It  being  a  calm 
night  the  Indians  were  heard  as  they  ad- 
vanced ;  but  the  captain,  unhappily  giving 
the  word  before  they  had  come  within 
gun-fhot,  they  tacked  about  to  the  fbuth- 
ward,  and  going  round  the  IHes  of  Shoals, 
by  the  favour  of  their  light  canoes  efcaped. 
The  watch-word  was  Crambo,  which  the 
captain  ever  after  bore  as  an  appendage 
to  his  title*.  On  the  twenty  fixth  day  of 
July,  the  people  of  Dover  were  waylaid 
as  they  were  returning  from  the  public 
worfhin,  when  three  were  killed,  three    Magnaiia, 

.  r  lib-  7-p.8y- 

wounded,  and  three  carried  to  Penobicot, 
from  whence  they  foon  found  their  way 
home. 

The  next  year  on  the  tenth  of  June,  1697. 
the  town  of  Exeter  was  remarkably  pre-  v-or^/ 
ferved  from  deftruetion.  A  body  of  the 
enemy  had  placed  themfelves  near  the 
town,  intending  to  make  an  aiTault  in  the 
morning  of  the  next  day.  A  number  of 
women  and  children  contrary  to  the  advice 
of  their  friends  went  into  the  fields,  with- 
out a  guard,  to  gather  ftrawberries.   When 

they 

'  The  account  of  this  tranfaftion  I  had  from  the  late  Judge 
Parker,  who  had  taken  pains  to  prefcrve  it.  It  is  mentioned,  hul 
not  circumftantially,  by  Dr.  Mather.     Magnaiia,  lib.  7.  p.  89. 


oo  HISTORY    OF 


zbo 


1697.     they  were  gone  fome  perfons,  to  frighten 
v-^v^       them,  fired  an  alarm;  which  quickly  fpread 
through  the  town,  and  brought  the  people 
together  in  arms.     The  Indians  fuppofing 
that  they  were  difcovered,  and  quickened 
by  fear,  after  killing  one,  wounding  ano- 
ther, and  taking  a  child,  made  a  hafty  re- 
treat and  were  feen  no  more  there.     But 
on  the  fourth  day  of  July  they  waylaid 
and  killed  the  worthy  Major  Froft  at  Kit- 
Hh  ..     tery,  to  whom  they  had    owed  revenge 
p-  9*:  ever  fince  the  feizure  of  the  four  hundred 

MS  Jour- 
nal, at  Cochecho,  in  which  he  was  concerned. 

The  fame  year  an  invafion  of  the  coun- 
try was  projected  by  the  French.  A  fleet 
was  to  fail  from  France  to  Newfoundland 
and  thence  to  Penobfcot,  where  beingjoin- 
ed  by  an  army  from  Canada,  an  attempt 
was  to  be  made  on  Bofton,  and  the  fea- 
coalt  ravaged  from  thence  to  Pafcataqua. 
The  plan  was  too  extenfive  and  compli- 
cated to  be  executed  in  one  fummer.  The 
fleet  came  no  further  than  Newfoundland; 
when  the  advanced  feafon,  and  fcantinefs 
of  provifions  obliged  them  to  give  over 
the  defign.  The  people  of  New-F-ngland 
were  apprized  of  the  danger,  and  made 
the  belt  preparations  in  their  power. 
They  ftrengthened  their  fortifications  on 
the  coaft,  and  raifed  a  body  of  men  to  de- 
fend 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE. 


281 


fend  the  frontiers  againft  the  Indians  who 
were  expelled  to  cooperate  with  the 
French.  Some  mifchief  was  done  by- 
lurking  parties  at  the  eaftward ;  but  New- 
Hampfhire  was  unmolefted  by  them  during 
the  remainder  of  this,  and  the  whole  of 
the  following  year. 

After  the  peace    of  Ryfwick,    Count 
Frontcnac  informed  the  Indians  that  he 
could  not  any  longer  fapport  them  in  a 
war  with  the  Engliih,  with  whom  his  na- 
tion was  now  at  peace.     He  therefore  ad- 
vifed  them  to  bury  the  hatchet  and  reftore 
their  captives.     Having  fufrcred  much  by 
famine,  and  being  divided  in  their  opini- 
ons about  profecuting  the  war,  after  a  long 
time  they  were  brought  to  a  treaty  at 
Cafco  ;  where  they  ratified  their  former 
engagements;  acknowledged  fubjection  to 
the   crown   of  England ;   lamented  their 
former  perfidy,  and  promifed  future  peace 
and  good  behaviour  in  fuch  terms  as  the 
commiffioners  dictated,  and  with  as  much 
fincerity  as  could  be  expected.     At  the 
fame  time  they  reftored  thofe  captives  who 
were  able  to  travel  from  the  places  of  their 
detention  to  Cafco  in  that  unfavourable 
feafon  of  the  year ;   giving  affurance  for 
the  return  of  the  others  in  the  fpring  ;  but 
many  of  the  younger  ibrt,  both  males  and 

females. 


1697. 


1698. 


1699. 
Januar.  7. 


p.  94. 


282  HISTORY     OF 

1699.  females,  were  detained  ;  who,  mingling 

->ry  with  the  Indians,  contributed  to  a  fuccef- 

Hutchin.  * 

vol.  2.  p.  fion  of  enemies  in  future  wars  againft  their 


no. 


o' 


own  country. 

A  general  view  of  an  Indian  war  will 
give  a  juft  idea  of  thefe  diftreffmg  times, 
and  be  a  proper  clofe  to  this  narration. 

The  Indians  were  feldom  or  never  feen 
before  they  did  execution.  They  appear- 
ed not  in  the  open  field,  nor  gave  proofs 
of  a  truly  mafculine  courage ;  but  did  their 
exploits  by  furprize,  chiefly  in  the  morn- 
ing, keeping  themfelves  hid  behind  logs 
and  bufhes,  near  the  paths  in  the  woods, 
or  the  fences  contiguous  to  the  doors  of 
houfes;  and  their  lurking  holes  could  be 
known  only  by  the  report  of  their  guns, 
wThich  was  indeed  but  feeble,  as  they  were 
fparing  of  ammunition,  and  as  near  as 
poflible  to  their  object  before  they  fired. 
They  rarely  affaulted  an  houfe  unlefs  they 
knew  there  would  be  but  little  refinance, 
and  it  has  been  afterward  known  that  they 
have  lain  in  ambufh  for  days  together, 
watching  the  motions  of  the  people  at 
their  work,  without  daring  to  difcover 
themfelves.  One  of  their  chiefs  who  had 
got  a  woman's  riding-hood  among  his 
plunder  would  put  it  on,  in  an  evening, 
and  walk  into  the  ftreets  of  Portfmouth, 

looking 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE.  283 

looking  into  the  windows  of  houfes  and 
liftening  to  the  converfation  of  the  people. 
Their  cruelty  was  chiefly  exercifed  upon 
children,   and  fuch  aged,   infirm,    or  cor- 
pulent perfons  as  could  not  bear  the  hard- 
fhips  of  a  journey  through  the  wildernefs. 
If  they  took  a  woman  far   advanced  in 
pregnancy  their  knives  were  plunged  into 
her  bowels.     An  infant  when  it   became 
troublefome  had   its  brains  dallied  out  a- 
gainft  the  next  tree  or  ftone.     Sometimes 
to  torment  the  wretched   mother,    they 
would  whip  and  beat  the  child  till  almoft 
dead,  or  hold  it  under  water  till  its  breath 
was  juft  gone,  and  then  throw  it  to  her  to* 
comfort  and  quiet  it.  If  the  mother  could 
not  readily  ftill  its  weeping,    the  hatchet 
was  buried  in  its  fkull.    A  captive  weari- 
ed with  his  burden  laid  on  his  moulders 
was  often  fent  to  reft  the  fame    way.     If 
any  one  proved  ref  raclory,  or  was  known 
to  have  been  inftrumental  of  the  death  of 
an  Indian,  or  related  to  one  who  had  been 
fo,  he  was  tortured  with  a  lingering  punilh- 
ment,  generally  at  the  ftake,  while   the 
other  captives  were  infulted  with  the  fight 
of  his  miferies.     Sometimes  a  fire  would 
be  kindled  and  a  threatening  given  out 
againft  one  or  more,  though  there  was  no 
intention  of  facrificing  them,  only  to  make 

fport 


284  HISTORYOF 

fport  of  their  terrors.  The  young  Indi- 
ans often  fignalized  their  cruelty  in  treat- 
ing captives  inhumanly  out  of  fight  of  the 
elder,  and  when  inquiry  was  made  into 
the  matter,  the  infulted  captive  muft  either 
be  filent  or  put  the  beft  face  on  it,  to  pre- 
vent worfe  treatment  for  the  future.     If 
a  captive  appeared  fad  and  dejected  he  was 
fure  to  meet  with  infult ;  but  if  he  could 
fing  and  dance  and  laugh  with  his  mafters, 
he  was  careffed  as  a  brother.     They  had  a 
ftrong  averfion  to  Negroes,  and  generally 
killed  them  when  they  fell  into  their  hands. 
Famine  was  a  common   attendant  on 
thefe  doleful  captivities;  the  Indians  when 
they   caught  any  game  devoured  it  all  at 
one  fitting,  and  then  girding  themfelves 
round  the  waift,  travelled  without  fufte- 
nance  till  chance  threw  more  in  their  way. 
The  captives,   unuled  to  fuch  canine  re- 
pafls  and  abflinences,  could  not  fupport 
the  furfeit  of  the  one  nor  the  craving  of 
the  other.     A  change  of  mafters,  though 
it  fometimes  proved  a  relief  from  mifery, 
yet  rendered   the  profped  of  a  return  to 
their  home  more  diftant.  If  an  Indian  had 
loft  a  relative,  aprifoner  bought  for  a  gun, 
a  hatchet,  or  a  few  fkins,  muft  fupply  the 
place  of  the  deceafed,  and  be  the  father 
brother,  or  fon  of  the  purchafer ;  and  thofe 

who 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE.  285 

who  could  accommodate  themfelves  to  fuch 
barbarous  adoption,  were  treated  with  the 
fame  kindnefs  as   the  perfons  in  whofe 
place  they  were  fubftituted.  A  fale  among 
the  French  of  Canada  was  the  moft  hap- 
py event  to  a  captive,  efpecially  if  he  be- 
came a  fervant  in  a  family;  though  lbme- 
times   even   there  a  prifon   was  their  lot, 
till  opportunity  prefented  for  their  redemp- 
tion; while  the  pricfts  employed  every  fe- 
ducing   art  to  pervert  them  to  the  popilh 
religion,  and  induce  them  to  abandon  their 
country.  Thefe  circumftances,  joined  with 
the  more  obvious  hardmips  of  travelling 
half  naked  and  barefoot  through  pathlefs 
deferts,  over  craggy  mountains  and  deep 
fwamps,    through   froft,   rain  and  mow, 
expofed  by  day  and  night  to  the  inclemency 
of  the  weather,  and  in  fummer  to  the  ve- 
nomous (lings  of  thofe  numbcrlefs  infects 
with  which  the  woods  abound ;  the  reft- 
lefs  anxiety  of  mind,  the  retrofpect  of  paft 
fcenes   of  plealure,  the    remembrance  of 
diftant  friends,  the  bereavements  experi- 
enced at  the  beginning  or  during  the  pro- 
grefs  of  the  captivity,   and  the  daily  ap- 
prehenfion  of  death  either  by  famine  or 
the  favage  enemy ;  thefe  were  the  horrors 
of  an  Indian  captivity. 

On 


HISTORY     OF 

On  the  other  hand,  it  muft  be  acknow- 
ledged that  there  have  been  inftances  of 
juftice,  generofity  and  tendernefs  during 
thefe  wars,  which  would  have  done  honor 
to  a  civilized  people.  A  kindnefs  fhewn 
to  an  Indian  was  remembered  as  long  as 
an  injury;  and  perfons  have  had  their  lives 
fpared  for  acts  of  humanity  done  to  .the 
anceftors  of  thofe  Indians  into  whofe  hands 
they  have  fallen*.  They  would  fometimes 
"  carry  children  on  their  arms  and  fhoul- 
"  ders,  feed  their  prifoners  with  the  beft 
"  of  their  provifion,  and  pinch  themfelves 
"  rather  than  their  captives  mould  want 
"  food."  When  fick  or  wounded  they 
would  afford  them  proper  means  for  their 
recovery,  which  they  were  very  well  able 
to  do  by  their  knowledge  of  fimples.  In 
thus  preferving  the  lives  and  health  of 
their  prifoners,  they  doubtlefs  had  a  view 
of  gain.  But  the  moft  remarkably  fa- 
vourable circumftance  in  an  Indian  capti- 
vity, was  their  decent  behaviour  to  women. 
I  have  never  read,  nor  heard,  nor  could 
find  by  enquiry,  that  any  woman  who  fell 

into 

*  Several  inftances  to  this  purpofe  have  been  occasionally  men- 
tioned in  the  courf'e  of  this  narrative.  The  following  additional 
one  is  taken  from  Capt.  Hammond's  MS  Journal.  "  April  13, 
"  1677.  The  Indians  Simon,  Andrew  and  Peter  burnt  the  houie 
41  of  Edward  Weymouth  at  Sturgeon  creek.  They  plundered  the 
41  houfe  of  one  Crawley  but  did  not  kill  him,  becaufe  of  fomekind^ 
"  nefles  done  to  Simon's  grandmother.'' 


N  E  W-H  A  M  T  S  II I  R  E.  287 

into  their  hands  was  ever  treated  with  the 
leaft  immodefty  ;  but  teftimonies  to  the 
contrary  are  very  frequentf.  Whether 
this  negative  virtue  is  to  be  afcribed  to  a 
natural  frigidity  of  conflitution,  let  phi- 
lofophers  enquire  :  The  fadt  is  certain  ; 
and  it  was  a  moft  happy  circumflance  for 
our  female  captives,  that  in  the  midft  of 
all  their  diftrefles,  they  had  no  reafon  to 
fear  from  a  favage  foe,  the  perpetration 
of  a  crime,  which  has  too  frequently  dii- 
graced  not  only  the  perfonal  but  the  na- 
tional character  of  thofe  who  make  large 
pretences  to  civilization  and  humanity. 

f  Mary  Rowlandfon  who  was  captured  at  Lancafter,  in  1675, 
has  this  paffage  in  her  narrative,  (p.  55.)  "  I  have  been  in  the 
midft  of  thefe  roaring  lions  and  favage  bears,  that  feared  neither 
God  nor  man  nor  the  devil,  by  day  and  night,  alone  and  in  com- 
pany ;  fleeping  all  forts  together,  and  yet  not  one  of  them  ever 
offered  me  the  leaft  abufe  of  unchaftity  in  word  or  action." 

Elizabeth  Hanfon  who  was  taken  from  Dover  in  1724,  teftifies 
in  her  narrative,  (p.  28.)  that  "  the  Indians  are  very  civil  toward 
their  captive  women,  not  offering  any  incivility  by  any  indecent 
carriage." 

William  Fleming,  who  was  taken  in  Pennfylvania,  in  1755,  fays 
the  Indians  told  him  "  he  need  not  be  afraid  of  their  abufing  his 
wife,  for  they  would  not  doit,  for  fear  of  offending  their  God 
(pointing  their  hands  toward  heaven)  for  the  man  that  affronts 
his  God  will  furely  be  killed  when  he  goes  to  war."  He  farther 
fays,  that  one  of  them  gave  his  wife  a  fhift  and  petticoat  which  he 
had  among  his  plunder,  and  though  he  was  alone  with  her,  yet 
"  he  turned  his  back,  and  went  to  fome  diftance  while  Ihe  put 
them  on."  (p.  10.) 

Charlevoix  in  his  account  of  the  Indians  of  Canada,  fays  (letter 
7.)  "  There  is  no  example  that  any  have  ever  taken  tbe  lc;ift  li- 
berty with  the  French  women,  even  when  they  were  their  pri- 
l'oners." 

CHAP. 


2S3  HISTORY    OF 

CHAP.     XI. 

The  civil  affairs  of  the  province  during  the 
adminiflrations  of  Ufher,  Partridge, 
Allen,  the  Earl oj  Bellamont  and  Dudley, 
comprehending  the  whole  controverfy 
•with  Allen  and  his  heirs. 

JOHNUfher,  Efquire,  was  a  native  of 
Bofton,  and  by  profeffion  a  ftationen 
He  was  pofTefTed  of  an  handfome  fortune, 
and  fuftained  a  fair  character  in  trade.  He 
had  been  employed  by  the  Maflachufetts 
&  government,  when  in  England,  to  nego- 
ciatethepurchafe  of  the  province  of  Maine, 
from  the  heirs  of  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges, 
and  had  thereby  got  a  tafte  for  fpeculating 
in  landed  intereft.  He  was  one  of  the 
partners  in  the  million  purchafe,  and  had 
fanguine  expectations  of  gain  from  that 
quarter.  He  had  rendered  himfelf  unpo- 
pular among  his  coutrymen,  by  accepting 
the  office  of  treafurer,  under  Sir  Edmund 
Androffe,  and  joining  with  apparent  zeal 
in  the  mealures  of  that  adminiftration, 
and  he  continued  a  friendly  connexion 
with  that  party,  after  they  were  difplaced. 
Though  not  illnatured,  but  rather  of 
an  open  and  generous  difpofition,  yet  he 

wanted 


tST  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE,  fi% 

wanted  thofe  accomplishments  which  he 
might  have  acquired  by  a  learned  and  polite 
education.  He  was  but  little  of  the  ftatef- 
man,  and  lefs  of  the  courtier.  Inftead  of 
an  engaging  affability  he  affected  a  feveri- 
ty  in  his  deportment,  was  loud  in  conver- 
fation,  and  ftern  in  command.  Fond  of 
prefiding  in  government,  he  frequently 
journied  into  the  province,  (though  his 
refidence  was  at  Bofton,  where  he  carried 
on  his  bufinefs  as  ufual,)  and  often  fum- 
moned  the  council  when  he  had  little  or 
nothing  to  lay  before  them.  He  gave  or- 
ders, and  found  fault  like  one  who  felt 
himfelf  independent,  and  was  determined 
to  be  obeyed,  He  had  an  hi^h  idea  of 
his  authority  and  the  dignity  of  his  com- 
miffion,  and  when  oppofed  and  infultcd, 
as  he  ibmetimes  was,  he  treated  the  of- 
fenders wTith  a  feverity  which  he  would 
not  relax  till  he  had  brought  them  to  fub- 
miffion.  His  public  fpeeches  were  al- 
ways incorrect,  and  fometimes  coarfe  and  iieJ"" 
reproachful. 

He  feems,  however,  to  have  taken  as 
much  care  for  the  intereft  and  prefervation 
of  the  province  as  one  in  his  circumftan- 
ces  could  have  done.  He  began  his  ad- 
ministration in  the  height  of  a  war  which 
greatly  diftreffed  and  impoverifhed  the 
U  country 


290 


HISTORY    OF 


country,  yet  his  views  from  the  beginning 
were  lucrative*.  The  people  perceived 
thefe  views,  and  were  aware  of  the  danger. 
The  transfer  of  the  title  from  Mafon  to 
Allen  was  only  a  change  of  names  :  They 
expected  a  repetition  of  the  fame  difficul- 
ties under  a  new  claimant.  After  the  op- 
position they  had  hitherto  made,  it  could 
not  be  thought  ftrange  that  men  whofe 
pulfe  beat  high  for  freedom,  fhould  refufe 
to  fubmit  to  vaiTalage ;  nor,  while  they 
were  on  one  fide  defending  their  poffeflions 
againft  a  favage  enemy,  could  it  be  ex- 
pected, that  on  the  other,  they  fhould 
tamely  fuffer  the  intrufion  of  a  landlord. 
Ulher's  intereft  was  united  with  theirs  in 
providing  for  the  defence  of  the  country, 
and  contending  with  the  enemy;  but 
when  the  propriety  of  the  foil  was  in  ques- 
tion, they  flood  on  oppofite  fides;  and  as 
both  thefe  controverfies  were  carried  on 
at  the  fame  time,  the  conduct  of  the  peo- 
ple toward  him  varied  according  to  the 

exigency 

*  In  a  letter  to  George  Dorrington  and  John  Taylor  in  London, 
he  writes  thus ;  "  Jan.  29,  169^.  In  cafe  yourfdves  are  concern- 
"  ed  in  the  province  of  New-Hampmire,  with  prudent  manage- 
"  ment  it  may  be  worth  money,  the  people  only  paying  4<1  and 
«'  ad  per  acre.  The  reafon  why  the  commonalty  of  the  people  do 
"  not  agree  is  becaufe  3  or  4  of  the  great  landed  men  difluadc 
"  them  from  it.  The  people  have  petitioned  the  kii;g  to  be  an- 
"  nexed  to  Boflon  government,  hut  it  will  not  be  for  the  propric- 
"  tor's  intereft  to  admit  of  that  unlefs  the  king  fends  a  genera! 
*«  governor  over  all." 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE.  %fi 

exigency  of  the  cafe;  they  fomctimes  vot- 
ed him  thanks  for  his  fervices,  and  at  other 
times  complained  of  his  abufing  and  op- 
preffing  them. 

Some  of  them  would  have  been  content 
to  have  held  their  eftates  under  Allen's 
titlef?  but  the  greater  part,  including  the 
principal  men,  were  refolved  to  oppofe  it 
to  the  laft  extremity.  They  had  an  aver- 
fion  not  only  from  the  proprietary  claim 
on  their  lands,  but  their  reparation  from 
the  MafTachufetts  government,under  which 
they  had  formerly  enjoyed  fo  much  free- 
dom and  peace.  They  had  petitioned  to 
be  re-annexed  to  them,  at  the  time  of  the 
revolution  ;  and  they  were  always  very 
fond  of  applying  to  them  for  help  in  their 
difficulties,  that  it  might  appear  how  un- 
able they  were  to  fublift  alone.  They 
knew  alfo  that  the  MafTachufetts  people 
were  as  averfe  as  themfelves  from  Allen's 
claim,  which  extended  to  a  great  part  of 
their  lands,  and  was  particularly  noticed 
in  their  new  charter. 

Soon  after  Ufher's  arrival,  he  made  en- 
quiry for  the  papers  which  contained  the 
tranfa&ions  relative  to  Mafon's  fuits.    Du- 
ring the  fufpenfion  of  government  in  1689, 
U  2  Captain 

f  "  I  have  40  hands  in  Exeter  who  defire  to  take  patents  for 
"  lands  from  you,  and  many  in  other  towns." 

Ulher  to  Allen,  Oitober  1695. 


2y2  HISTORY     OF 

Captain  John  Pickering,  a  man  of  a  rougfr 
and  adventurous  fpirit,  and  a  lawyer,  had 
gone  with  a  company  of  armed  men  to 
the  houfe  of  Chamberlayne,  the  late  fecre- 
tary  and  clerk,  and  demanded  the  records 
and  files  which  were  in  his  pofleffion. 
Chamberlayne  refufed  to  deliver  them 
without  fome  legal  warrant  or  fecurity  ; 
but  Pickering  took  them  by  force,  and 
conveyed  them  over  the  river  to  Kittery. 
Pickering  was  fummoned  before  the  go- 
vernor, threatened  and  imprifoned,  but  for 
fome  time  would  neither  deliver  the  books, 
nor  dilcover  the  place  of  their  conceal- 
ment, unlefs  by  order  of  the  affembly  and 
to  fome  perfon  by  them  appointed  to  re- 
ceive them.  At  length  however  he  was 
conft rained  to  deliver  them,  and  they  were 
put  into  the  hands  of  the  fecretary,  by  the 
lieutenant-governor's  order. 
1 693.  Another  favourite  point  withUfher  was^ 

^^  to  have  the  boundary  between  New- 
Hainpfhire  and  Maflachufetts  afcertained : 
There  were  reafons  which  induced  fome  of 
the  people  to  fall  in  with  this  defire.  The 
general  idea  was,  that  New-Hampfhire 
began  at  the  end  of  three  miles  north  of 
the  river  Merrimack ;  which  imaginary 
line  was  alfo  the  boundary  of  the  adjoin- 
ing townfhips  on  each  fide.     The  people 

who 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE.  293 

^vho  lived,  and  owned  lands  near  thefe  li-     I^93» 
mits,  pretended  to  belong  to  either  pro-     v~'~^>' 
vince,  as  bed  fuited  their  conveniency  ; 
which  cauied  a  difficulty  in  the  colle&ing 
taxes,  and  cutting  timber.     The  town  of 
Hampton  was  fenfibly  affected  with  thefe     1695. 
difficulties,  and  petitioned  the  council  that    0&Qb  Um 
the  line  might  be  run.     The  council  ap- 
pointed a  committee  of  Hampton  men  to 
do  it,  and  gave  notice  to  the  Maffachufetts 
of  their  intention  ;   deliring  them  to  join    prov.  nics, 
in  the  affair.     They  dilliked  it  and  declin- 
ed to  acl:.     Upon  which  the  lieutenant- 
governor  and  council  ot  New-Hampfhire 
caufed  the  boundary  line  to  be  run  from 
the  fea-fhore  three   miles   northward  of    Briefofthe 
Merrimack,   and  parallel  to  the  river,  as    nlm^d 
far  as  any  fettlements  had  been  made,  or    ^•iflf],u- 

'  '  Rated  by 

lands  occupied.  strange  & 

r  Pollings, 

The  only  attempt  made  to  extend  the  i7.i»,  p-  3. 
fettlement  of  the  lands  during  thefe  times, 
was  that  in  the  fpring  of  the  year  1694, 
while  there  was  a  truce  with  the  Indians. 
Ufher  granted  a  charter  for  the  townfhip 
of  Kingfton  to  about  twenty  petitioners 
from  Hampton.  They  were  foon  dif- 
couraged  by  the  dangers  and  difficulties  of 
the  fucceeding  hollilities,  and  many  of 
them  returned  home  within  two  years. 
After  the  war  they  refumed  their  enter- 
prize  j 


*94 
1695. 


I693. 


J?rov.  files. 


HISTORY     OF 

prize;  but  it  was  not  till  the  year  1725, 
that  they  were  able  to  obtain  thefettlement 
of  a  minifter.  No  other  alterations  took 
place  in  the  old  towns,  except  the  repara- 
tion of  Great  Illand,  Little  Harbour,  and 
Sandy  Beach,  from  Portfmouth,  and  their 
erection  into  a  town  by  the  name  of  New- 
cattle;  together  with  the  annexation  of 
that  part  of  Squamfcot  patent  which  now 
bears  the  name  of  Stretham,  to  Exeter, 
it  having  before  been  connected  with 
Hampton. 

The  lieutenant-governor  was  very  for- 
ward in  thefe  tranfaclions,  thinking  them 
circumltances  favourable  to  his  views,  and 
being  willing  to  recommend  himfelfto  the 
people  by  feconding  their  wifhes  fo  far  as 
was  confident  with  the  intereft  he  meaned 
to  ferve.  The  people,  however,  regarded 
the  fettling  and  dividing  of  townfhips,  and 
the  running  of  lines,  only  as  matters  of 
general  convenience,  and  continued  to  be 
difgufted  with  his  adminiftration.  His  re- 
peated calls  upon  them  for  money  were 
anfwered  by  repeated  pleas  of  poverty, 
and  requefts  for  aiftftance  from  the  neigh- 
bouring province.  Ufher  ufed  all  his  in- 
fluence with  that  government  to  obtain  a 
fupply  of  men  to  garrifon  the  frontiers ; 
and  when  they  wanted  provifions  for  the 

garrifons, 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE.  295 

garrifons,  and  could  not  readily  raife  the     1693. 
money,  he  would  advance  it  out  of  his      v^>j 
own  purfe  and  wait  till  the  treafury  could 
reimburfe  it. 

For  the  two  or  three  firft  year6  of  his 
adminiftration  the  public  charges  were 
provided  for  as  they  had  been  before,  by 
an  excife  on  wines  and  other  fpirituous 
liquors,  and  an  impoft  on  merchandize. 
Thefe  duties  being  laid  only  from  year  to 
year,  Ufher  vehemently  urged  upon  the  160  c. 
aflembly  a  renewal  of  the  act,  and  an  ex-  vorv 
tenfion  of  the  duty  to  articles  of  export ; 
and  that  a  part  of  the  money  fo  raifed 
might  be  applied  to  the  fupport  of  govern- 
ment.  The  anfwer  he  obtained  was,  that 

*  confidering  the  expofed  ftate  of  the  pro- 
'  vince,  they  were  obliged  to  apply  all  the 
'  money  they  could  raife  to  their  defence; 
c  and  therefore  they  were  not  capable  of 
4  doing  any  thing  for  the  fupport  of  go- 

*  vernment,  though  they  were  fenfible 
c  his  honour  had  been  at  confiderable  ex- 
'  pence :  They  begged  that  he  would  join 
4  with  the  council  in  reprefcnting  to  the 
c  king  the  poverty  and  danger  of  the  pro- 
'  vince,  that  fuch  methods  might  be  taken 
'  for  their  fupport  and  prefervation  as  to 
'  the  royal  wifdom  mould  feem  meet.' 
Being  further  preffed  upon  the  fubjecl, 

they 


296  HISTORY     OF 

1 695.     they  patted  a  vote  to  lay  the  propofed  du-» 

Ww/      ties  for  one  year,  '  provided   he  and  the 

'  council  would  join  with  them  in  petition- 

'  ing  the  king  to  annex  them  to  the  Mafla- 

4  chafetts.' 

He  had  the  mortification  of  being  difap- 
pointed  in  his  expectations  of  gain,  not  only 
from  the  people,  but  from  his  employer. 
Allen  had  promifed  him  two  hundred  and 
fifty  pounds  per  annum  for  executing  his 
commiffion;  and  when  at  the  end  of  the 
third  year,  Ufher  drew  on  him  for  the 
payment  of  this  fum,  his  bill  came  back 
protefted*.  This  was  the  more  mortify- 
ing, as  he  had  affiduoufly  and  faithfully 
attended  to  Allen's  intereft,  and  acquaint- 
ed him  from  time  to  time  with  the  means 
he  had  ufed,  the  difficulties  he  had  en- 
countered, the  pleas  he  had  urged,  the 
time  he  had  fpent,  and  the  expence  he  had 
incurred  in  defence  and  fupport  of  his 
uflier'siet-  claim.  He  now  defired  him  to  come  over 
ien,  July  and  affume  the  government  himfelf,  or 
1695.  °*  get  a  fucceffor  to  him  appointed  in  the  of- 
fice of  lieutenant-governor.  He  did  not 
know  that  the  people  were  before  hand 
of  him  in  this  latter  requeft. 

On 

*  It  is  probable  that  Allen  was  not  able  to  comply  with  this 
demand.  The  purchafeof  the  province  from  the  Mafonshad  been 
made  "  with  other  men's  money." 

tetter  of  Uflicr  to  Sir  Matthew  Dudley,  Sept.  171S. 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE.  297 

On  a  pretence  of  difloyalty  he  had  re-      1695. 
moved  Hinckes,  Waldron,  and  Vaughan      ^^-^ 
from  their  feats  in  the  council.     The  for- 
mer of  thefe  was  a  man  who  could  change 
with  the  times  ;  the  two  latter  were  fteady 
oppofers  of  the  proprietary  claim.     Their 
fufpenfion  irritated  the  people,   who,   by 
their  influence,  privately  agreed  to  recom- 
mend William  Partridge,  Efq.  as  a- pro- 
per perfon  for  their  lieutenant-governor 
in  Uiher's  ftead.      Partridge  was  a  native 
of  Portfmouth,  a  fhipwright,  of  an  extra- 
ordinary mechanical  genius,  of  a  politic 
turn  of  mind,   and  a  popular  man.     He 
was  treafurcr  of  the  province,  and  had 
been  ill  ufed  by  Uiher.     Being  largely 
concerned  in  trade  he  was  well  known  in 
England,  having  fupplied  the  navy  with 
malts  and  timber.      His  fudden  departure 
for  England  was  very  furprizing  to  Uiher, 
who  could  not  imagine  he  had  any  other 
bufinefs  than  to  fettle  his  accounts.     But 
the  furprife  was  greatly  increafed  when 
he  returned  with  a  commimon  appointing      1607. 
him  lieutenant-governor  and  commander      u~vn> 
in  chief  in  Allen's  abfence.     Itwasobtain-    Janua«y. 
ed  of  the  lords  juftices  in  the  king's  ab-    A^urn-s 
fence,  by  the  intereftof  Sir  Henry  Afhurft,    [fJ£M  in 
and  was  dated  June  6,  1696. 

Immediately 


298  HISTORY    OF 

1 697.  Immediately  on  his  arrival,  his  appoint- 
^^^  merit  was  publickly  notified  to  the  people ; 
though,  either  from  the  delay  of  making 
out  his  inftructions,  or  for  want  of  the 
form  of  an  oath  necefTary  to  be  taken,  the 
commiflion  was  not  published  in  the  ufu- 
al  manner:  But  the  party  in  oppofition 
to  Ufher  triumphed.  The  fufpended 
counsellors  refumed  their  feats,  Pickering 
was  made  king's  attorney,  and  Hinckes 
as  prefident  of  the  council,  opened  the  af- 
jnne  8.  fembly  with  a  fpeech.  This  aflembly  or- 
ms  Laws.  dered  tne  records  which  had  been  taken 
from  Pickering  to  be  depofited  in  the 
hands  of  Major  Vaughan,  who  was  ap- 
pointed recorder :  In  confequence  of  which 
they  have  been  kept  in  that  office  ever 
fince. 

Ufher  being  at  Bofton  when  this  altera- 
tion took  place,  wrote  to  them,  declaring 
that  no  commiflion  could  fuperfede  his  till 
duly  publifhed  ;  and  intimated  his  inten- 
tion of  coming  hither  "  if  he  could  be  fafe 
"  with  his  life."  He  alfo  difpatched  his 
Febru.  20.  Secretary,  Charles  Story,  to  England,  with 
an  account  of  this  tranfadion,  which  in 
one  of  his  private  letters  he  ftyles  "  the 
"  Pafcataqua rebellion;"  adding, that  "the 
"  militia  were  raifed,  and  forty  horfe  fent 
*'  to  feize  him  j"  and  intimating  that  the 

confufion 


299 

U  flier's 
Letters. 


I.t.  Got. 
Stough- 

t nn's  letter 
'•  24, 


N  E  W-H  AMPSH1RE. 

confufion  was  fo  great,  that  "  if  but  three 
"  French  fhips  were  to  appear,  he  believ- 
"  ed  they  would  furrender  on  the  firft 
"  fummons."  The  extreme  imprudence 
of  fending  fuch  a  letter  acrofs  the  Atlan- 
tic in  time  of  war,  was  Itill  heightened  by 
an  apprehenfion  which  then  prevailed,  that 
the  French  were  preparing  an  armament 
to  invade  the  country,  and  that  ",  they 
"  particularly  defigned  for  Pafcataqua 
"  river." 

In  anfwer  to  his  complaint,  the  lords  of 
trade  directed  him  to  continue  in  the  place    Augufl  3. 
of  lieutenant-governor  till  Partridge  ihould 
qualify  himfelf,  or  till  Richard,  Earl  of 
Bellomont,  mould  arrive;  who  was  com- 
mimoned  to  the  government  of  New- York, 
Maflachufetts  Bay  and  New-Ham pfliire  ; 
but  had  not  yet  departed  from  England. 
Uflier  received  the  letter  from  the  lords    Decem.io, 
together  with  the  articles  of  peace  which 
had  been  concluded  at  Ryfwick,  and  im- 
mediately fet  off  for    New-Hampfliire, 
(where  he  had  not  been  for  a  year)  pro- 
claimed the  peace,  and  publifhed  the  or-    Deca 
ders  he  had  received,  and  having  proceed- 
ed thus  far,  "  thought  all  well  and  quiet." 
But  his  oppofers  having  held  a  confulta- 
tion  at  night,  Partridge's  commiffion  was    Dcccm.i<. 
the  next  day  publifhed  in  form ;  he  took 

the 


3oo  H  I  S  T  O  R  Y     O  F 

1697.  t^ie  oat^s>  and  entered  on  the  adminiftra- 
urn^a.  tl0n  °f  government,  to  the  complete  vex- 
ation and  difappointment  of  Ufher,  who 
had  been  fo  elated  with  the  confirmation 
of  his  commiflion,  that  as  he  paffed  through 
Hampton,  he  had  forbidden  the  minifter 

council  of  that  place  to  obferve  a  thankfgiving  day, 
which  had  been  appointed  by  Prefident 
Hinckes. 

1698.  An  affembly  being  called,  one  of  their 
o-v>j      firft  ads  was  to  write  to  the  lords  of  trade, 

January  3.  «  acknowledging  the  favour  of  the  king 
'  in  appointing  one  of  their  own  inhabi- 
'  tants  to  the  command  of  the  province, 
f  complaining  of  Ufher,  and  alledgingthat 

*  there  had  been  no  disturbances  but  what 

*  he   himfelf  had   made ;    declaring   that 

*  thofe  counfellors  whom  he  had  fufpend- 

*  ed  were  loyal  fubje&s,  and  capable  of 
'  ferving  the  king ;  and  informing  their 
«  lordfhips  that  Partridge  had  now  quali- 

*  fied  himfelf,  and  that  they  were  waiting 

*  the  arrival  of  the  Earl  of  Bellomont., 

They  alfo  deputed  Ichabod  Plaifted  to 
wait  on  the  earl  at  New- York,  and  com- 
pliment him  on  his  arrival.  '  If  he  mould 
4  find  his  lordihip  high,  and  referved,  and 

*  not  eafy  of  accefs,  he  was  inftrucled  to 
'  employ  fome  gentleman  who  was  in  his 

*  confidence  to  manage  the  bufinefs  ;  but 

if 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE.  301 

*  if  eafy  and  free,  he  was  to  wait  on  him     1698. 

*  in  perfon  ;  to  tell  him  how  joyfully  they     ^*^ 
'  received  the  news  of  his  appointment, 

*  and  that  they  daily  expected  Governor 
'  Allen,  whofe  commifTion  would  be  ac- 

'  counted  good  till  his  lordfhip's  fhould  be  PWfteft 
1  publifhed,  and  to  afk  his  advice  how  they  ons  in  file* 
1  fhould  behave  in  fuch  a  cafe.*  The  prin- 
cipal defign  of  this  meflage  was  to  make 
their  court  to  the  earl,  and  get  the  flart  of 
Ufher  or  any  of  his  friends  who  might 
prepoflefs  him  with  an  opinion  to  their 
difad  vantage.  But  if  this  fhould  have  hap- 
pened, Plaifted  was  directed  '  to  obferve 
1  what  reception  they  met  with.  If  his 
1  lordfhip  was  ready  to  come  this  way,  he 
4  was  to  beg  leave  to  attend  him  as  far  as 
■  Bofton,   and  then  afk  his  pcrmiffion  to 

*  return  home;'  and  hewasfurnifhedwith 
a  letter  of  credit  to  defray  his  expences. 
This  meflage,  which  fhews  the  contrivers 
to  be  no  mean  politicians,  had  the  defired 
effed. 

The  earl  continued  at  New- York  for 
the  firft  year  after  his  arrival  in  America; 
during  which  time  Governor  Allen  came  AuS.  23, 
over,  as  it  was  expected,  and  his  com- 
mifTion being  ftill  in  force,  he  took  the 
oaths  and  aflumed  the  command.  Upon  sept,  ij, 
which  Ufher  again  made  his  appearance    Nov 

in 


302  HISTORY    OF 

1698.     in  council,  where  he  produced  the  letter 

v>or^  from  the  lords  of  trade,  claimed  his  place 
as  lieutenant-governor,  and  declared  that 
the  fufpended  counfellors  had  no  right  to 
fit  till  reftored  by  the  king's  order.  This 
brought  on  an  altercation,  wherein  Elliot 
affirmed  that  Patridge  was  duly  qualified 
and  in  office,  that  Waldron  and  Vaughan 
had  been  fufpended  without  caufe,  and 
that  if  they  were  not  allowed  to  fit,  the  reft 
were  determined  to  refign.  The  gover- 
nor declared  Ufher  to  be  of  the  council ; 
upon  which  Elliot  withdrew. 

1600.  At  the  fucceeding  aflembly  two  new 
counfellors  appeared;  Jofeph  Smith,  and 
Kingfly  Hall.  The  firft  day  pafled  quiet- 
ly. The  governor  approved  Pickering  as 
fpeaker  of  the  houfe;  told  them  he  had 
afTumed  the  government  becaufe  the  Earl 
of  Bellomont  had  not  arrived ;  recommend- 
ed a  continuance  of  the  excife  and  powder 
money,  and  advifed  them  to  fend  a  con- 
gratulatory meffage  to  the  earl  at  New- 

januai)  6.  York,  The  next  day  the  houfe  anfwered, 
that  they  had  continued  the  cuftoms  and 
excife  till  November,  that  they  had  already 
congratulated  the  earl,  and  received  a  kind 
anfwer,  and  were  waiting  his  arrival ; 
when  they  mould  enter  further  on  bufinefs. 
They  complained  that  Allen's  conduct  had 

been 


January  5. 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE.  303 

been  grievous  in  forbidding  the  collecting  1699. 
of  the  laft  tax,  whereby  the  public  debts  ^"^ 
were  not  paid;  in  difplacing  fundry  fit 
perfons,  and  appointing  others  lei's  fit,  and 
admitting  Ufher  to  be  of  the  council, 
though  fuperfeded  by  Partridge's  commif- 
fion.  Thefe  things  they  told  him  had  ob- 
liged fome  members  of  the  council  and 
affembly  to  apply  to  his  lordfhip  for  re- 
lief, and  "  unlcfs  he  mould  manage  with 
"  a  more  moderate  hand"  they  threatened 
him  with  a  fecond  application. 

The  fame  day  Coffin  and  Weare  mov- 
ed a  question  in  council,  whether  Ufher 
was  one  of  that  body.  He  afferted  his 
privilege,  and  obtained  a  major  vote. 
They  then  entered  their  diflent,  and  de- 
fired  a  difmimon.  The  governor  forbad 
their  departure.  Weare  anfwered  that  he 
would  not,  by  fitting  there,  put  contempt 
on  the  king's  commiffion,  meaning  Par- 
tridge's, and  withdrew.  The  next  day 
the  aflcmbly  ordered  the  money  arifmg 
from  the  import  and  excife  to  be  kept  in 
the  treafury,  till  the  Earl  of  Bellomont's 
arrival;  and  the  governor  difTolved  them. 

Thefe  violences  on  his  part  were  fup- 
pofed  to  originate  from  Ufher's  refent- 
ment,  his  overbearing  influence  upon 
Allen,  who  is  faid  to  have  been  rather  of  a 

pacific 


304  HISTORY    OF 

1699.  Paci6c  and  condefcending  difpofitiorf. 
v-^w^  The  fame  ill  temper  continued  during  the 
remainder  of  this  fhort  adminiftration. 
The  old  counfellors,  excepting  Fryar,  re- 
fufed  to  fit.  Sampfon  Sheaffe  and  Peter 
Weare  made  up  the  quorum.  SheafFe 
was  alfo  fecretary,  Smith  treafurer,  and 
William  Ardell  fheriff.  The  conftables 
refuied  to  colle£t  the  taxes  of  the  preced- 
ing year,  and  the  governor  was  obliged  to 

ais  in  files,  revoke  his  orders,  and  commifhon  the  for-* 
mer  conftables  to  do  the  duty  which  he  had 
forbidden. 

In  the  fpring  the  earl  of  Bellomont  feE 
out  for  his  eaftern  governments.  The 
council  voted  an  addrefts,  and  lent  a  com- 
mittee, of  which  Ufher  was  one,  to  pre- 
fent  it  to  him  at  Bofton ;  and  preparations 
were  made  for  his  reception  in  New-Hamp- 
fhire;  where  he  at  length  came  and  pub- 

juiyjr.  lifhed  his  commiffion  to  the  great  joy  of 
the  people,  who  now  faw  at  the  head  of 
the  government  a  nobleman  of  dirtinguifh- 
ed  figure  and  polite  manners,  a  firm  friend 
to  the  revolution,  a  favourite  of  King  Wil- 
liam, and  one  who  had  no  intereft  in  op- 
preffing  them. 

During  the  controverfy  with  Allen,  Par- 
tridge   had    withdrawn;    but   upon    this 
change  he  took  his  feat  as  lieutenant-go- 
vernor. 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE. 

vernor,  and  the  difplaced  counfellors 
were  again  called  to  the  board.  A  petiti- 
on was  prefented  againft  the  judges  of  the 
fuperior  court,  and  a  proclamation  was 
ifiued  for  juftices  of  the  peace  and  confta- 
bles  only  to  continue  in  office,  whereby 
thejudges  commiffions  determined.  Rich- 
ard Jofe  was  made  fheriff  in  the  room  of 
Ardell,  and  Charles  Story  fecretary  in  the 
room  of  Sheaffe. 

The  government  was  now  modelled  in 
favour  of  the  people,  and  they  rejoiced  in 
the  change,  as  they  apprehended  the  way 
was  opened  for  an  effectual  fettlement  of 
their  long  continued  difficulties  and  dis- 
putes. Both  parties  laid  their  complaints 
before  the  governor,  who  wifely  avoided 
cenfuring  either,  and  advifed  to  a  revival 
of  the  courts  of  juftice,  in  which  the  main 
controverfy  might  be  legally  decided.  This 
was  agreed  to,  and  the  neceffary  acls  be- 
ing pa{Ted  by  an  aflembly,  (who  alfo  pre- 
fented the  earl  with  five  hundred  pounds 
which  he  obtained  the  king's  leave  to  ac- 
cept) after  about  eighteen  days  itay  he 
quitted  the  province,  leaving  Partridge, 
now  quietly  feated  in  the  chair,  to  appoint 
thejudges  of  the  refpeclive  courts.  Hinckes 
wras  made  chief  juilice  of  the  fuperior  court,  council 
with  Peter  Coffin,  John  Gerrifh  and  John 
X  Plaifted 


Records. 


3°6 


HISTORY    OF 


1700. 

June  6. 


1699.     Plaifted  for  affiftants  ;   Waldron  chief  ju- 
*-^r^-      ftice  of  the   inferior  court,  with  Henry 
Dow,  Theodore  Atkinfon  and  John  Wood- 
man for  affiftants. 

One  principal  object  of  the  earl's  atten- 
tion was  to  fortify  the  harbour,  and  pro- 
vide for  the  defence  of  the  country  in  cafe 
of  another  war.  He  had  recommended 
to  the  affembly  in  his  fpeech  the  building 
a  ftrong  fort  on  Great  Ifland,  and  after- 
ward, in  his  letters,  affured  them  that  if 
they  would  provide  materials,  he  would 
endeavour  to  prevail  on  the  king  to  be  at 
the  expence  of  erecting  it.  Col.  Romer, 
a  Dutch  engineer,  having  viewed  the  fpot, 
produced  to  the  affembly  an  eftimate  of 
the  coft  and  tranfportation  of  materials, 
amounting  to  above  fix  thoufand  pounds. 
They  were  amazed  at  the  propofal ;  and 
returned  for  anfwer  to  the  governor,  that 
in  their  greateft  difficulties,  when  their 
lives  and  eftates  were  in  the  moft  immi- 
nent hazard,  they  were  never  able  to  raife 
one  thoufand  pounds  in  a  year*;  that 

they 

*  I  have  here  placed  in  one  view  fnch  afieflments  as  1  have  been 
aide  to  find  during  the  preceding  war.  witli  the  proportion  of  each 
town,  which  varied  according  to  their  refpecYive  eircumftances  at 


different  times. 

(MS  Laws.) 

1693- 

1693. 

|  1694.  |  1695. 

Uncert.  |      1697. 

Portfmouth. 

70 

210 

167 

129    fj    I140    1  6  \ 

Hampton, 

M  13  4 

200 

230 

172  14  6  187    2  4i 

Dover, 

30 

no 

90 

117  16  6I127    9  ?| 

Exeter, 

33    «8 

80 

127 

106  16    Iiij  14 

New  Caftle, 

86 

73    7    1  79  «  6 

£. 

ZOO 

600 

700    |  400     {  600       |  650 

N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE.  307 

they  had  been  exceedingly  impoverished  1700. 
by  a  long  war,  and  were  now  ftruggling 
under  an  heavy  debt,  befides  being  en- 
gaged in  a  controverfy  with  "  a  pretend- 
u  ed  proprietor ;"  that  they  had  expend- 
ed more  "  blood  and  money"  to  fecure  his 
majefty's  intereft  and  dominion  in  New- 
England  than  the  intrinfic  value  of  their 
eftates,  and  that  the  fortifying  the  harbour 
did  as  much  concern  the  Maffachufetts  as 
themfelves  ;  but  they  concluded  with 
afluring  his  lordfhip,  that  if  he  were 
"  thoroughly  acquainted  with  their  mi- 
"  ferable,  poor  and  mean  circumftances, 
u  they  would  readily  fubmit  to  whatever 
"  he  mould  think  them  capable  of  doing." 
They  were  alfo  required  to  furnifh  their  ms  in  files 
quota  of  men  to  join  with  the  other  colo- 
nies in  defending  the  frontiers  of  New- 
York  in  cafe  of  an  attack*.  This  they 
thought  extremely  hard,  not  only  becaufe 
they  had  never  received  the  leaft  affiftance 
from  New- York  in  the  late  wars,  but  be- 
caufe an  opinion  prevailed  amon'  them 
that  their  enemies  had  received  fupplies 
from  the  Dutch  at  Albany,  and  that  the 
X  2  plunder 

*   Tlie  quotas  of  men  to  lie  furnifned   by  each  government  for 
the  defence  of  New-York,  if  attacked,  were  as  follows,  viz. 
Maflachufctts      350  I  New- York,  200  I  Pennsylvania       80 

New  Hampshire     40  |  Eart  New-jerfcy    60     Maryland  160 

Rhode-lfland         48  I  Wi.il  New-Jcricy  60  |  Virginia  240 

Connecticut         120  j  (MS  in  files.) 


3o3  HISTORYOF 

1700.     plunder  taken  from  their  defolated  towns 
had  been  fold  in  that  place.     There  was 


Smith's 


?o?k  Na-'    however  no  opportunity  for  affording  this 
lo8'  '75.      affiftance,  as  the  New-Yorkers  took  care 


214 


to  maintain  a  good  understanding  with  the 
French  and  Indians  for  the  benefit  of  trade. 
But  to  return  to  Allen  :  He  had  as  lit- 
tle profpect  of  fuccefs  in  the  newly  efta- 
blifhed  courts,  as  the  people  had  when 
Mafon's  fuits  were  carried  on  under  Cran- 
Pnnted  field's  government.  On  examining;  the 
Alien's  ti-  records  or  the  iupenor  court  it  was  found 
that  twenty-four  leaves  were  miffing,  in 
which  it  was  fuppofed  the  judgments  re- 
covered by  Mafon  were  recorded.  No 
evidence  appeared  of  his  having  obtained 
poffenlon.  The  work  was  to  begin  anew; 
and  Waldron,  being  one  of  the  principal 
landholders  and  mod  ftrenuous  oppofers 
of  the  claim,  was  fmgledout  to  Hand  fore- 
moft  in  the  controverfy  with  Allen,  as  his 
father  had  with  Mafon.  The  caufe  went 
through  the  courts,  and  was  invariably 
Anguft  13.  given  in  favour  of  the  defendant  with  cofts. 
Allen's  only  refuge  was  in  an  appeal  to 
the  king,  which  the  court,  following  the 
example  of  their  brethren  in  the  Maffa- 
chufetts,  refufed  to  admit.  He  then  pe- 
titioned the  king ;  who  by  an  order  in 
council  granted  him  an  appeal,  allowing 

hira 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRL 

him  eight  months  to  prepare  for  its  pro- 
fecution. 

The  refufal  of  an  appeal  could  not  fail 
of  being  highly  refented  in  England.  It 
was  feverely  animadverted  on  by  the  lords 
of  trade,  who  in  a  letter  to  the  Earl  of 
Bellamont  upon  this  occafion,  fay :  "  This 
"  declining  to  admit  appeals  to  his  majefty 
"  in  council,  is  a  matter  that  you  ought 
"  very  carefully  to  watch  againft  in  all 
"  your  governments.  It  is  an  humour 
w  that  prevails  fo  much  in  proprieties  and 
"  charter  colonies,  and  the  ind  kpe  n- 
*'  D  E  N  c  Y  they  third:  after  is  now  fo  noto- 
"  rious,  that  it  has  been  thought  fit  thofe 
"  confiderations,  together  with  other  ob- 
"  jections  againft  thofe  colonies,  mould  be 
"  laid  before  the  parliament;  and  a  bill 
"  has  thereupon  been  brought  into  the 
"  houfe  of  lords  for  re-uniting  the  right 
"  of  government  in  their  colonies  to  the 
"  crown." 

Before  this  letter  was  wrote  the  earl  died 
at  New-York,  to  the  great  regret  of  the 
people  in  his  feveral  governments,  among 
whom  he  had  made  himfelf  very  popular. 
A  copy  of  the  letter  was  fent  to  New- 
Hampihire  by  the  council  of  New- York; 
but  the  bill  mentioned  in  it  was  not  pafted 
into  an  ad  of  parliament.  Eor  fome  reafons 

of 


&>9 

1 70 1. 

April  24 


April  29 


MS  in  files, 


March  5. 


3io 
ijox. 

Hutch.  »ol. 
a.  p.  131. 


Sept.  Eg. 


MS  Laws-. 


Oflob.  14. 


I702. 
Kay.  29 


HISTORY     OF 

of  ftate  it  was  rejected  by  the  houfc  of  lords. 

TheafTemblyof  New-Hampfhire,  hav- 
ing now  a  fair  opportunity,  endeavoured 
as  much  as  poflible  to  provide  for  their 
own  iecurity ;  and  palled  two  acts,  the  one 
for  confirming  the  grants  of  lands  which 
had  been  made  within  their  feveral  town- 
ihips;  the  other  for  afcertaining  the 
bounds  of  them.  Partridge  gave  his  confent 
to  thefe  ads;  but  Allen  had  the  addrefs 
to  get  them  difTal lowed  and  repealed  be- 
caufe  there  was  no  referve  made  in  them 
of  the  proprietor's  right. 

The  controverfy  being  carried  before  the 
king,  both  fides  prepared  to  attend  the 
fuit.  Allen's  age,  and  probably  want  of 
cam,  prevented  his  going  in  perfon;  he 
therefore  appointed  Umer  to  act  for  him, 
having  previoufly  mortgaged  one  half  of 
the  province  to  him,  for  fifteen  hundred 
pounds;  Vaughan  was  appointed  agent  for 
the  province,  and  attorney  to  Waldron. 
It  being  a  general  intereft,  the  aifembly 
bore  the  expence,  and  notwithstanding 
their  pleas  of  poverty  on  other  occafions 
provided  a  fund,  on  which  the  agent  might 
draw  in  cafe  of  emergency. 

In  the  mean  time  King  William  died 
and  Queen  Anne  appointed  Jofeph  Dudley 
Efq.  formerly  preiident  of  New-England, 

tO' 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE.  311 

to  be  governor  of  MafTachufetts  and  New-     1 702. 
Hampfhire ;  whofecommiffion  being  pub-       ^^ 
lifhed  at  Portfmouth,  the  affembly  by  a    July  13. 
well  timed  prefent  interefted  him  in  their         is. 
favour,  and  afterward  fettled  a  falary  on    Counc5,  & 
him  during  his  adminiftration,  agreeably    £jo™dbsly 
to  the  queen's  inftructions,  who  about  this 
time  forbad  her  governors  to  receive  any 
but  fettled  falaries. 

When  Allen's  appeal  came  before  the 
queen  in  council,  it  was  found  that  his 
attorney  had  not  brought  proof  that  Ma-  Printed 
fon  had  ever  been  legally  in  poffeffion;  Mien's  ti- 
for  want  of  this,  the  judgment  reco- 
vered by  Waldron  was  affirmed  ;  but 
the  order  of  council  directed  that  the 
appellant  '  mould  be  at  liberty  to  begin    of 1*37 

*  de  novo  by  a  writ  of  ejectment  in  the 
1  courts  of  New-Hampfhire,   to  try  his    I753 
4  title  to  the  lands,  or  to  quit-rents  pay- 

4  able  for  the  fame;  and  that  if  any  doubt 
4-  in  law  mould  arife,  the  jury  mould  de- 
4  clare  what  titles  each  party  did  feverally 

*  make  out  to  the  lands  in  queftion,  and 

4  that  the  points  in  law  mould  be  referred    riiesofthe 
,  to  the  court ;  or  if  any  doubt  fhould  arife    SuP-Court- 
4  concerning  the  evidence,   it  fhould   be 
1  fpecially  ftated  in  writing,  that  if  either 

*  party  fhould  appeal  to  her  majefty  fhe 
4  might  be  more  fully  informed,  in  order 

*  to  a  final  determination.'  While 


Trade  Re- 
port in 


312 


HISTORY     OF 


1 702.  While  this  appeal  was  depending  a  pe- 
v-^v~^>'  titi'on  was  prefented  to  the  queen,  pray- 
ing that  Allen  might  be  put  in  poffemon 
of  the  wafte  lands.  This  petition  was  re- 
ferred to  Sir  Edward  Northey  attorney  ge- 
neral, who  was  ordered  to  report  on  three 
queftions.  viz.  1.  Whether  Allen  had  a 
right  to  the  waftes.  2.  What  lands  ought 
to  be  accounted  wafte.  3.  By  what  me- 
thod her  majefty  might  put  him  into  pof- 
feffion.  At  the  fame  time  Ufher  was  mak- 
ing intereft  to  be  re-appointed  lieutenant- 
governor  of  the  province.  Upon  this 
Vaughan  entered  a  complaint  to  the  queen, 
fetting  forth  S  that  Allen  claimed  as  wafte 

*  ground  not  only  a  large  tract  of  unoc- 
4  cupied  land,  but  much  of  that  which  had 
4  been  long  enjoyed  by  the  inhabitants,  as. 
4  common  pafture,  within  the  bounds  of 
4  their  feveral  townfhips.  That  Ufher,  by 
4  his  former  managements  and  mifdemean- 

*  ours  when  in  office,  had  forced  fome  of 
4  the  principal  inhabitants  to  quit  the  pro- 
4  vince,  and  had  greatly  haralfed  and  dif- 
4  gufted  all  the  reft,  rendering  himfelf  quite 
4  unacceptable  to  them.  That  he  was  in- 
4  terefted  in  the  fuits  now  depending,  as 
4  on  Allen's  death  he  would  in  right  of 
4  his  wife  be  entitled  to  part  of  the  eftate. 
4  Wherefore  it  was  humbly  fubmittedwhe- 

4  ther 


papers* 


I70 


/UJ* 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE.  313 

*  ther   it  would  be  proper  to  appoint,  as     1702. 

*  lieutenant-governor,  one  whofe  intereft      v^vo 
*■  and  endeavour  it  would  be  to  diffeizc  the 

f  people  of  their  ancient  eftates,  and  render 

*  them  uneafy  ;  and  it  was  prayed  that  no 

'  letters  might  be  wrote  to  put  Allen   in    user's 

*  poiTeflion  of  the  waftes  till  the  petitioner 
'  fhould  be  heard  by  council.' 

Ufher's  intereft  however  prevailed.  The 
attorney-general  reported,    that  '  Allen's      0%~^/ 
'  claim  to  the  waftes  was  valid;   that  all    J«"»r.»8. 

*  lands  uninclofed  and  unoccupied  were  to 
c  be  reputed  wafte;  that  he  might  enter 

*  into  and  take  pofteffion  of  them,  and  if 

*  difturbed  might  aftert  his  right  and  pro- 

*  fecute  tref  patters  in  the  courts  there;  but 
'  that  it  would  not  be  proper  for  her  ma- 
c  jefty  to  interpofe,  unlefs  the    queftion 

*  came  before  her  by  appeal  from  thofe 
c  courts ;  fave,  that  it  might  be  reafonable 
'  to  dired:  (if  Allen  fhould  infift  on  it  at 

c  the  trials)  that  matters  of  facT:  be  found    superior 
■  fpecially  by  the  juries,  and  that  thefe  fpe- 
'  cial  matters  fhould  be  made  to  appear  on 

*  an  appeal.' 

Soon  after  this  Ufher  obtained  a  fecond 
commiffion  as  lieutenant-governor;  but 
was  expreily  reftricted  from  intermedling 
"  with  the  appointment  of  judges  or  juries, 
*<  or  otherwifc,  in  matters  relating  to  the 

"  difputes 


Court  files. 


July  26. 


3*4 

1703. 


OCtob.  ij. 


HISTORY    OF 

"  difputes  between  Allen  and  the  inhabi- 
"  tants."  The  people  did  not  relifh  this 
re-appointment,  nor  did  his  fubfequent 
conduct  reconcile  them  to  it.  Upon  his 
firft  appearance  in  council  Partridge  took 
his  feat  as  counfellor;  but  the  next  day 
defired  a  difmiffion  on  account  of  a  fhip 
in  the  river  which  demanded  his  conftant 
attention.  This  requeft  was  granted,  and 
he  foon  after  removed  to  Newbury,  where 
he  fpent  the  reft  of  his  days  in  a  mercan- 
tile department,  and  in  the  bufinefs  of  his 
profeffion.* 

It  had  always  been  a  favourite  point 
with  Ufher  to  get  the  books  and  files, 
which  had  been  taken  from  Chamberlayne, 
lodged  in  the  fecretary's  office.  Among 
thefe  files  were  the  original  minutes  of  the 
fuits  which  Mafon  had  carried  on,  and  the 
verdicts,  judgments  and  bills  of  coft  he  had 
recovered.  As  they  were  committed  to 
the  care  of  the  recorder  who  was  appoint- 
ed by  the  general  court  and  removeable 
only  by  them,  no  ufe  could  be  made  of  thefe 
papers  but  by  confent  of  the  aiTembly. 
When  Ufher  produced  to  the  council  an 
Novcm.  4.    order  from  Whitehall  that  thefe  records 

mould 


*  His  foil  Richard  Partridge  was  an  agent  for  the  province  in 
England.  One  of  his  daughters  was  married  to  Governor  Belcher, 
and  was  mother  to  the  late  lieutenant-governor  of  Nova-Scotia. 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE.  315 

ftiould  be  depofited  with  the  fecretary,     1704. 


v^-\r^/ 


Penhallon,  the  recorder,  who  was  a  mem- 
ber of  the  council,  refufed  to  deliver  them 
without  an  act  of  the  general  affembly 
authorizing  him  to  do  fo. 

Ufher  fucceeded  but  little  better  in  his 
applications  for  money.  He  alledged  that 
he  had  received  nothing  for  his  former 
fervices,  though  they  had  given  hundreds 
to  Partridge;  and  complained  that  no 
lioufe  was  provided  for  him  to  refide  in, 
which  obliged  him  to  fpend  moil  of  his 
time  at  Bofton.  The  plea  of  poverty  al- 
ways at  hand,  was  not  forgotten  in  an- 
fwer  to  thefe  demands.  But  at  length, 
upon  his  repeated  importunity  and  Dud- 
ley's earned  recommendation,  after  the 
affembly  had  refufed  making  any  provifion 
for  him,  and  the  governor  had  exprefsly 
directed  him  to  refide  at  New-Cattle,  and 
exercife  a  regular  command,  it  being  a  time  July  7 
of  war;  the  council  were  prevailed  upon 
to  allow  him  two  rooms  in  any  houfe  he 
could  procure  "  till  the  next  meeting  of 
"  the  affembly,"  and  to  order  thirty  eight 
Jloillings  to  be  given  him  for  the  expence 
of  his  "  journey  to  and  from  Bofton." 

When  Dudley  acquainted  the  affembly 
with  the  royal  determination  in  Allen's 
fuits,   they    appeared    tolerably  fatisfied 

with 


Feb.  10 


316  HISTORY     OF 

1704.     with  the  equitable   intention  difcovered 

v-rv"s-'     therein;   but  begged  him  to  reprefent  to 

her  majefty  that  *  the  province  was  at 

4  leaft  fixty  miles  long  and  twenty  wide, 

'  containing  twelve  hundred  fquare  miles, 

*  that  the  inhabitants  claimed  only  the 
c  property  of  the  lands  contained  within 
c  the  bounds  of  their  townfhips,  which 
1  was  lefs  than  one  third  of  the  province, 

*  and  had  been  poffeffed  by  them  and  their 
f  anceftors  more  than  fixty  years;  that 
4  they  had  nothing  to  offer  as  a  grievance 
4  if  the  other  two  thirds  were  adjudged  to 
1  to  Allen ;   but  mould  be  glad  to  lee  the 

*  fame  planted  and  fettled  for  the  better 
4  fecurity  and  defence  of  the  whole ;  with- 
4  al  defiring  it  might  be  confidered  how 
4  much  time,  blood  and  treafure  had  been 
4  fpent  in  fettling  and  defending  this  part 
4  of  her  majefty's  dominion,  and  that  the 
4  coft  and  labour  beftowed  thereon  far 
4  exceeded  the  true  value  of  the  land  fo 
4  that  they  hoped  it  was  not  her  majefty's 

*  intention  to  deprive  them  of  all  the  herb- 
4  age,  timber  and  fuel,  without  which  they 
4  could  not  fubfift,  and  that  the  lands  com- 
4  prehended  within  the  bounds  of  their 
4  townfhips  was  little  enough  to  afford 

the  council    4  thefe   neceffary  articles;     it    not   being 
an  a  cm-     f  ^^j  ^  tjiefe  plantations  to  fence  in 

4  more 


N  E  W-H  A  M  P  S  H  I  R  E.  317 

*  more  of  their  lands  than  would  ferve  for     1704. 
«  tillage,  leaving  the  reft  unfenced  for  the      ^^ 

•  feeding  their  cattle  in  common.' 

Notwithstanding  this  plea,  which  was 
often  alledged,  Allen,  by  virtue  of  the 
queen's  permimon,  had  entered  upon  and  jj&  a*» 
taken  pofleflion  by  turf  and  twig  of  the 
common  land  in  each  townfhip,  as  well  as 
of  that  which  was  without  their  bounds,  Papers, 
and  brought  his  writ  of  ejectment  de  novo 
againft  Waldron,  and  when  the  trial  was 
coming  on  informed  Governor  Dudley 
thereof,  that  he  might  come  into  court 
and  demand  a  fpccial  verdict  agreeably 
to  the  queen's  inftructions.  Dudley  from 
Bofton  informed  the  court  of  the  day 
when  he  intended  to  be  at  Portimouth, 
and  directed  the  judges  to  adjourn  the 
court  to  that  day.  Before  it  came  he  heard  1 704. 
of  a  body  of  Indians  above  Lancafter,  aJJ*^ 
which  had  put  the  country  in  alarm,  and 
ordered  the  court  to  be  again  adjourned. 
At  length  he  began  his  journey  ;  but  was 
taken  ill  at  Newbury,  with  2,  feafonable  fit 
of  the  gravel,  and  proceeded  no  farther. 
The  jury  in  the  mean  time  refufed  to  brins;    Print^ 

J       J  t  o       ftateof  Al- 

in  a  fpecial  verdict ;   but  found  for  the    '  n's  tit,c» 
defendant  with  cofts.   Allen  again  appeal- 
ed from  the  judgment. 

Perplexed, 


318  HISTORY    OF 

1 704.  Perplexed,  however,  with  thefe  repeat- 
v~or%y      ed  difappointments,  and  at  the  fame  time 

being  low  in  purfe,  as  well  as  weakened 
with  age,  he  fought  an  accommodation 
with  the  people,  with  whom  he  was  defi- 
rous  to  fpend  the  remainder  of  his  days 
in  peace.  It  has  been  faid  that  he  made 
very  advantageous  offers  to  Vaughan  and 
Waldron  if  they  would  purchafe  his  title; 
but  that  they  utterly  refufed  it.  The  peo- 
ple were  fenfible  that  a  door  was  ftill  open 
for  litigation;  and  that  after  Allen's  death 
they  might,  perhaps,  meet  with  as  much 
or  more  difficulty  from  his  heirs,  among 
whom  Ulher  would  probably  have  a  great 
influence  :  They  well  knew  his  indefati- 
gable induftry  in  the  purfuit  of  gain,  that 
he  was  able  to  harrafs  them  in  law,  and 
had  great  intereft  in  England.  They 
therefore  thought  it  beft  to  fall  in  with 
Allen's  views,  and  enter  into  an  accom- 

1705.  modation  with  him.  A  general  meeting 
of  deputies  being  held  at  Portfmouth,  the 
following  refolutions  and  propofals  were 
drawn  up,  viz.  '  That  they  had  no  claim 
'  or  challenge  to  any  part  of  the  province 

*  without  the  bounds  of  the  four  towns 
'  of  Portfmouth,  Dover,  Hampton  and 
4  Exeter,  with  the  hamlets  of  New-Caftle 

*  and  Kingfton,  which  were  all  compre- 

*  hended 


May  3. 


y^~r^J 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE.  319 

*  hended  within  lines  already  known  and     1705. 

*  laid  out,  and  which  fhould  forthwith 
4  be  revifed ;  but  that  Allen  and  his  heirs 
4  might  peaceably  hold  and  enjoy  the  faid 
1  great  wafte,  containing  forty  miles  in 
4  length  and  twenty  in  breadth,  or  there- 
4  abouts,  at  the  heads  of  the  four  towns 

*  aforefaid,  if  it  mould  fo  pleafe  her  ma- 
4  jefty;  and  that  the  inhabitants  of  the 
4  four  towns  would  be  fo  far  from  inter- 

*  rupting  the  fettlement  thereof,  that  they 
c  defired  the  faid  wafte  to  be  planted  and 
1  filled  with   inhabitants,  to  whom  they 

*  would  give  all  the  encouragement  and 
'  affiftance  in  their  power.     That  in  cafe 

*  Allen  would,  for  himfelf  and  heirs,  for- 
4  ever  quit  claim,  to  the  prefent  inhabitants 
4  and  their  heirs,  all  that  tracl:  of  land  com- 
4  prehended  within  the  bounds  of  the  feve- 
4  ral  towns,  and  warrant  and  defend  the 
4  fame  againft  all  peribns,  free  of  mort- 
4  gage,  entailment  and  every  other  incum- 
4  brance,  and  that  this  agreement  fhould 
4  be  accepted  and  confirmed  by  the  queen; 
4  then  they  would  lot  and  lay  out  to  him 
4  and  his  heirs  five  hundred  acres  within 
4  the  town  of  Portfmouth  and  New-Caftle, 
4  fifteen  hundred  in  Dover,  fifteen  hundred 
4  in  Hampton  and  Kingfton,   and  fifteen 

*  hundred  in  Exeter,  out  of  the  common- 

4  ages 


32° 


HISTORY    OF 

ages  of  the  faid  towns,  in  fuch  places, 
not  exceeding  three  divifions  in  each 
town,  as  fhould  heft  accommodate  him 
and  be  leaft  detrimental  to  them;  and 
that  they  would  pay  him  or  his  heirs  two 
thoufand  pounds  current  money  of  New- 
England  at  two  payments,  one  within  a 
year  after  receiving  the  royal  confirma- 
tion of  this  agreement,  and  the  other 
within  a  year  after  the  firft  payment. 
That  all  contracts  made  either  by  Mafon 
or  Allen  with  any  of  the  inhabitants,  or 
others,  for  lands  or  other  privileges  in 
the  pofleffion  of  their  tenants  in  their  own 
juft  right,  befide  the  claim  of  Mafon 
and  Allen,  and  no  other,  fhould  be  ac-» 
counted  valid ;  but  thatif  any  of  the  pur- 
chafers,  leffees  or  tenants  mould  refufe 
to  pay  their  juft  part  of  the  fums  agreed 
on,  according  to  the  lands  they  held,  their 
fhare  fhould  be  abated  by  Allen  out  of 
the  two  thoufand  pounds  payable  by  this 
agreement.  That  upon  Allen's  accept- 
ance, and  underwriting  of  thefe  articles, 
they  would  give  perfonal  fecurity  for  the 
aforefaid  payment ;  and  that  all  actions 
and  fuits  depending  in  law  concerning 
the  premifes  fhould  ceafe  till  the  queen's 
pleafure  fhould  be  known.' 

Thefe 


N  E  W-H  A  M  P  S  H  I  R  E.  321 

Thefe  articles  were  ordered  to  be  pre-     1 705. 
fented  to  Allen  for  his  acceptance  :  But  fo    MsToJ'y 
defirable  an  iflue  of  the  controverfy  was    |£KK£>* 
prevented  by  his  hidden  death,  which  hap-    r™*c> 
pened  on  the  next  day.     He  left  a  fon  and 
four  daughters,  and  died  inteftate. 

Colonel  Allen  is  reprefented  as  a  gentle- 
man of  no  remarkable  abilities,  and  of  a 
folatary  rather  than  a  focial   difpohtion;    Atkinfon's 
but  mild,  obliging  and  charitable.     His    LmerMS- 
character,  while  he  was  a  merchant  in  Lon-    Emerfon'i 
don,  was  fair  and  upright,  and  his  domeftic    mon  and 
deportment  amiable  and  exemplary.     He    M^iVince, 
was  a  member  of  the  church  of  England    MS* 
by  profeffion,  but  conftantly  attended  di- 
vine worfhip  in  the  congregation  at  New- 
Caftle,  and  was   a  ftrict   obfcrver  of  the 
chriftian  labbath.     He  died  on  the  fifth 
of  May  1 705,   in  the  leventieth  year  of 
his  age,  and  was  buried  in  the  fort. 

After  his  death  his  only  fon,  Thomas     t~06 
Allen,  Efq.  of  London,  renewed  the  fait,      v^-v>j 
by  petitioning  the  queen,  who  allowed 
him  to  bring  a  new  writ  of  ejectment,  and 
ordered  a  revival  of  the  directions  given    M    l6. 
to  the  governor  in  1703,  with  refpect  to 
the  jury's  finding  a  fpecial  verdict.     Ac- 
cordingly Allen,  having  prcvioufly  con- 
veyed one  half  of  the  lands  in  New-Hamp- 
fhire  by  deed  of  iale  to  Sir  Charles  Hobby,    Auguft  20. 
Y  and 


April  ij. 


\ 


322  HISTORY    OF 

and  appointed  his  mother  Elizabeth  Allen 
1 7°7'  his  attorney,  brought  his  writ  of  eje&ment 
againft  Waldron  in  the  inferior  court  of 
common  pleas,  where  he  was  caft.  He 
then  removed  it  by  appeal  to  the  fuperior 
court,  where  it  had  been  tried  three  years 
before.  As  this  was  the  laft  trial,  and  as 
all  the  ftrength  of  both  parties  was  fully 
difplayed  on  the  occafion,  it  will  be  pro- 
per to  give  as  juft  a  view  of  the  cafe  as  can 
now  be  collected  from  the  papers  on  file 
in  the  office  of  the  fuperior  court. 

On  Allen's  part  were  produced  copies 
of  the  charter  by  which  King  James  I.  con- 
ftituted  the  council  of  Plymouth  ;  their 
grants  to  Mafon  in  1629  and  1635  ;  his 
laft  will  and  teftament ;  an  inventory  of 
artillery,  arms,  ammunition,  provifions, 
merchandize  and  cattle  left  in  the  care  of 
his  agents  here  at  his  death  ;  depofitions 
of  feveral  ancient  perfons  taken  in  1685, 
who  remembered  the  houfes,  fields,  forts, 
and  other  poflfeflions  of  Capt.  Mafon  at 
Portfmouth  and  Newichwannock,  and  were 
acquainted  with  his  agents,  ftewards,  fac- 
tors and  other  fervants,  who  divided  the 
cattle  and  merchandize  among  them  after 
his  death ;  the  opinions  of  Sir  GeofFry 
Palmer,  Sir  Francis  Winnington  and  Sir 
William  Jones  in  favour  of  the  validity  of 

Mafon's 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE.  32J 

Mafon's  title ;  King  Charles's  letter  to  the     1 707. 
prefident  and  council  of  New-Hampmire     ^^nJ 
in  1680;   the  paragraph  of  Cranfield'a 
commiffion  which  refpe&s  Mafon's  claim 
in  1682;  the  writ,  verdict,  judgment  and 
execution  againft  Major  Waldron  in  1683; 
the  decifion  of  the  king  in  council  againft 
Vaughan  in  1686;  Dudley's  writ  of  cer- 
tiorari in  1688  ;   the  fine  and  recovery  in 
Weftminfter-hall  whereby  the  entail  was 
cut  off,  and  the  confequent  deed  of  fale  to 
Allen  in  169! ;  Sir  Edward  Northey's  re- 
port in  J  703;   and  evidence  of  Allen's 
taking  pofiefhon  of  the  waftes,  and  of  his 
inclofing  and  occupying  fome  land  at  Great 
Ifland.     On  this  evidence,  it  was  pleaded 
that  the  title  derived  from  Mafon,  and  his 
pofTeflion  of  the  province,  of  which  the 
lands   in  queftion  were  part,   was  legal ; 
that  the  appellee's  poffemon  had  been  in- 
terrupted by  the  appellant  and  thofe  from 
whom  he  derived  his  title,  more  efpecially 
by  the  judgment  recovered  by  Robert  Ma- 
fon againft  Major  Waldron  ;  and  a  fpecial 
verdict:  was  moved  for,  agreeably  to  the 
royal  directions.     The  council  on  this  fide 
were  James  Meinzies  and  John  Valentine. 
On  Waldron's  part  was  produced  the 
deed  from  four  Indian  fachems  to  Whele- 
wright  and  others  in  1629 ;  and  depofiti- 
Y  2  ons 


^^r^J 


324  HISTORY    OF 

1707.     ons  taken  from  feveral  ancient  perfons 
who  teftified  that  they  had  lived  with  Ma- 
jor Waldron  when  he  began  his  plantati- 
on at  Cochecho,  about  the  year  1 640,  and 
affifted-  him  in  building  his  houfes  and 
mills,   and  that  no  perfon  had  difturbed 
him  in  the  poffefljon  thereof  for  above 
forty  years.     To  invalidate  the  evidence 
of  the  title  produced  on  the  oppofite  fide, 
it  was  pleaded,  That  the  alledged  grant 
from  the  council  of  Plymouth  to  Mafon 
in  1629,  was  not  figned  ;  that  livery  and 
feizin  were  not  endorfed  on  it  as  on  other 
of  their  grants,  and  as  was  then  the  legal 
form  ;   nor  was  it  ever  enrolled  according 
to  ftatute  :  That  the  fale  of  part  of  the 
fame  lands  in  1628  to  the  Maflachufetts 
company,   by  an  inftrument  figned  and 
executed  according  to  law,   renders  this 
fubiequent  grant  fufpicious  ;  and  that  hi& 
pretending  to  procure  another  grant  of  part 
of  the  fame  lands  in  1635,  was  an  argu- 
ment that  he  himfelf  could  not  rely  on  the 
preceding  one,  nor  was  it  credible  that  the 
fame  council  mould  grant  the  fame  lands 
twice,  and  to  the  fame  perfon  :  That  the 
alledged  grant  in  1635  was  equally  de- 
fective ;   and  that  he  muft  relinquifh  one 
or  the  other,  it  being  contrary  to  the  rea- 
fpn  and  ufage  of  law  to  rely  on  two  feve- 
ral 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE.  325 

ral  titles  at  once.  It  was  urged,  That  1703. 
Waldron's  poiTefTion  was  grounded  on  a  ^-^^ 
deed  from  the  native  lords  of  the  foil, 
with  whom  his  father  had  endeavoured  to 
cultivate  a  friendly  connexion ;  that  he 
had  taken  up  his  land  with  their  confent, 
when  the  country  was  a  wilderneis ;  had 
cultivated  it,  had  defended  it  in  war  at  a 
great  expence,  and  at  the  hazard  of  his 
life,  which  he  finally  loft  in  the  attempt ; 
that  the  Indian  deed  was  legally  executed 
in  the  pretence  of  the  factors  and  agents 
of  the  company  of  Laconia,  of  which  Ma- 
fon  was  one  ;  that  this  was  done  with  the 
toleration  of  the  council  of  Plymouth,  and 
in  purfuance  of  the  great  ends  of  their 
incorporation,  which  were  to  cultivate  the 
lands,  to  people  the  country  and  chriftian- 
ize  the  natives,  for  the  honour  and  intereft 
of  the  crown  and  the  trade  of  England, 
all  which  ends  had  been  purfued  and  at- 
tained by  the  appellee  and  his  anceftor. 
It  was  alfo  alledged,  that  the  writ  againfl: 
Major  Waldron  in  1683  was  for  "  lands 
"  and  tenements,"  of  which  the  quantity, 
fituation  and  bounds  were  not  described, 
for  want  of  which  no  legal  judgment  could 
be  given  ;  that  no  execution  had  ever  been 
levied,  nor  was  the  pofleffor  ever  difturbed 
or  amoved  by  reafon  thereof  j  and  that 

the 


526  HISTORY    OF 

1707.     the  copies  produced  were  not  attefted,  no 


v^-v-v^ 


book  of  records  being  to  be  found.  To 
invalidate  the  evidence  of  Mafon's  poflfef- 
fion,  it  was  obferved,  that  he  himfelf  was 
never  here  in  perfon  ;  that  all  the  fettle- 
ment  made  by  his  agents  or  fucceffors  was 
only  a  factory  for  trade  with  the  Indians, 
and  principally  forthedifcoveryof  a  coun- 
try called  Laconia;  and  that  this  was  done 
in  company  with  feveral  other  merchant- 
adventurers  in  London,  who,  for  the  fecu- 
rity  of  their  goods  erected  a  fort ;  but  that 
this  could  not  amount  to  a  legal  poffeffion, 
nor  prove  a  title  to  the  country,  efpecially 
as  upon  the  failure  of  trade,  the  object  of 
their  enterprize,  they  quitted  their  factory, 
after  a  few  years  ftay  in  thefe  parts. 

As  to  the  motion  for  a  fpecial  verdict, 
it  was  faid  that  a  jury  could  not  find  one, 
if  they  had  no  doubt  of  the  law  or  fact, 
for  the  reafonof  a  fpecial  verdict  is  a  doubt 
either  in  point  of  law  or  evidence;  nor  was 
it  confiftent  with  the  privileges  of  English- 
men that  a  jury  mould  be  compelled  to 
find  fpecially.  In  addition  to  thefe  pleas  it 
was  further  alledged,  that  by  the  ftatute 
law  no  action  of  ejectment  can  be  main- 
tained except  the  plaintiff,  or  thofe  under 
whom  he  claims,  have  been  in  pofieffion 
within  twenty  years  j  and  if  they  have 

been 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE.  327 

been  out  of  pofleffion  fixty  years,  then  not  1 707. 
only  an  ejectment,  but  a  writ  of  right,  v^>rvi 
and  all  other  real  actions  are  barred  in  re- 
fpect  of  a  fubject,  and  that  in  fuch  cafes  the 
right  of  the  crown  is  alfo  barred :  and  that 
by  the  ftatute  of  32  Hen.  8.  ch.  9.  It  is 
enacted,  that  no  perfon  fhall  purchafe  any 
lands  or  tenements,  unlefs  the  feller,  or 
they  by  whom  he  claims,  have  been  in 
pofleffion  of  the  fame  or  the  reverfion  or 
remainder  thereof,  or  have  taken  the  rents 
or  profits  thereof  by  the  fpace  of  one 
whole  year  next  before  fuch  bargain  is 
made;  and  that  the  appellee  and  his  an- 
ceftor,  and  no  other  perfon  whatever  had 
been  in  pofleffion  of  the  premifes,  nor  was 
it  ever  pretended  by  the  appellant  that  the 
Mafons,  of  whom  the  purchafe  was  made, 
were  in  pofleffion  within  one  year,  or  at 
any  time  before  the  alledged  purchafe; 
that  all  the  mifchiefs  provided  againft  by 
the  above  ftatute  have  been  experienced 
by  the  people  of  New-Hampfhire  from 
the  purchafe  made  by  the  appellant's  fa- 
ther, of  the  bare  title  of  the  propriety  of 
the  province.  The  council  on  this  fide 
were  John  Pickering  and  Charles  Story. 

A  certificate  from  the  lieutenant-gover- 
nor refpecting  the  queen's  directions  was    Aug.  is. 
delivered  to  the  jury  who  returned  the  fol- 
lowing 


328  HISTORY     OF 

1 707.  lowing  verdicl: :  "  In  the  caufe  depending 
^■^J  "  between  Thomas  Allen,  Efq.  appellant 
"  and  Richard  Waldron,  Efq.  defendant, 
"  the  jury  findes  for  the  defendant  a  con- 
"  firmation  of  the  former  judgment  and 
"  coft  of  courts.  Mark  Hunking  foreman." 
The  court  then  fent  out  the  jury  again, 
with  this  charge,  "  Gentlemen,  you  are 
"  further  to  confider  this  cafe  and  obferve 
"  her  majefty's  directions  to  find  fpecially 
M  and  your  oaths."  They  returned  the 
fecond  time  with  the  fame  verdict;  upon 
which  the  court  ordered  judgment  to  be 
entered,  and  that  the  defendant  recover 
cofts  of  the  appellant.  The  council  for  the 
appellant  then  moved  for  an  appeal  to  her 
majefty  in  council ;  which  was  allowed  on 
their  giving  bond  in  two  hundred  pounds 
to  profecute  it. 

But  the  loyalty  of  the  people,  and  the 
council  &     diftrefTes  under  which  they  laboured  by 

Affembly's  *  ' 

Records.       reafon  of  the  war,  prevailed  on  the  queen  s 
miniftry  to  fufpend  a  final  decifion;  and 
before  the  appeal  could  be  heard,  Allen's 
itateofAl-    death,  which  happened  in  1715?  put  an 
p.'Vo.tltk'     end  to  the  fuit,  which  his  heirs,  being  mi- 
nors, did  not  renew. 


CHAP. 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE.  329 

CHAP.       XII. 

The  ivar  with  the  French  and  Indians, 
called  Queen  Anne's  ivar,     Conclujion  of 
Dudley's  and  lifter's  adminijl ration. 

TH  E  peace  which  followed  the  treaty 
of  Ryfwick  was  but  of  ihort  duration, 
for  the  feeds  of  war  were  ready  Town  both  in 
Europe  and  America.  Louis  had  proclaim- 
ed the  pretender  king  of  England,  and  his 
Governor  Villcbon  had  orders  to  extend  his 
province  of  Acadia  to  the  river  Kennebeck, 
though  the  Englifh  court  underftood  St. 
Croix  to  be  the  boundary  between  their 
territories  and  thofe  of  the  French  The 
fifhery  was  interrupted  by  French  men  of 
war,  and  by  the  orders  of  Villcbon,  who 
fuffered  no  Englifh  veifels  to  fifh  on  the 
banks  of  Nova-Scotia.  A  French  mimon 
was  eftablifhed,  and  a  chapel  erected  at 
Norridgwog,  on  the  upper  part  of  Kenne- 
beck, which  ferved  to  extend  the  influence 
of  the  French  among  the  Indians.  The 
governor  of  Canada,  afluming  the  cha- 
racter of  their  father  and  protector,  in- 
stigated them  to  prevent  the  Settlement  of 
the  Englifh  to  the  eaft  of  Kennebeck,  and 
found  fome  among  them  ready  to  liften 

to 


330  HISTORY    OF 

to  his  advice.  The  people  in  thofe  parts 
were  apprehenfive  of  danger  and  meditat- 
ing a  removal,  and  thofe  who  had  enter- 
tained thoughts  of  fettling  there  were  re- 
ftrained. 

Things  were  in  this  pofture  when  Dud- 
ley entered  on  his  government.  He  had 
particular  orders  from  England  to  rebuild 
the  fort  at  Pemaquid ;  but  could  not  pre- 
vail on  the  Maflachufetts  afTembly  to  bear 
the  expence  of  it.  However  he  determin- 
ed on  a  vifit  to  the  eaftern  country,  and 
having  notified  his  intention  to  the  Indians, 
took  with  him  a  number  of  gentlemen  of 
both  his  provinces*,  and  held  a  conference 
1703.  at  Cafco  with  delegates  from  the  tribes  of 
Norridgwog,  Penobfcot,  Pigwacket,  Pena- 
cook  and  Amarifcoggin ;  who  aflured  him 
that "  as  high  as  the  fun  was  above  the  earth, 
"  fo  far  diftant  was  their  defign  of  making 
"  the  leaft  breach  of  the  peace."  They  pre- 
fented  him  a  belt  of  wampum  in  token  of 
their  fincerity,  and  both  parties  went  to 
two  heaps  of  ftones  which  had  formerly 
been  pitched  and  called  the  Tivo  Brothers> 
where  the  friendfhip  was  further  ratified 
by  the  addition  of  other  ftones.  They  al- 
fo  declared,  that  although  the  French  emif- 
faries  among  them  had  been  endeavouring 

to 

•  Mr.  Hutchinfon  has  mifplaced  this  tranfaftion  by  a  year. 


June  30. 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE.  331 

to  break  the  union,  yet  it  was  "  firm  as  a  1 703. 
"  mountain,  and  mould  continue  as  long  ^^J 
"  as  the  fun  and  moon."  Notwithftand- 
ing  thefe  fair  appearances,  it  was  obferved 
that  when  the  Indians  fired  a  falute  their 
guns  were  charged  with  (hot;  and  it  was 
fufpedted  that  they  had  then  formed  a  de- 
fign  to  feize  the  governor  and  his  atten- 
dants, if  a  party  which  they  expe&ed  from 
Canada,  and  which  arrived  two  or  three 
days  after,  had  come  in  proper  feafon  to 
their  afliftance.  However  this  might  be, 
it  is  certain  that  in  the  fpace  of  fix  weeks,  a  Auguft  10. 
body  of  French  and  Indians,  five  hundred 
in  number,  having  divided  themfelves  into 
feveral  parties,  attacked  all  the  fettlements 
from  Cafco  to  Wells,  and  killed  and  tookone 
hundred  and  thirty  people,  burning  and 
deftroying  all  before  them*. 

The  next  week  (Auguft  1 7)  a  party  of 
thirty  Indians  under  Captain  Tom  killed 
five  people  at  Hampton  village;  among 
whom  was  a  widow  Mufly,  a  noted  fpeak- 
er  among  the  friends,  and  much  lamented 
by  them;  they,  alfo  plundered  twohoufes; 
but  the  people  being  alarmed,  and  purfu- 
ing  them,  they  fled. 

The 

*  Mr.  Hutchinfon  takes  no  noticeofthis  remarkable  devastation. 


**  . 


which  is  particularly  related  by  Mr.   Penhallofl  in  his  "  wars  of 
New-England."  p.  j. 


332  HISTORY    OF 

1703.  The  country  was  now  in  terror  and 
Cors>  confufion.  The  women  and  children  re- 
tired to  the  garrifons.  The  men  went 
armed  to  their  work,  and  ported  centincls 
in  the  fields.  Troops  of  horfe  were  quar- 
tered at  Portfmouth  and  in  the  province  of 
Maine.  A  fcout  of  three  hundred  and 
(ixty  men  marched  toward  Pigwacket,  and 
another  to  the  Oflapy  Pond,  but  made  no 
difcoveries.  Alarms  were  frequent,  and 
the  whole  frontier  country  from  Deeir- 
field  on  the  weft  to  Cafco  on  the  eaft  was 
kept  in  continual  terror  by  Imall  parties  of 
the  enemy. 

In  the  fall  Col.  March  of  Cafco  made  a 
vifit  to  Pigwacket,  where  he  killed  fix  of 
the  enemy  and  took  fix  more;  this  encou- 
raged the  government  to  offer  a  bounty  of 
forty  pounds  for  fcalps. 

As  the  winter  came  on  the  frontier 
towns  were  ordered  to  provide  a  large  num- 
ber of  fnow-fhoes ;  and  an  expedition  was 
planned  in  New  Hampshire,  againft  the 
head  quarters  of  the  Indians.  Major 
Winthrop  Hilton,  and  Captain  John  Gil- 
man  of  Exeter,  Captain  Chefley  and  Cap- 
tain Davis  of  Oyfter  river,  marched  with 
their  companies  on  fnow-fhoes  into  the 
woods ;  but  returned  without  fuccefs.  This 
is  called  in  the  council  books  "  anhonour- 

"  able 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE.  333 

"  able  fervice:"  Hilton  received  a  gratui-  1703. 
ty  of  twelve,  and  each  of  the  captains  ^/~v^> 
five  pounds. 

With  the  return  of  fpring  there  was  a  1 704. 
return  of  hoftilities;  for  notwithstanding  v^\-*J 
the  porting  a  few  fouthern  Indians  in  the 
garrifons  at  Berwick,  the  enemy  appeared 
at  Oyfter  river,  and  {hot  Nathaniel  Me-  APriI  ** 
dar  near  his  own  field,  and  the  next  day 
killed  Edward  Taylor  near  Lamprey  river, 
and  captivated  his  wife  and  lbn.  Thefe 
inftances  of  mifchief  gai  2  colour  to  a  falfe 
alarm  at  Cochecho,  where  it  was  faid  they 
lay  in  wait  for  Col.  Waldron  a  whole  day, 
but  miffing  him  by  reafon  of  his  abfence 
from  home,  and  took  his  fervant  maid  as 
{he  went  to  a  fpring  for  water;  and  hav- 
ing examined  her  as  to  the  ftate  of  the 
garrifon,  {tunned  her  with  an  hatchet  but 
did  not  fcalp  her. 

In  May  Col.  Church,  by  Governor  Dud- 
ley's order,  having  planned  an  expedition 
to  the  eaftern  fhore,  failed  from  Bolton 
with  a  number  of  tranfports,  furniflied 
with  whale-boats  for  going  up  rivers.  In 
his  way  he  ftopt  at  Pafcataqua,  where  he 
was  joined  by  a  body  of  men  under  Major 
Hilton,  who  was  of  eminent  fervice  to 
him  in  this  expedition*,  which  lafted  the 

whole 

*  This  is  called  in  the  council  books  "  an  expedition  to  Port- 

"  Royal," 


334  HISTORY    OF 

1 704.  whole  fummer,  and  in  which  they  deftroy- 
^^^  ed  the  towns  of  Minas  and  Chiegnetto, 
and  did  confiderable  damage  to  the  French 
and  Indians  atPenobfcot  and  Paflamaquo- 
dy,  and  even  infulted  Port  Royal.  While 
they  were  at  Mount  Defart  Church  learn- 
ed from  nine  of  his  prifoners  that  a  body 
of  *f  fix  hundred  Indians  were  preparing 
for  an  attack  on  Cafco,  and  the  head  of 
Pafcataqua  river;  and  fent  an  exprefs  to 
Portfmouth  which  obliged  the  people  to 
be  vigilant.  No  fuch  great  force  as  this 
appeared ;  but  fmall  parties  kept  hovering 
on  the  out  fkirts.  At  Oyfter  river  they 
wounded  William  Tafker ;  and  at  Dover 
they  laid  in  ambufh  for  the  people  on 
their  return  from  public  worfhip,  but  hap- 
pily miffed  their  aim.  They  afterward 
Aogaftxi.  mortally  wounded  Mark  Gyles  at  that 
place,  and  foon  after  killed  feveral  people 
in  a  field  at  Oyfter  river,  whofe  names  are 
not  mentioned. 

In  the   former  wars  New-Hampfhire 
had  received  much  affiftance  from  their 

brethren 


*'  Royal,"  and  this  was  the  oftenfible  object.     But  Church  in  his 
memoirs  fays  that  Dudley  would  not  permit  him  to  go  there. 
Church,  p.  104.  Hutch.  II.  146. 

f  I  fuppofe  this  is  the  party  whom  Penhallop  mentions,  p  23. 
who  quarrelled  on  their  march  about  dividing  the  plunder  which 
they  might  take,  and  of  whom  two  hundred  returned  while  the 
reft  purfucd  their  mareh,and  did  damage  atLancaftcrandGroton. 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE.  $$$ 

brethren  of  Maflachufetts ;   but  thefe  now     1 704. 


v^rvV 


remonftrated  to  the  governor  that  his  other 
province  did  not  bear  their  proportion  of 
the  charge  for  the  common  defence.  The 
reprefentatives  of  New-Hampfhire  urged, 
in  reply,  the  different  circumftances  of  the 
two  provinces;  "  mod  of  the  towns  in 
Maflachufetts  being  out  of  the  reach  of 
the  enemy,  and  no  otherwife  affected  by 
the  war  than  in  the  payment  of  their  part 
of  the  expence,  while  this  province  was 
wholly  a  frontier  by  fea  and  land,  and  in 
equal  danger  with  the  county  of  York, 
in  which  four  companies  were  ftationed, 
and  the  inhabitants  were  abated  their  pro- 
portion of  the  public  charges."  They  beg- 
ged that  twenty  of  the  friendly  Indians 
might  be  fent  to  fcout  on  their  borders,  council 
which  requeft  the  governor  complied  with. 

In  the  winter,  Col.  Hilton  with  two  170c, 
hundred  and  feventy  men,  including  the  ^^ 
twenty  Indians,  were  fent  to  Norridgwog 
on  fnow-fhoes.  They  had  a  favourable 
feafon  for  their  march,  the  mow  being 
four  feet  deep.  When  they  arrived  there, 
finding  no  enemy  to  contend  with,  they 
burnt  the  deferted  wigwams,  and  the  cha- 
pel. The  officers  who  went  on  this  ex- 
pedition complained  that  they  had  only 
the  pay  of  private  foldiers. 

The 


yD6  HISTORY    OF 

1705.         The  late  repairs  of  fort  William  and 


\S~*~Sj 


Mary  at  New-Caftle  were  always  com- 
plained of  as  burdenfome  to  the  people, 
and  a  reprefentation  thereof  had  been 
made  to  the  queen,  who  inftructed  Dud- 
ley to  prefs  the  aflembly  of  Maflachufetts 
to  contribute  to  the  expence;  as  the  river 
belonged  equally  to  both  provinces.  They 
urged  in  excufe  that  the  fort  was  built  at 
firft  at  the  fole  charge  of  New-Hampfhire 
to  whom  it  properly  belonged  ;  that  the 
whole  expence  of  the  repairs  did  not  a- 
mount  to  what  feveral  of  their  towns  fingly 
paid  toward  the  fupport  of  the  war  for 
one  year;  that  all  the  trade  and  navigati- 
on of  the  river,  on  both  fides,  paid  a  du- 
ty toward  maintaining  that  fortrefs ;  and 
that  they  had  been  at  great  expence  in  pro- 
tecting the  frontiers  of  New-Hampfhire, 
and  the  parties  who  were  employed  in 
getting  timber  and  malls  for  her  majefty's 
fervice ;  while  New-Hampfhire  had  never 
contributed  any  thing  to  the  fupport  of  the 
garrifons,  forces  and  guards  by  fea,  which 
were  of  equal  benefit  to  them  as  to  Mafla- 
chufetts. One  thing  which  made  New- 
Hampfhire  more  in  favour  with  the  queen 
was,  that  they  had  fettled  a  falary  on  her 
governor,  which  the  others  never  could 
be  perfuaded  to  do.     The  repairs  of  the 

fort, 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE.  337 

fort,   however,    went    on   without  their     1705. 
afliftance,   under    the   direction   of  Col.     v^v^- 
Romer;  and  when  they  were  completed, 
a  petition  was  fent  home  for  a  fupply  of 
cannon,  ammunition  and  {lores. 

The  next  fummer  was  chiefly  fpent  in 
negotiating  an  exchange  of  prifoners;  and 
Dudley  had  the  addrefs  to  protract  the  ne- 
gotiation, under  pretence  of  confulting 
with  the  other  governments  about  a  neu- 
trality propofed  by  the  governor  of  Cana- 
da, by  which  means  the  frontiers  in  ge- 
neral were  kept  tolerably  quiet,  although 
the  enemy  appeared  once  or  twice  in  the 
town  of  Kittery.  The  line  of  pickets  * 
which  incloied  the  town  of  Portsmouth 
was  repaired,  and  a  nightly  patrole  efta- 
blifhed  on  the  feafhore,  from  Rendezvous 
Point  to  the  bounds  of  Hampton,  to  pre- 
vent any  furprize  by  fea;  the  coaft  being 
at  this  time  infefted  by  the  enemy's  pri- 
vateers. 

During  this  truce,  the  inhabitants  of 
Kingfton  who  had  left  the  place,  were  en- 
couraged to  petition  for  leave  to  return  to 
their  lands ;  which  the  court  granted  on 
condition  that  they  mould  build  a  fort  in 
the  center  of  the  town,  lay  out  a  parfon- 
Z  age 

•  This  line  extended  from  the  mill-pond  on  the  foiith,  to  the 
creek  on  the  north  fide  of  the  town.  It  crollld  the  main  (beet  a 
lew  rods  wcrtwardof  the  fpot  where  the  State  Honfc  now  Hands. 


32$  HISTORY    OF 

1 705.     age  and  fettle  a  minifter  within  three  years. 

y-^>rsJ     This  laft  condition  was  rendered  imprac- 
ticable by  the  renewal  of  hoftilities. 

The  governor  of  Canada  had  encourag- 
ed the  Indians  who  inhabited  the  borders 
of  New-England  to  remove  to  Canada, 
where  being  incorporated  with  the  tribe 
of  St.  Francis,  they  have  ever  fince  re- 
mained. By  this  policy  they  became  more 
firmly  attached  to  the  intereft  of  the  French, 
and  were  more  eafily  difpatched  on  their 
bloody  bufinefs  to  the  frontiers  of  New- 
England,  with  which  they  were  well  ac- 
quainted. Dudley,  who  was  generally 
apprized  of  their  movements,  and  kept  a 
vigilant  eye  upon  them,apprehended  a  rup- 
ture in  the  winter ;  and  gave  orders  for  a  cir- 
cular fcouting  march,  once  a  month,  round 
the  head  of  the  towns  from  Kingfton  to  Sal- 

1706.  m0H  ^a^s  J  but  the  enemy  did  not  appear 
till  April ;  when  a  fmall  party  of  them 
attacked  the  houfe  of  John  Drew  at  Oyfter 
river,  where  they  killed  eight  and  wound- 
ed two.  The  garrifon  was  near,  but  not 
a  man  in  it :  the  women,  however,  feeing 
nothing  but  death  before  them,  fired  an 
alarm,  and  then  putting  on  hats,  and 
loofening  their  hair  that  they  might  ap- 
pear like  men,  they  fired  fo  brifkly  that 
the  enemy,  apprehending  the  people  were 

alarmed, 


\^~*~u 


to  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE.  339 

alarmed,  fled  without  burning  or  even  1706. 
plundering  the  houfe  which  they  had  at-  ^~^- 
tacked.  John  Wheeler,  meeting  this  par- 
ty and  mittaking  them  for  friendly  Indians, 
unhappily  fell  into  their  hands  and  was 
killed  with  his  wife  and  two  children. 
Four  of  his  fons  took  refuge  in  a  cave  by 
the  bank  of  the  Little  Bay,  and  though 
purfued  by  the  Indians  cfcaped  unhurt. 

In  July  Colonel  Schuyler  from  Albany 
gave  notice  to  Dudley  that  two  hundred 
and  feventy  of  the  enemy  were  on  their 
march  toward  Pafcataqua,  of  which  he  im- 
mediately informed  the  people,  and  or- 
dered them  to  dole  garrifon,  and  one  halt 
of  the  militia  to  be  ready  at  a  minute's 
warning.  The  firft  appearance  of  this 
body  of  the  enemy  was  at  Dunfiable  ; 
from  whence  they  proceeded  to  Amefoury 
and  Kingfton,  where  they  killed  fome  cat- 
tle. Hilton  with  lixty  four  men  march- 
ed from  Exeter ;  but  was  obliged  to  re- 
turn without  meeting  the  enemy.  The 
reafon  he  gave  to  the  council  for  return- 
ing fo  foon  was  the  want  of  provifion, 
there  being  none  in  readinefs  at  the  gar- 
rifons,  notwithstanding  a  law  lately  enact- 
ed, enjoining  it  on  every  town  to  have 
ftores  ready  and  depofited  in  the  hands  of 
their  captains.  For  the  fame  reafon  he  had 
Z.  a  been 


340  HISTORY    OF 

1 706.  been  obliged  to  difcontinue  a  fmall  fcout 
^vn/  which  he  had  for  fome  time  kept  up. 
Hilton  was  fo  brave  and  active  an  officer 
that  the  enemy  had  marked  him  for  de- 
ftruction ;  and  for  this  purpofe  a  party  of 
them  kept  lurking  about  his  houfe,  where 
they  obferved  ten  men  to  go  out  one  morn- 
ing with  their  fcythes,  and  lay  afide  their 
arms  to  mow  ;  they  then  crept  between 
the  men  and  their  guns,  and  fuddenly 
rufhing  on  them,  killed  four,  wounded  one, 
and  took  three ;  two  only  of  the  whole 
number  efcaped.  They  miffed  the  major 
for  this  time,  and  two  of  their  prifoners 
efcaped  ;  but  fuffered  much  in  their  re- 
turn, having  nothing  to  fubfift  on  for  three 
weeks  but  lily  roots  and  the  rinds  of  trees. 

Auguti  10.  After  this  they  killed  William  Pearl  and 
took  Nathaniel  Tibbets  at  Dover.  It 
was  obferved  during  this  war  that  the  ene- 
my did  more  damage  in  fmall  bodies  than 
in  larger,  and  by  fcattering  along  the 
frontiers  kept  the  people  in  continual  ap- 
prehenfion  and  alarm ;  and  fo  very  few  of 
them  fell  into  our  hands,  that  in  comput- 
ing the  expence  of  the  war  it  was  judged 

penhaiiow     that  every  Indian  killed  or  taken  coft  the 

v'  4°'  country  a  thouland  pounds. 

In  the  following  winter  Hilton  made 
another  excurfion  to  the  eaftward,  and  a 

fhallop 


1707. 


V*-V>J 


Jan.  sr. 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE.  341 

fhallop  was  fent  to  Cafco  with  ftores  and  1707* 
provifions  for  his  party,  confiding  of  two 
hundred  and  twenty  men.  The  winter 
being  mild,  and  the  weather  unfettled,  pre- 
vented their  marching  fo  far  as  they  in- 
tended :  cold  dry  weather  and  deep  fnow 
being  mod  favourable  to  winter  expediti- 
ons. However  they  came  on  an  Indian 
track  near  Black  Point,  and  purfuing  it, 
killed  four,  and  took  a  fquaw  who  con- 
ducted them  to  a  party  of  eighteen,  whom 
they  furprized  as  they  lay  afleep  on  a  neck 
of  land  at  break  of  day,  and  of  whom  they 
killed  feventeen  and  took  the  other.  This 
was  matter  of  triumph  confideringthe  dif- 
ficulty of  finding  their  haunts.  It  was 
remarked  that  on  the  very  morning  that 
this  affair  happened  it  was  reported,  with 
but  little  variation  from  the  truth,  at  Portf- 
mouth  though  at  the  diftance  of  fixty  miles. 
When  Church  went  to  Nova-Scotia  he 
very  earneftly  folicited  leave  to  make  an 
attempt  on  Port  Royal ;  but  Dudley  would 
not  confent,  and  the  reafon  he  gave  was, 
that  he  had  written  to  the  miniitry  in 
England  and  expe&ed  orders  and  naval 
help  to  reduce  the  place.  His  enemies 
however  affigned  another  reafon  for  his 
refufal ;  which  was  that  a  clandeftine  trade 
was  carried  on  by  his  connivance,  and  to  his 

emolument 


34* 


HISTORY     OF 


1 707.     emolument,  with  the  French  there.  This 

^^^       report  gained  credit  and  occafioned  a  loud 

call  for  juftice.     Thofe  who  were  directly 

Hutch.         concerned  in  the  illegal  traffick  were  pro- 

Maffa.         fecuted  and  fined;  and  the  governor  fuf- 

p.°u4.         fered  much  in  his  reputation.     To  wipe 

off  thefe  afperfions  he  now  determined  to 

make  an  attack  in  earned  on  Port  Royal, 

even   though  no  amftance  mould  come 

from  England.     It  was   intended  that  an 

armament  mould  be    fent   to  America, 

and  the   commander  was  appointed ;  but 

the  ftate  of  affairs  in  Europe  prevented 

their  coming. 

Early  in  the  fpring  the  governor  appli- 
ed to  the  affemblies  of  both  his  provinces, 
and  to  the  colonies  of  Rhode  Ifland  and 
Connecticut,  requefting  them  to  raife  one 
thoufand  men  for  the  expedition.  Con- 
necticut declined ;  but  the  other  three  raif- 
ed  the  whole  number,  who  were  difpofed 
into  two  regiments,  of  which  Colonel 
Wainwright  commanded  the  one,  and 
Colonel  Hilton  the  other.  They  embark- 
May  13-  ed  at  Nantafket  in  twenty  three  tranfports 
furnifhed  with  whaleboats,under  convoy  of 
the  Deptford  man  of  war,  Capt.  Stuckley, 
and  the  province  galley,  Captain  Southack. 
The  chief  command  was  given  to  Colonel 
March,  who  had  behaved  well  in  feveral 

fcouts 


Penliallow 
p.  41. 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE.  343 

fcouts  and  rencounters  with  the  Indians,  1707. 
but  had  never  been  tried  in  fuch  fervice  as  ihjri! 
this.  They  arrived  before  Port  Royal  in 
a  few  days,  and  after  burning  fome  houfes, 
killing  fome  cattle  round  the  fort,  and 
making  fome  ineffectual  attempts  to  bom- 
bard it,  ajealoufy  and  difagreement  among 
the  officers,  and  a  mifapprehenfion  of  the 
ftate  of  the  fort  and  garrifon,  caufed  the 
army  to  break  up  and  reimbark  in  a  dif-  £je7. 
orderly  manner.  Some  of  the  officers 
went  to  Bofton  for  orders,  fome  of  the 
tranfports  put  in  at  Cafco;  a  (loop  with 
Captain  Chefley's  company  of  fixty  men 
arrived  at  Portfmouth:  Chefley  fuffered  J"ncI 
his  men  to  difperfe,  but  ordered  them  to 
return  at  the  beat  of  the  drum :  Being  call- 
ed to  account  for  this  conduct  he  alledged 
that  "  general  orders  were  given  at  Port 
"  Royal  for  every  man  to  make  the  beft 
"  of  his  way  home."  The  governor, 
highly  chagrined  and  very  angry,  fent 
orders  from  Bofton  that  if  any  more  veffels 
arrived  the  men  mould  not  be  permitted 
to  come  on  fhore  "  on  pain  of  death." 
After  a  while  he  ordered  Chefley's  com- 
pany to  be  collected  and  reimbarked, 
offering  a  pardon  to  thofe  who  voluntari- 
ly returned,  the  reft  to  be  feverely  punifhed. 
By  the  latter  end  of  July  they  got  on  board, 

and 


Council 
Records. 


344  HISTORY    OF 

1707.  and  with  the  reft  of  the  army,  returned  to 
^^  the  place  of  action.  At  the  landing,  an 
ambufcade  of  Indians  from  among  the 
fedge  on  the  top  of  a  fea-wall,  greatly  an- 
noyed the  troops.  Major  Walton  and 
Captain  Chefley,  being  then  on  more  with 
the  New-Hampfhire  companies,  pufhed 
their  men  up  the  beach,  flanked  the  ene- 
my, and  after  an  obftinate  ftruggle  put 
them  to  flight.  The  command  was  now 
given  to  Wainwright,  and  the  army  put 
under  the  direction  of  three  fupervifors; 
but  no  means  could  infpire  that  union, 
firmnefs  and  fkill  which  were  neceffary. 
By  the  laft  of  Auguft  the  whole  affair  was 
at  an  end,  and  the  army  returned  fickly, 
fatigued,  disheartened,  and  aftia-med;  but 
with  no  greater  lofs  than  fixteen  killed 
and  as  many  wounded, 

While  this  unfortunate  expedition  was 
in  hand,  the  frontiers  were  kept  in  con- 
May  ii.       tinual  alarm.     Two  men  were  taken  from 
juiy  8.        Oyfter  river,  and  two  more  killed  as  they 
were  driving  a  team  between  that  place  and 
Dover.  Captain  Sumerfbypurfued  with  his 
troop  and  recovered  the  contents  of  the 
cart.  Stephen  and  Jacob  Gilman,  brothers, 
were  ambufhed  between  Exeter  and  King- 
?enba  ow    flon .  ^-j.  horfes  were  killed,  but  both 

of 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE.  345 

of  them  efcaped  to  the  garrifon.     King-     1707. 
fton,  being  a  new  plantation,  was  much 
expofed,  and  was  this  fummer  weakened 
by  the  defertion  of  eight  men.     The  re- 
maining inhabitants  complained  to   go- 
vernment,   who  ordered  the  captains  of 
Exeter  and  Hampton  to  take  them  up  as. 
deferters,  and  oblige  them  to  return  to  the 
defence  of  their  fettlements,  or  do  duty  at 
the  fort  during  the  governor's  pleafure. 
They  were  afterward  bound  over  to  the    Council 
fefiions  for  contempt  of  orders.     The  ftate    Rec- 
of  the  country  at  this  time  was  truly  dif- 
treifed ;  a  large  quota  of  their  beft  men 
were  abroad,  the  reft  harraiTed  by  the  ene- 
my at  home,  obliged  to  continual  duty  in 
garrifons  and  in  lcouts,  and  fubjedt  to  fe- 
vere  difcipline  for  neglects.     They  earned 
their  bread  at  the  continual  hazard  of  their 
lives,  never  daring  to  ftir  abroad  unarmed; 
they  could  till  no  lands  but  what  were 
within  call  of  the  garrifoned  houfes,  into 
which  their  families  were  crouded;  their 
hufbandry,  lumber-trade  and  fifhery  were 
declining,    their    taxes    increafmg,    their 
apprehenfions  both  from  the  force  of  the 
enemy  and  the  failure  of  the  Port  Royal  ex- 
pedition were  exceedingly  difmal,  and  there 
was  no  profpedt  of  an  end  to  the  war,in  which 
they  were  now  advanced  to  the  fifth  fum- 
mer. 


346  HISTORYOF 

1707.     mer.     Yet  under  all  thefe  diftrefles  and 


V-x>r>J 


17- 


difcouragements,  they  refolutely  kept  their 
ground  and  maintained  their  garrifons,  not 
one  of  which  was  cut  off  during  the  whole 
of  this  war,  within  the  limits  of  New- 
Hampfhire. 
septem.ij.  in  September  one  man  was  killed  at 
Exeter,  and  two  days  after  Henry  Elkins 
at  Kingdom  But  the  fevereft  blow  on  the 
frontiers  happened  at  Oyfter  river,  a  place 
which  fuffered  more  than  all  the  reft. 
A  party  of  French  Mohawks  painted  red, 
attacked  with  an  hideous  yell  a  company 
who  were  in  the  woods,  fome  hewing  tim- 
ber and  others  driving  a  team,  under  the 
direction  of  Captain  Chefley  who  was  juft 
returned  the  fecond  time  from  Port  Royal. 
At  the  firft  fire  they  killed  feven  and  mor- 
tally wounded  another.  Chefley,  with 
the  few  who  were  left,  fired  on  the  enemy 
with  great  vigour,  and  for  fome  time  check- 
ed their  ardor ;  but  being  overpowered,  he 
at  length  fell.  He  was  much  lamented, 
being  a  brave  officer.  Three  of  the  fcalps 
taken  at  this  time  were  foon  after  reco- 
vered at  Berwick. 
1708.  The  next  year  a  large  army  from  Ca- 
nada was  deftined  againft  the  frontiers  of 
New-England.  Dudley  received  infor- 
mation of  it  in  the  ufual  route  from  Al- 
bany, 


\_^rsj 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE.  347 

bany,  and  immediately  ordered  guards  in 
the  moft  expofed  places  of  both  his  pro- 
vinces. A  troop  under  Captain  Robert 
Coffin  patroled  from  Kingfton  to  Coche- 
cho,  and  fcouts  were  kept  out  continually. 
Spy-boats  were  alfo  kept  out  at  fea  be- 
tween Pafcataqua  and  Winter  harbours. 
Four  hundred  MalTachufetts  foldiers  were 
ported  in  this  province.  The  towns  were 
ordered  to  provide  ammunition,  and  all 
things  were  in  as  good  a  ftate  of  prepara- 
tion as  could  be  expected.  At  length  the 
ik>rm  fell  on  Haverhill ;  but  the  enemy's  Aug.  29. 
force  having  been  diminifhed  by  various 
accidents,  they  proceeded  no  farther,  and 
every  part  of  New-Hampfhire  was  quiet. 
Hilton  made  another  winter  march  to  Pier-    renhaiiow 

aZ    a% 

wacket  with  one  hundred  and  feventy  men, 
but  made  no  difcovery. 

The  next  fpring  William  Moody,  Sa-  1 709. 
muel  Stevens,  and  two  fons  of  Jeremy 
Gilman  were  taken  at  Pickpocket-mill  in 
Exeter,  and  foon  after  Bartholomew  Ste- 
venfon  was  killed  at  Oyfter  river.  Colo- 
nel Hilton  and  Captain  Davis  performed 
their  ufual  tour  of  duty  in  fcouting,  and 
the  people  this  fummer  kept  clofe  in 
garrifon,  on  a  report  that  two  hundred  In- 
dians had  marched  againft  them  from 
Montreal.     But  the  principal  object  now 

in 


May  5. 


June  30. 


343  HISTORY     OF 

1 709.  in  view  was  a  defire  of  wiping  off  the  dif- 
^^^  grace  of  a  former  year  by  an  attempt,  not 
on  Port  Royal,  but  on  Canada  itfelf.  For 
this  purpofe  folicitations  had  been  made 
in  England  by  Francis  Nicholfon,  Efq. 
who  had  been  lieutenant-governor  of  Vir- 
ginia, and  Captain  Samuel  Vetch  a  trader 
to  Nova-Scotia,  who  was  well  acquainted 
with  the  French  fettlements  there,  and 
made  a  full  reprefentation  of  the  ftate  of 
things  in  America  to  the  Britifh  miniftry. 
An  expedition  being  determined  upon  they 
came  over  early  in  the  fpring  with  the 
queen's  command  to  the  governors  of  the 
feveral  provinces  to  raife  men  for  the  fer- 
vice.  Vetch  was  appointed  a  colonel,  and 
Nicholfon,  by  nomination  of  the  governor 
of  New- York,  and  confent  of  the  other 
governments,  was  made  commander  in 
chief.  The  people  of  New-Hampfhire 
were  fo  much  exhaufted,  and  their  men 
had  been  fo  ill  paid  before,  that  it  was 
with  great  difficulty,  and  not  without  the 
diflblution  of  one  affembly  and  the  calling 
of  another,  that  they  could  raife  money 
to  levy  one  hundred  men  and  procure  two 
tranfports  for  conveying  them.  After  the 
utmoft  exertions  had  been  made  by  the  fe- 
veral governments,  and  Nicholfon  with 
part  of  the  troops  had  marched  to  Wood 

creek, 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE. 

creek,  and  the  reft  with  the  transports 
had  lain  at  Nantaiket  three  months  wait- 
ing for  a  fleet,  news  arrived  that  the  ar- 
mament promifed  from  England  was  di- 
verted to  another  quarter.  Upon  which 
the  commander  of  the  frigates  on  the  Bof- 
ton  ftation  refufed  to  convoy  the  troops, 
the  whole  army  was  difbanded,  and  the 
expence  the  colonies  had  been  at  was  fruit- 
lefs.  A  congrefs  of  governors  and  dele- 
gates from  the  aflemblies  met  in  the  fall 
at  Rhode-Ifland,  who  recommended  the 
fending  home  agents  to  affift  Colonel  Ni- 
cholfon  in  reprefenting  the  ftate  of  the 
country,and  foliciting  an  expedition  againft 
Canada  the  next  fpring.  The  miniftry  at 
firft  Teemed  to  liften  to  this  propofal,  bat 
afterward  changed  their  minds,  and  re- 
folved  only  on  the  reduction  of  Port  Royal. 
For  this  purpoie  Nicholfon  came  over  in 
July  with  five  frigates  and  a  bomb  ketch  ; 
the  colonies  then  had  to  raife  their  quotas  ; 
theNew-Hampfhire  aflembly  ordered  one 
hundred  men,  who  were  got  ready  as  foon 
as  pofhble,  and  put  under  the  command 
of  Colonel  Shadrach  Walton.  The  whole 
armament  failed  from  Bofton  the  eigh- 
teenth of  September,  and  on  the  twenty- 
fourth  arrived  at  the  place.  The  force 
now  being  equal  to  its  reduction,  Suber- 

cafe, 


349 

1709. 


I  710. 


Au2llft.   I, 


350  HISTORY    OF 

1 7 1  o.     cafe,  the  governor,  waited  only  the  com- 
^^      pliment  of  a  few  mot  and  fhells  as  a  decent 
pretence  for  a  furrender  j  which  was  com- 
pleted on  the  fifth  of  October,  and  Vetch 
was  appointed  governor  of  the  place  which 
fon  and       in  honor  of  the  queen  was  called  Anna- 

Penhallow  ■• 

pons. 

While  this  expedition  was  in  hand,  and 
before  the  appointment  of  the  command- 
ers, New-Hampfhire  fuftained  an  heavy 
lofs  in  the  death  of  Col.  Winthrop  Hilton. 
This  worthy  officer  being  concerned  in  the 

July  23.  mailing  bufinefs,  and  having  feveral  large 
trees  felled  about  fourteen  miles  from 
home,  went  out  with  a  party  to  peel  the 
bark  that  the  wood  might  not  be  injured 
by  worms.  While  engaged  in  this  bufinefs 
they  were  ambufhedby  a  party  of  Indians, 
who  at  the  firft  fire  killed  Hilton  with  two 
more,  and  took  two;  the  reft  being  terri- 
fied, and  their  guns  being  wet,  made  no 
oppofition,  but  efcaped.  The  next  day 
one  hundred  men  marched  in  purfuit  but 
difcovered  only  the  mangled  bodies  of  the 
dead.  The  enemy  in  their  barbarous  tri- 
umph had  {truck  their  hatchets  into  the 
colonel's  brains,  and  left  a  lance  in  his 
heart.  He  was  a  gentleman  "  of  good 
"  temper,  courage  and  conduct,  refpected 

P.  j8.  c       "  and  lamented  by  all  that  knew  him," 

and 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE.  351 

and  was  buried  with  the  honours  due  to     17 10. 
his  rank  and  character.  v^yn./ 

Flufhed  with  this  fuccefs,  they  infolent- 
ly  appeared  in  the  open  road  at  Exeter,  and 
took  four  children  who  were  at  their  play. 
They  alio  took  John  Wedgwood,  and  killed 
JohnMagoon  near  his  brothers  barn,a  place 
which  for  three  days  he  had  vifited  with  a 
melancholy  apprehenfion  arifing  from  a 
dream  that  he  ihould  there  be  murdered. 

The  fame  day  that  Hilton  was  killed, 
a  company  of  Indians  who  had  pretended 
friendfhip,  who  the  year  before  had  been 
peaceably  converfant  with  the  inhabitants 
of  Kingfton,  and  feemed  to  be  thirfting 
after  the  blood  of  the  enemy,  came  into 
the  town,  and  ambufhing  the  road,  killed 
Samuel  Window  and  Samuel  Huntoon; 
they  alfo  took  Philip  Huntoon  and  Jacob  Ms  x  c.tcr 
Gilman,    and    carried   them   to   Canada;    °fward 

.  '       Clark  to 

where,   after  fome  time,  they  purchafed    Prince, 
their  own  redemption  by  building  a  faw- 
mill  for  the  governor  after  the  Engiifli 
mode. 

The  lad  that  fell  this  fummer  was  Ja- 
cob Garland,  who  was  killed  at  Cochecho 
on  his  return  from  the  public  worfhip. 
As  the  winter  approached,  Colonel  Walton 
with  one  hundred  and  feventy  men  travarf- 
ed  the  eaftern  Ihores,  which  the  Indians 

ufually 


352  H  I  S  T  O  R  Y    O  F 

1 710.  ufually  vifited  at  this  feafon  for  the  pur- 
<sv>J  pofe  of  gathering  clams.  On  an  Ifland 
where  the  party  was  encamped,  feveral 
Indians  decoyed  by  their  fmoke,  and  mif- 
taking  them  for  fome  of  their  own  tribe, 
came  among  them  and  were  made  prifo- 
ners.  One  of  them  was  a  fachem  of  Nor- 
ridgwog,  active,  bold  and  fullen;  when 
he  found  himfelf  in  the  ¥hands  of  ene- 
mies he  would  anfwer  none  of  their  quefti- 
ons,  and  laughed  with  fcorn  at  their 
threatening  him  with  death.  His  wife,  be- 
ing an  eye  witnefs  of  the  execution  of  the 
threatening,  was  fo  intimidated  as  to  make 
the  difcoveries  which  the  captors  had 
in  vain  defired  of  the  fachem;  in  confe- 
quence  of  which  three  were  taken  at  the 
placeof  which fhe  informed,  and  two  more 
at  Saco  river,  where  alfo  five  were  killed. 
This  fuccefs,  inconfiderable  as  it  may  ap- 
pear, kept  up  the  fpirits  of  the  people,  and 
added  to  the  lofs  of  the  enemy  who  were 
daily  diminifhing  by  ficknefs  and  famine. 
1  n  1 1 .  In  the  fpring  they  renewed  their  ra- 
<^^J  vages  on  the  frontiers  in  fmall  parties. 
Thomas  Downs,  John  Church,  and  three 
more  were  killed  at  Cochecho;  and  on  a 
fabbath  day  feveral  of  the  people  there  fell 
into  an  ambum  as  they  were  returning  from 
public  worfhip.  John  Horn  was  wound- 
ed, 


Penhallcnv 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE.  353 

ed,  and  Humphry  Fofs  was  taken ;  but,     1 7 1 1 . 
by  the  determined  bravery  of  Lieutenant      ^"^ 
Heard,  he  was  recovered  out  of  the  hands 
of  the  enemy.     Walton  with  two  compa- 
nies marched  to  the  ponds  about  the  fifh- 
ing  feaion ;  but  the  Indians  had  withdrawn, 
and  nothing  was  to  be  feen  but  their  de-    M 
ierted  wigwams. 

After  the  reduction  of  Port  Royal  Ni- 
chollbn  went  to  England  to  folicit  an  ex- 
pedition againft  Canada.  The  tory  mini- 
it  ry  of  Queen  Anne,  to  the  furprize  of  all 
the  whigs  in  England  and  America,  fell 
in  with  the  propofal;  and  on  the  eighth 
of  June  Nicholfon  came  to  Bofton  with 
orders  for  the  northern  colonies  to  get 
ready  their  quotas  of  men  and  provifion 
by  the  arrival  of  the  fleet  and  army  from 
Europe;  which  happened  within  iixteen 
days;  and  while  the  fcveral  governors 
were  holding  a  confultation  on  the  fubjecl: 
of  their  orders.  A  compliance  with  them 
in  {o  fhort  a  time  was  impoffible;  yet  eve- 
ry thing  that  could  be  done  was  done; 
the  nature  of  the  lervice  confpiring  with 
the  wifhes  of  the  people,  made  the  go- 
vernments exert  themfelves  to  the  utmoft. 
New-Hampihire  raifed  one  hundred  men, 
which  was  more  than  they  could  well 
fpare  ;  one  half  of  the  militia  being  con- 
A  a  tinually 


354 


HISTORY     OF 


17X1.  tinually  employed  in  guarding  the  fron- 
^^^^  tiers.  They  alfo  voted  them  fubfiftence 
for  one  hundred  and  twenty  fix  days,  be- 
fides  providing  for  them  on  fhore  before 
their  embarkation.  Two  tranfports  were 
taken  up  at  eight  millings  per  month  per 
ton  ;  and  artillery  ftores  were  iflued  from 
the  fort.  The  colony  forces  formed  two 
regiments  under  the  command  of  Vetch 
and  Walton.  The  army  which  came  from 
England  were  feven  veteran  regiments  of 
the  Duke  of  Marlborough's  army,  and  a 
battalion  of  marines,  under  the  command 
of  Brigadier-General  Hill,  which,  joined 
with  the  New-England  troops  made  a  bo- 
dy of  about  fix  thoufand  five  hundred  men, 
provided  with  a  fine  train  of  artillery. 
The  fleet  confifted  of  fifteen  fhips  of  war 
from  eighty  to  thirty-fix  guns,  with  forty 
Fer.iiaiiow  tranfports  and  fix  ftorefhips  under  the  com- 
Huich.voi.  mand  of  Admiral  Walker.  A  force  fully 
2"  p- 19°'     equal  to  the  reduction  of  Quebec. 

The  fleet  failed  from  Bofton  on  the 
thirtieth  of  July  ;  and  a  fart  was  ordered 
by  Dudley  to  be  kept  on  the  laft  Thurs- 
day of  that,  and  each  fucceeding  month, 
till  the  enterprize  fhould  be  finifhed.  This 
was  an  imitation  of  the  conduct  of  the  long 
parliament  during  the  civil  wars  in  the 
laft  century.      But  the  fanguine  hopes  of 

fuccefs 


Coun.Rec. 


N  E  W-H  AMPSH1RE.  ^55 

fuccefs  which  had  been  entertained  by  the  171 1, 
nation  and  the  colonies  were  all  blafted  in 
one  fatal  night.  For,  the  fleet  having  ad- 
vanced ten  leagues  into  the  river  St.  Law- 
rence, in  the  night  of  the  twenty  third  of 
Auguft,  the  weather  being  thick  and  dark, 
eight  tranfports  were  wrecked  on  Egg- 
Ifland  near  the  north  ihore,  and  one  thou- 
fand  people  perifhed;  among  whom  there 
was  but  one  man  who  belonged  to  New- 
England.  The  next  day  the  fleet  put  back, 
and  were  eight  days  beating  down  the  ri- 
ver againft  an  eafterly  wind  which  would 
in  two  days  have  carried  them  to  Quebec. 
After  rendezvoufing  at  Spanifh  river  in 
the  ifland  of  Cape  Breton,  and  holding  a 
fruitleis  consultation  about  annoying  the 
French  at  Placcntia,  the  expedition  was 
broken  up :  the  fleet  returned  to  England, 
and  the  New-England  troops  to  their 
homes.  Loud  complaints  and  heavy  charges 
were  made  on  this  occafion ;  the  ignorance 
of  the  pilots  ;  the  obftinacy  of  the  admi- 
ral ;  the  detention  of  the  fleet  at  Bofton  ; 
its  late  arrival  there ;  the  want  of  feafon- 
able  orders ;  and  the  fecret  intentions  of  Hummer's 
the  miniftry,  were  all  fubje&s  of  bitter  al-  letter  to  a 
tercation  :  but  the  mifcarriage  was  never 
regularly  enquired  into,  and  the  voyage 
was  finally  fettled  by  the  blowing  up  of  oaob,  9. 
A  a  2  the 


171 1. 

I712. 


356  HISTORY    OF 

the  admiral's  fhip,with  moftof  his  papers, 
and  four  hundred  feamen,  at  Spithead. 

The  failure  of  this  expedition  encou- 
raged the  Indians  to  harrafs  the  frontiers 
as  foon  as  the  feafon  would  permit.  In 
April  one  Cunningham  was  killed  at  Ex- 
eter ;  Enlign  Tuttle  at  Dover,  and  Jere- 
my Crommet  at  Oyfter  river;  on  one  of  the 
upper  branches  of  this  ftream  the  enemy 
burned  a  faw-mill  with  a  large  quantity 
of  boards.  A  fcouting  party  who  went 
up  the  river  Merrimack  had  the  good  for- 
tune to  furprize  and  kill  eight  Indians  and 
recover  a  confiderable  quantity  of  plunder, 
without  the  lofs  of  a  man.  The  frontiers 
were  well  guarded;  one  half  of  the  mili- 
tia did  duty  at  the  garrifons  and  were 
ready  to  march  at  a  minute's  warning;  a 
fcout  of  forty  men  kept  ranging  on  the 
heads  of  the  towns,  and  the  like  care  was 
taken  by  fea,  fpy-boats  being  employed 
in  coafting  from  Cape  Neddock  to  the 
Great  Boar's-head.  Notwithstanding  this 
vigilance,  fmall  parties  of  the  enemy  were 
frequently  feen.  Stephen  Gilman  and 
Ebenezer  Stevens  were  wounded  at  King- 
fton,  the  former  was  taken  and  put  to 
June  3.  death,  In  July  an  ambufh  was  difcover- 
ed  at  Dover,  but  the  enemy  efcaped ;  and 
while  a  party  was  gone  in  purfuit  of  them, 

two 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRL 

two  children  of  John  Waldron  were  tak- 
en, and  for  want  of  time  to  fcalp  them, 
their  heads  were  cut  off.  There  being  no 
man  at  that  time  in  Heard's  garrifon,  a 
woman  named  Efther  Jones  mounted 
guard  and  with  a  commanding  voice  call- 
ed fo  loudly  and  refolutely  as  made  the 
enemy  think  there  was  help  at  hand,  and 
prevented  farther  mifchief. 

In  autumn  the  news  of  the  peace  of 
Utrecht  arrived  in  America;  and  on  the 
29th  of  October  the  fufpenlion  of  arms 
•was  proclaimed  at  Portfmouth.  The 
Indians  being  informed  of  this  event 
came  in  with  a  flag  of  truce  to  Captain 
Moody  at  Cafco,  and  defired  a  treaty; 
which  the  governor,  with  the  council  of 
each  province,  held  at  Portfmouth,  where 
the  chiefs  and  deputies  of  the  feveral  belli- 
gerent tribes,  by  a  formal  writing  under 
hand  and  feal,  acknowledged  their  perfidy, 
promifed  fidelity,  renewed  their  allegiance, 
fubmitted  to  the  laws,  and  begged  the 
queen's  pardon  for  their  former  mifcar- 
riages.  The  frequent  repetition  of  fuch 
engagements  and  as  frequent  violations  of 
them,  had  by  this  time  much  abated  the 
fenfe  of  obligation  on  the  one  part,  and  of 
confidence  on  the  other.  But  it  being  for 
the  intereft  of  both  parties  to  be  at  peace, 
the  event  was  peculiarly  welcome.         To 


357 
1712. 


I7I3- 

July  II. 


Pcnli-Jlow 
p.  71.  80. 


i7i4- 


S5S  HISTORY     OF 

1 71 3.  To  preferve  the  dependence  of  the  In- 
v^vnJ  dians,  and  to  prevent  all  occafions  of  com- 
plaint, private  traffic  withthejn  was  for- 
bidden and  truck  houfes  eftablifhed  at  the 
public  expence ;  and  the  next  fummer  a 
mip  was  fitted  out  by  both  provinces,  and 
fent  to  Quebec,  where  an  exchange  of 
prifoners  was  effected. 

During  the  whole  of  this  long  war,  Ufher 
behaved  as  a  faithful  fcrvant  of  the  crown; 
frequently  coming  into  the  province  by 
Dudley's  direction,  and  fometimes  rend- 
ing in  it  feveral  months,  enquiring  into 
the  ftate  of  the  frontiers  and  garrifons,  vi- 
fiting  them  in  perfon,  confulting  with  the 
officers  of  militia  about  the  proper  me- 
thods of  defence  and  protection,  and  of- 
fering his  fervice  on  all  occafions:  Yet 
his  auftere  and  ungracious  manners,  and 
the  Lntereft  he  had  in  Allen's  claim,  effec- 
tually prevented  him  from  acquiring  that 
popularity  which  he  feems  to  have  deferv- 
ed.  He  was  folicitous  to  fupport  the  dig- 
nity of  his  commiffion ;  but  could  never 
prevail  with  the  afiembly  to  fettle  a  falary 
upon  him.  The  council  generally  paid 
his  travelling  expences  by  a  draught  on 
the  treafury,  which  never  amounted  to 
more  than  five  pounds  for  each  journey, 
until  he  came  from   Bofton  to   proclaim 

the 


1 


N  E  W-H  A  M  P  S  H  I  R  E.  35() 

the  acceffion  of  King  George;  when  in  a      1714. 
fit  of  loyalty  and  good  humour  they  gave      v-nrv-' 
him  ten  pounds,  which  ferved  as  a  pre- 
cedent for  two  or  three  other  grants.  He 
often  complained,  and  fometimcs  in  harm 
and   reproachful  terms  of  their   neglect ; 
and  once  told  them  that  his  "  Negro  fer-    conn.Rcc. 
"  vants  were  much  better  accommodated 
"  in  his  houfe  than  the  queen's  governor 
"  was  in  the  queen's  fort." 

Dudley  had  the  good  fortune  to  be  more 
popular.  Belide  his  attention  to  the  ge- 
neral intereft  of  the  province  and  his  care 
for  its  defence,  he  had  the  particular  me- 
rit of  favouring  the  views  of  thofe  who 
were  mod  ftrongly  oppofed  to  Allen's 
claim;  and  they  made  him  amends  by 
promoting  in  the  affembly  addreffes  to 
the  queen,  defending  his  character,  when 
it  was  attacked  and  praying  for  his  conti- 
nuance in  office  when  petitions  were  pre- 
fented  for  his  removal.  One  of  thefe  ad- 
dreffes  was  in  one  thoufand  feven  hundred 
and  fix,  and  another  in  one  thoufand  feven 
hundred  and  feven,  in  both  which  they  re- 
prefent  him  as  a  "prudent,careful  and  faith- 
ful governor,"  and  fay  they  "are  perfectly 
"  fatisfied  with  his  difpofal  of  the  people,  and 
"  their  arms  and  the  public  money. "Addref- 
"  fes  to  the  crown  were  very  frequent  during 
this  female  reign.     Scarce  a  year  pafled 

without 


360  HISTORY     OF 

1 7 1 4.  without  one  or  two ;  they  either  congratu- 
V^VN~>     lated  her  majefty  on  her  victories  in  Europe, 

or  petitioned  for  arms  and  military  ftores 
for  thc'r  defence,  or  for  (hips  and  troops  to 
go  againft  Canada,  or  reprefented  their 
own  poverty  or  Dudley's  merits,  or  thanked 
her  majefty  for  her  care  and  protection, 
and  for  interpofing  in  the  affair  of  Allen's 
fuit  and  not  fuffering  it  to  be  decided 
R°ec.ncil  againft  them.  A  good  harmony  fubfifted 
between  the  governor  and  people,  and  be- 
tween the  two  branches  of  the  legiflature, 
during  the  whole  of  this  adminiftration. 

1 715.  On  the  acceflion  of  King  George  a 
change  was  expected  in  the  government, 
and  the  affembly  did  what  they  could  to 
prevent  it  by  petitioning  the  king  for  Dud- 
ley's continuance.  But  it  being  now  a 
time  of  peace,  and  a  number  of  valuable 
officers  who  had  ferved  with  reputation  in 
the  late  wars  being  out  of  employ ;  intereft 
was  made  for  their  obtaining  places  of  pro- 
fit under  the  crown.  Colonel  Elifeus  Bur- 
ges  who  had  ferved  under  General  Stan- 
hope was,  by  his  recommendation,  com-r 
miflioned  governor  of  Maffachufetts  and 
New-Hampfhire ;  and  by  the  fame  inte- 
reft George  VaughanEfq.  then  in  London, 
was  made  lieutenant  governor  of  the  latter 
province;  he  arrived  and  publifhed  his 
commiffion  on  the  thirteenth  of  October. 

Umer 


N  E  W-H  AMPSHIRE.  361 

Uffier  had  fome  fcruples  about  the  validity     1 715. 
of  it  as  he  had  formerly  had  of  Partridge's,     v-^^/ 
and  wrote  on  the  iiibject  to  the  afTembly, 
who  aflured  him  that  on  infpection  they 
had  found  Vaughan's  commiffion  "  ftrong 
"  and  authentic;"  and  that  his  own  was 

11  1  ■  1  11        TT  •  •         t  r     •  rr  Council 

"  null  and  void.  Upon  his  diimillion  andAf- 
from  office  he  retired  to  his  elegant  feat  at  iuL  * 
Medford,  where  he  fpent  the  reft  of  his 
days,  and  died  on  the  fifth  of  September 
1 726,  in  the  feventy-eighth  year  of  his  age. 
Burges  wrote  a  letter  to  the  afTembly  in 
July,  in  which  he  informed  them  of  his 
appointment,  and  of  his  intention  to  fail 
for  America  in  the  following  month.  But 
Sir  William  Afhurft,  with  Jeremy  Dum- 
mer  the  Maflachufetts  agent,  and  Jonathan 
Belcher,  then  in  London,  apprehending 
that  he  would  not  be  an  acceptable  perfon 
to  the  people  of  New-England,  prevailed 
with  him  for  the  confideration  of  one 
thoufand  pounds  fterling,  which  Dummer 
and  Belcher  generoufly  advanced,  to  refign 
his  commiffion ;  and  Colonel  Samuel  Shute 

Hutch. 

was  appointed  in  his  Head  to  the  command  vol.  n.  P. 
of  both  provinces.  He  arrived  in  New- 
Hampfhire  and  his  commiffion  was  pub- 
lilhed  the  feventeenth  of  October  171 6. 
Dudley  being  thus  fuperfeded,  retired  to 
his  family-feat  at  Roxbury,  where  he  died 
in  i720,inthefeventy-thirdyearofhisage. 

A  P  P  E  N-, 


APPENDIX. 


No.  I. 

Copy  cf  a  deed  from  four  Indian  fagamores  to  John  Wbtleiiirig-ht 
and  others.      i62g. 

WHEREAS  We  the  fagamores  of  Penaccok,  Petltuck- 
et,  Squomfquot  and  Nuchawanack  are  inclined  to  ha\c 
the  Enr^lim  inhabit  among  ft  us  as  they  are  amongit  our  coun- 
trymen in  the  Maffachufctts  Bay  ;  by  which  means  vye  hope  in 
time  to  be  ftrengthentd  againft  our  enemy  the  Tareteens  who 
yearly  doth  us  damage.  Likewife  being  perfuaded  that  it  will 
be  for  the  good  of  us  and  our  posterity,  &c.  To  that  end  have 
at  a  general  meeting  at  Squomfquot  on  Pifcattaqua  river,  We 
the  aforefaid  fagamores  with  a  univerfal  confentof  our  fubjects, 
do  covenant  and  agree  with  the  Englifli  as  followeth  : 

N  O  W  know  all  men  by  thefe  prefents  that  we  PafTacona- 
wavc  faqamoreof  Penecook,  Runnaawitt  fagamoreof  Pentuck- 
it,  Wahangnonawittt  fagamore  of  Squomfquot,  and  Rowls  fa- 
gamore  of  Nuchawanack,  for  a  competent  valuation  in  goods 
already  received  in  coats,  fhirts  and  kettles,  and  alio  for  the 
confiderations  aforefaid  do  according  to  the  limits  and  bounds 
hereafter  granted,  give,  grant,  bargain,  fell,  releafe,  ratify  and 
confirm  unto  John  Wheelwright  of  the  MaflTachufetts  Bay  late 
of  England,  a  minifter  of  the  gofpel,  Auguftine  Story,  Tho- 
mas Wite,  William  Wentworth*  and  Thomas  Lcvct,  all  of  the 
Maflachufetts  Bay  in  New- England,  to  them,  their  heirs  and 
afiicens  for  ever,  all  that  part  of  the  main  land  bounded  by  the 
river  of  Pifcattaqua  and  the  river  of  Meremak,  that  is  to  fav, 
to  begin  at  Nuchawanack  falls  in  Pifcattaqua  river  aforefaid, 
and  fo  down  faid  river  to  the  fea,  and  fo  alongil  the  fea  fliore 

to 

*  William  Wentworth  was  one  of  the  firft  fcttlers  at  Exeter,  and  after 
the  breaking  up  of  their  combination  for  government  lie  removed  to  Do- 
ver and  became  a  ruling  elder  in  the  church  there.  In  1689  he  was  re- 
markably instrumental  of  faving  Heard's  garrifon,  as  is  related  in  the 
proper  place.  After  this  he  officiated  for  fevcral  years  as  a  preacher  at 
Exeter  and  other  places,  and  died  in  a  very  advanced  age  at  Dover  in 
1697,  leaving  a  numerous  posterity.  From  him  the  feveral  Governors 
jsf  that  name  are  defcended.     He  was  a  very  ufeful  and  good  man. 


ii  APPENDIX. 

to  Merramack  river,  and  Co  up  along  faid  river  to  the  falls  at 
Pantuck.it  aforefaid,  and  from  faid  Pantucket  falls  upon  a 
north-weft  line  twenty  Englifh  miles  into  the  woods  and  from 
thence  to  run  upon  a  ftreight  line  north-eaft  and  fouth-weft  till 
meet  with  the  main  rivers  that  runs  down  to  Pantuckett  falls 
and  Nuchawanack  falls,  and  the  faid  rivers  to  be  the  bounds  of 
the  faid  lands  from  the  thwart  line  or  head  line  to  the  aforefaid 
fal's  and  the  main  chanell  of  each  river  from  Pentuckitt  and 
Nuhawanack  falls  to  the  maine  fea  to  be  the  fide  bounds  and  the 
main  fea  between  Pifcattaqua  river  and  Meramack  river  to  be 
the  lower  bounds,  and  the  thwart  or  head  line  that  runs  from 
river  to  river  to  be  the  upper  bounds ;  together  with  all  iflands 
within  faid  bounds,  as  alfo  the  Ifles  of  Shoals  fo  called  by  the 
Englifh,  together  with  all  profits,  advantages  and  appurtenan- 
ces whatfoever  to  the  faid  tra£t  of  land  belonging  or  in  any 
wife  appertaining,  referving  to  our  felves  liberty  of  making  ufe 
of  our  old  planting  land,  as  alfo  free  liberty  of  hunting,  fifh- 
ing  and  fowling  ;  and  it  is  likewife  with  thefe  provifoes  follow- 
ing, viz.  Firft,  the  faid  John  Wheelwright  fiiall  within  ten 
years  after  the  date  hereof  fet  down  with  a  company  of  Eng- 
lifh and  begin  a  plantation  at  Squomfquott  falls  in  Pifcattaque 
river  aforefaid.  Secondly,  That  what  other  inhabitants  fhall 
come  and  live  on  faid  traft  of  land  amongft  them  from  time  to 
time  and  at  all  times  fhall  have  and  enjoy  the  fame  benefits  as 
the  faid  Wheelwright  aforefaid.  Thirdly,  That  if  at  any 
time  there  be  a  number  of  people  amongft  them  that  have  a 
mind  to  begin  a  new  plantation,  that  they  be  encouraged  fo  to 
do,  and  that  no  plantation  exceed  in  lands  above  ten  Englifh 
miles  fquare  or  fuch  a  proportion  as  amounts  to  ten  miles 
fquare.  Fourthly,  That  the  aforefaid  granted  lands  are  to  be 
divided  into  townfhips  as  people  increafe  and  appear  to  inha- 
bit them,  and  that  no  lands  fhall  be  granted  to  any  particular 
perfons  but  what  fhall  be  for  a  townfhip,  and  what  lands  with- 
in a  townfhip  is  granted  to  any  particular  perfons  to  be  by  vote 
of  the  major  part  of  the  inhabitants  legally  and  orderly  fettled 
in  faid  townfhip.  Fifthly,  For  managing  and  regulating  and 
to  avoid  contentions  amongft  them,  they  are  to  be  under  the 
government  of  the  colony  of  the  Maffachufetts  their  neighbours 
and  to  obferve  their  laws  and  orders  until  they  have  a  fettled 
government  amongft  themfelves.  Sixthly,  We  the  aforefaid 
fagamores  and  our  fubjefts  are  to  have  free  liberty  within  the 
aforefaid  granted  tract  of  land  of  fifhing,  fowling,  hunting  and 
planting,  ccc.  Seventhly  and  laftly,  Every  townfhip  within 
the  aforefaid  limits  or  tradf.  of  land  that  hereafter  fhall  be  fet- 
tled fhall  pay  to  Paffaconaway  our  chief  fagamore  that  now  is 

and 


APPENDIX.  ill 

and  to  his  fucceflbrs  forever,  if  lawfully  demanded,  one  coat  of 
trucking  cloth  a  year,  and  every  year,  for  an  acknowledgment, 
and  alfo  (hall  pay  to  Mr.  John  Wheelwright  aforefaid  his  heirs 
and  fucceflbrs  forever,  if  lawfully  demanded,  two  bufhels  of  In- 
dian corn  a  year  for  and  in  coniideration  of  laid  Wheelwrights 
great  pains  and  care,  as  alfo  for  the  charges  he  hath  been  at  to 
obtain  this  our  tyrant  for  himfelf  and  thoie  alorementioned  and 
the  inhabitants  that  fhall  hereafter  fettle  in  townfliips  on  the 
aforefaid  granted  premifhs.  And  ue  the  aforefaid  fagamores, 
Paflaconaway  fagamore  of  Penecook,  Runaawitt  fagamore  of 
Pentuckitt,  Wahangnonawitt  fagamore  of  Sijuomfquot,  and 
Rowles  fagamore  of  Nuchawanuck  do  by  thele  profents  ratify 
and  confirm  all  the  afore  granted  and  bargained  premiffes  and 
traft  of  land  aforefaid,  excepting  and  relerving  as  afore  except- 
ed and  referved  and  the  provifoes  aforefaid  fulfDl'd,  with  all  the 
meadow  and  marfll  ground  therein,  together  with  all  the  mines, 
minerals  of  what  kind  or  nature  foever,  with  all  the  woods, 
timber  and  timber  trees,  ponds,  rivers,  lakes,  runs  of  water  or 
water  courfes  thereunto  belonging,  with  all  the  freedom  of 
hilling,  fowling  and  hunting  as  our  felves,  with  all  other  bene- 
fits, profits,  priviledges  and  appurtenances  whatsoever  there- 
unto of  all  and  every  part  of  the  faid  traft  of  land  belonging  or 
in  any  ways  appertaining  unto  him  the  faid  John  Wheelwright, 
Axigufline  Storer,  Thomas  Wight,  William  Wentworth  and 
Thomas  Levet,  and  their  heirs  forever  as  aforefaid,  TO 
HAVE  AND  TO  HOLD  the  fame  as  their  own  proper  right 
and  interelt  without  the  leaft  difturbance,  moleftation,  or  trou- 
ble of  us,  our  heirs,  execrs  &  adminrs  to  &  with  the  faid  John 
Wheelwright,  Augulline  Storer,  Thomas  Wight,  William 
Wentworth  and  Thomas  Levit  their  heirs,  exeer3.  adminrs.  & 
afligns,  &  other  the  Englifh  that  fhall  inhabit  there  &  their 
heirs  and  afligns  forever  ihall  warrant,  maintain  and  defend. 
IN  WITNESS  whereof  we  have  hereunto  fet  our  hands  and 
feals  the  feventeenth  day  of  May  1629,  and  in  the  fifth  year  of 
King  Charles  his  reign  over  England,  (See. 

PASSACONAWAY,    g  mark,  (Seal.) 

RUNAAWITT,    -f    mark,  (Seal.) 

WAHANGNONAWITT,  +-  mark,  (Seal.) 
ROWLS,    X  mark,  (Seal.) 

Signed,  Sealed,  and  Delivered") 

in  prefence  of  us  |    Memorandum.     On  the  17th 

Wadexg  ascom,  ±  mark.  [    day  of  May,  one  thoufand  fix 

Mistosabi  rt,  <-e*  mark.  .    hundred  twenty  and  nine,   in 

John  Oldham.  I   fifth  year  of  the  reign  of  our 

Sam.  Sharps.  J  fovereign  Lord  Charles,  king 

of 


iv  APPENDIX. 

of  England,  Scotland,  France  and  Ireland,  defender  of  the 
faith,  <5;c.  Wahangnonaway  fagamore  of  Squamfquott  in 
Pifcactaqua  river,  did  in  behalf  of  himfelf  and  the  other  fa- 
gamores  aforementioned  then  prefent,  deliver  quiet  and 
peaceable  poffeffion  of  all  the  lands  mentioned  in  the  within 
written  deed  unto  the  within  named  John  Wheelwright  for 
the  ends  within  mentioned,  in  prefence  of  us  Walter  Ncal 
governor,  George  Vaughan  faclor,  and  Ambrofe  Gibbons 
trader,  for  the  company  of  Laconia,  Richard  Vines,  go- 
vernor, and  Richard  Bonighton  affiftant,  of  the  plantation 
at  Saco ;  Thomas  Wiggin  agent,  and  Edward  Hilton  ftew- 
ard,  of  the  plantation  of  Hilton's  Point,  and  was  figned, 
fealed,  and  delivered  in  our  prefence.  In  witnefs  whereof 
we  have  hereunto  fet  our  hands  the  day  and  year  above- 
written.  Richd.  Vines ,  Wa.  Neale, 

Rich.  Bonighton,         George  Vaughan, 
Tko.  Wiggin,  Ambrofe  Gibbons. 

JEdnvard  Hilton, 
Recorded  according  to  the  original  found  on  the  ancient  files 
for  the  county  of  York,  this  28th  day  of  Jan.  17 13. 

per  JOS.  HAMMOND,  Reg. 
A  true  copy  from  York  county  records  of  deeds,    &c.  lib. 

8.  fol.  16.  &c.  Att.  DAN.  MOULTON,  Reg. 

Corrected  by  a  copy   on  file  in  the  fuperior  court  of  New- 

Hampfhire,  in  the  cafe  of  Allen  vs  Waldron  ;  which  copy  is 

attefted  by  the  above  named  Jos.  Hammond. 

No.    II. 
Jin  original  letter  from  Thomas  Eyre  o?ie  of  the  adventurers  or 
company  of  Laconia  to  Mr.  Gibbons  their  faclor. 
Mr.  Gibbins,  London  the  laft  of  May,  1631. 

YOURS  of  the  8th  April  1630,  from  Plimouth  I  receiv- 
ed and  thereby  tooke  notice  of  your  entertaining  Roger 
Knight;  and  here  I  prefent  his  wife  20 /.  pr.  quarter  at  your 
defire  and  3  /.  per  quarter  to  yours.  I  hope  by  this  they  are 
both  with  you  according  to  your  defire.  I  wifii  all  your  wives 
with  you,  and  that  fo  many  of  you  as  defire  wives  had  fuch  as 
they  defire;  for  the  adventurers  defire  not  to  be  troubled  with 
quarterly  payments. 

Your  next  to  me  is  dated  the  2  iftof  July  laft  atPafcataquacke, 
I  take  notice  of  your  complaints  for  want  of  the  trade  goods, 
and  fomuch  as  lieth  in  me  it  (hall  be  otherwife,  efpecially  if  you 
fend  us  returnes,  doubt  you  not  but  that  you  fhall  be  fupplied 
from  time  to  time  unto  your  owne  contents. 

Your  3d  Ire  to  me  is  dated  the  14th  of  Auguft,  by  which  I 

perceive 


APPENDIX.  «, 

perceive  divers  of  the  commodities  and  provifions  which  you  car- 
ried with  you  in  the  barke  Warwicke,  were  not  to  your  liking 
for  which  I  am  forry  You  know  the  trouble  we  had.  I  could 
not  looke  to  Mr.  Olden's  and  all  befides.  I  hope  by  the  Pide- 
Cowe  you  find  it  otherwife.  I  pray  write  me  how  you  like 
the  hatchetts  fent  you  by  that  (hip  and  how  all  goeth. 

I  like  it  well  that  your  governor  will  have  a  ftocke  of  bords 
at  all  times  readie.  1  hope  you  will  find  fomething  to  reladc 
both  the  Pide-Cowe  and  the  Warwicke.  I  will  now  put  ou 
the  fending  of  you  the  moddell  of  a  faw-mill  that  you  may 
have  one  going. 

Your  wife  and  children,  Roger  Knight's  wife  and  one  wife 
more  we  have  alredy  fent  you,  &nd  more  you  (hall  have  as  you 
write  for  them. 

Another  Ire  I  have  from  you  of  the  14th  Auguft,  in  which 
you  write  for  another  Mafon.  Wee  have  had  enough  to  doe, 
to  goe  fo  farre  forwards  as  we  have,  as  Capt.  Keyes  can  tell 
you,  now  we  begine  to  take  hearte  agaync,  but  the  light  of  re- 
turnes  will  be  that  which  will  indeede  put  life  into  us. 

Among  my  New-England  records  I  find  your  Ire  unto  Capt. 
Mafon  of  the  14th  Auguft  laft,  wherein  you  give  a  good  account 
of  your  times  lpent  from  the  firft  of  June  untill  then,  as  alfo  of 
the  manner  of  your  trade  which  was  to  Capt.  Mafon's  liking. 
We  hope  you  will  find  out  fonie  good  Mines,  iiihieh  'will  he  welcome 
wives  unto  us. 

1  By  Mr.  Glover  we  reed.  Ires  from  Capt.  Neale,  written  as 
we  think  about  the  end  of  March  laft,  write  me  I  pray,  what 
winter  you  had,  and  how  you  had  your  healthes  and  why  Capt. 
Neale  went  not  in  Septem.  laft  to  difcover  the  lakes,  as  he  wrote 
he  would,  and  why  you  did  not  write  by  that  conveyance. 

By  the  barke  Warwicke  we  lend  you  a  factor  to  take  charge 
of  the  trade  goods;  alfo  a  foldier  for  difcovrie  &c. 

Thus  I  comend  you,  and  your  wife,  who  by  this  I  hope  is 
with  you  to  the  protection  of  the  almightie. 

Your  lovino;  friend, 
Kept  untill  the  7th  of  June.  THO.  EYRE. 

No.  III. 
An  original  letter  from  the  company  to  Giblins. 
Mr.  Ambrofe  Gibbons,  London  5th  Decemb  1632. 

YOUR  iundrie   letters  we  have  received.     Wee  doe  take 
notice  of  your  care  and  paines  in  our  plantation  and  doe 
wilh  that  others  had  bine  that  way  the  fame  that  you  are  and 
will  wee  hope  foe  continew.     The  adventurers  here  have  bine 
foe  difcouraged  by  reafon  of  John  Gibbes  ill  dealing  in  his  fi fil- 
ing 


vi  APPENDIX. 

Jngvoiage,  as  alfoe  by  the  fmall  returnes  fent  hither  by  Cap'. 
Neal  Mr.  Herbert  or  any  of  their  factors  as  that  they  have  noe 
defire  to  proceed  any  farther,  untill  Capt.  Neale  come  hither 
to  confer  with  them,  that  by  conference  with  him  they  may 
fettle  things  in  a  better  order.  Wee  have  written  unto  Capt. 
Neale  to  difmife  the  houfhold,  onlie  fuch  as  will  or  canne  live  of 
themfelves  may  ftay  upon  our  plantation  in  fuch  convenient 
places  as  Captain  Neale  Mr.  Godfrie  and  you  fliall  thinke  fitt ; 
and  after  conference  had  with  Captain  Neale  they  (hall  have  a 
reafonable  quantity  of  land  graunted  unto  them  by  deed. 

Wee  praie  you  to  take  care  of  our  houfe  at  Newichwannick 
and  to  locke  well  to  our  vines,  alfo  you  may  take  fome  of  our 
fwine  and  goates,  which  wee  pray  you  to  preferve.  Wee  have 
committed  the  cheife  care  of  our  houfe  at  Pafcattaway  to  Mr. 
Godfrie  and  written  unto  Mr.  Warnerton  to  take  care  of  our 
houfe  at  Strawberry-bancke.  Our  defire  is  that  Mr.  Godfrie, 
Mr.  Warnerton  and  you  fhould  joyne  loveinglie  together  in  all 
things  for  our  good,  and  to  advife  us  what  our  beft  courfe  will 
be  to  doe  another  yeare. 

You  defire  to  fettle  yourfelf  upon  Sanders  Point.  The  ad- 
venturers are  willing  to  pleafure  you  not  only  in  this,  in  re- 
gard of  the  good  report  they  have  heard  of  you  from  tyme  to 
tyme,  but  alfoe  after  they  have  conferred  with  Captain  Neale 
they  determyne  fome  further  good  towards  you  for  your  fur- 
ther incouridgment. 

Wee  defire  to  have  our  filhermen  increafed,  whereof  wee 
have  written  unto  Mr.  Godfrye.  Wee  thank  you  for  afiifting 
John  Raymond,  wee  pray  you  ftill  to  be  helpful  to  him  that  fo 
he  may  difpatch  and  come  to  us  with  fuch  retourne  as  he  hath, 
and  if  he  hath  any  of  his  trade  goods  remayning  unfold  wee 
have  willed  him  to  leave  them  with  you  and  we  doe  hereby  pray 
you  to  receive  them  into  your  cuftody  and  to  put  them  off 
with  what  conveniency  you  canne,  and  to  fend  us  the  retournes 
by  the  firlt  fhipp  that  comes.  Thus  we  commend  you  and  your 
wife  to  the  protection  of  the  ahnightye. 

Your  loving  friends, 
John  Ma/on,  Tho.  Wannerton, 

Henry  Gardiner,       Tho.  Eyre,  for  ?>iy 
Ceo.  Griffith,  children. 

No.   IV. 
Cof>y  of  a  letter  from  Gibbins  to  the  company. 

AFTER  my  umble  duty  remembred  unto  your  worfhips, 
1  pray   for  your  good  health    and  profperity.     Thefe 
are  certifying  your  worfhip  for  the  goods  I  have  received  from 

you. 


APPENDIX.  tit 

you.  I  have  delivered  unto  Mr.  John  Raymon  761b  and  4 
ounfes  of  beaver,  10  otters,  6  mufquaihes  and  on  martin  more, 
that  Captain  Neale  had  3  5  f^lh  and  ii  ounzes  of  beaver  and  ot- 
ter, 17  martins,  on  black  fox  (kin,  on  other  fox  fkin,  3  racoon 
(kins,  14  mufquafhes  two  of  them  with  (tones.  Mr.  Raymon's 
prefent  departing  and  the  intermixing  of  all  the  trade  goods 
in  my  care  until  Mr.  Vaughan  com  I  cannot  give  you  any  fa- 
tisfaction  for  the  account  of  trade.  I  did  advife  Mr.  Raymon 
to  returne  with  all  fpeede  unto  you.  Your  letters  I  received 
the  7th  of  June.  At  larg  I  will  write  if  God  wil  by  the  next. 
Thus  taking  my  leave  I  comit  your  worfhip  to  Almighty  God. 

Your  worship's  at  command, 
From  Newichwanicke  AMBROSE  GIBBINS. 

this  24th  of  June  l6g3« 

No.  V. 
Copy  of  another  from  Gibbins  to  the  company. 

Newichwanickc,  July  13,  1633. 

RIGHT  honourable,  right  worfliippful  and  the  reft,  my 
humble  fervia  rembred.  Your  letter  dated  the  5th  of 
December  and  Mr.  Ares  letter  the  third  of  April  I  received 
the  feveri th  of  June.  The  detaining  of  the  former  letter  hath 
put  you  to  a  great  charge  in  the  plantation.  For  my  care  and 
paines  I  have  not  thought  it  much  although  I  have  had  very 
little  encouradgement  from  you  and  here.  I  do  not  doubt  oi 
your  good  will  unto  mee.  For  your  (idling,  you  complain  cf 
Mr.  Gibbcs:  A  Londoner  is  not  for  (idling,  neither  is  there 
any  amity  bet.vixt  the  Weft  cuntrimeu  and  them.  Briflo  or 
Barnftable  is  very  convenient  for  your  fiihing  fhipes.  It  is  not 
enough  to  fit  out  fhipes  to  fifh  but  they  muit  be  fure  (God 
wil)  to  be  at  their  fiihing  place  the  beginning  of  February  and 
not  to  come  to  the  laud  when  other  men  have  half  their  viage. 
Mr.  Wanerton  hath  the  charge  of  the  houfe  at  Pafcatawa  and 
hath  with  him  William  Cooper,  Rafe  Gee,  Roger  Knight,  and 
his  wife,  William  Dcrmit  and  on  boy.  For  your  houfe  at 
Newichwanicke,  I  feeing  the  neceffity  wil  doe  the  belt  I  can 
there  and  elfewhere  for  you  until  I  hear  from  you  agaiue.  Ad- 
vife I  have  fent  but  not  knowing  your  intentes  I  cannot  wel 
enlarge  but  I  refer  you  to  Mr.  Herbert  and  Mr.  Vaughan.  For 
my  fettlement  at  Sanders-Point  and  the  further  good  you  in- 
tend me  I  humbly  thank  you  I  (hall  do  the  beft  I  can  to  be 
grateful.  I  have  taken  into  my  handes  all  the  trade  goods 
that  remains  of  John  Raymon's  and  Mr.  Vaughan's  and  will 
v-ith  what   convenience    I  may  put  them  of.     T9U  complain  of 

b  b  your 


vili  APPENDIX. 

your  returr.es ;  you  take  the  coorfe  to  have  little;  a  plantation 
tnufl  be  furnifloed  nvifh  cattle  and  good  blr*d  hands  and  necejfariet 
for  them  and  not  thinke  the  great  lookes  of  'men  and  many  words 
ivil  be  a  meanes  to  raife  a  plantation.  Thofe  that  have  been 
here  this  three  year  fom  of  them  have  neither  meat  money  nor 
clothes,  a  great  difparagement.  I  (hall  not  need  to  Ipeak  of 
this,  you  fhail  hear  of  it  by  others.  For  my  fell",  my  wife  and 
child  and  four  men  we  have  but  h?.lf  a  barrel  of  corn;  beefe 
and  porke  I  have  not  had  but  on  peefe  this  three  months,  nor 
beare  this  four  months;  for  I  have  for  two  and  twenty  months 
had  but  two  barrels  of  beare  and  two  barrels  and  four  boofnel 
of  malt,  o::r  number  commonly  hath  bin  ten.  I  nor  the  fer- 
vantes  have  neither  money  nor  clothes,  I  have  bin  as  fparing 
a3  I  could,  but  it  will  not  doe.  Thefe  four  men  with  me  is; 
Charles  Knell,  Thomas  Clarke,  Steven  Kidder,  and  Thomas 
Crockitt,  three  of  them  is  to  have  for  their  wages  until  the  firft 
of  March  four  pounds  per  peefe  and  the  other  for  the  yeare  fix 
pounds  which  in  your  behalf  I  have  promifed  to  fatisfy  in  mo- 
ney or  bever  at  ten  fhillings  per  pound.  If  there  were  necefla- 
rys  for  them  for  clothing  there  would  not  bee  much  for  them  to 
receave.  You  may  perhaps  think  that  fewer  men  would  ferve 
me  but  I  have  fometimes  on  C  [one  hundred]  or  more  Indiana 
and  far  from  neybors:  Thcfe  that  I  have  I  can  fet  to  pale  in 
ground  for  corne  and  garden.  I  have  digged  a  wel  within  the 
p^lizado,  where  is  good  water,  I  have  that  to  clofe  with  timber. 
More  men  I  could  have  and  more  employ,  but  I  reft  thus  until 
I  heare  from  you.  7 he  vines  that  were  planted  ivil!  com  to  little, 
they  prof  per  not  in  the  ground  they  were  Jet.,  them  that  groo  na- 
tural are  veri  good  of  divers  forts.  I  have  fent  you  a  note  of 
the  beaver  taken  by  me  at  Newichwanicke,  and  how  it  hath  gon 
from  me.  George  Vaughan  hath  a  note  of  all  the  trade  goodes 
in  my  cuftody  of  the  old  (lore  John  Ramon's  and  George  Vaugh- 
an's  accomtes,  but  the  beaver  beinge  difpofed  of  before  1  could 
make  the  devident  I  canot  fee  but  it  muft  be  all  onpackt  and 
be  devided  by  you.  The  governor  departed  from  the  planta- 
tion the  fifteenth  of  July  in  the  morning.  So  for  this  time  I 
end,  committing  you  to  the  protection  of  the  Almighty  and 
ever  reft  your  loving  fervant,  AMBROSE  GIBBINS. 
No.   VI. 

Copy  of  a  le  tier  from  Neal  and  Wiggen  relating  to  a  divifion  of 
the  lands  at  Pafcataquay  1633. 

Much  honoured, 

IN  obedience  to  your  commands  have  furvaied  the  river  from 
the  mouth  of  the  harbor  to  Squamfcutt  falls,  liquife  from 

the 


APPENDIX.  ^ 

the  harbor's  mouth  by  the  fea  fide  to  the  Mafiachufetts  bo3nds, 
and  find  that  the  bounds  of  your  pattents  will  not  aford  more 
than  for  two  towns  in  the  river  of  Pafcataway  and  the  remain- 
der will  make  another  good  towne  having  much  fait  marfh  in 
it.  And  becaufe  you  would  have  foure  townes  named  as  you 
defired  wee  have  treated  with  a  gentleman  who  has  purchafed 
a  trackt  of  land  of  the  Indyans  at  Squamfcutt  falls,  and  your 
land  running  up  to  the  faid  falls  on  one  fide  of  the  river  from 
the  falls  about  a  mile  downward,  faid  gentlemen  having  a  mind 
to  faid  land  on  your  fide  to  a  certain  crike  and  one  mile  bac- 
ward  from  the  river  which  we  agreed  on  and  the  crike  is  called 
Weelewright's,  the  gentleman's  name  being  Weeltwright  and 
he  was  to  name  faid  plantation  (when  fettled)  Exeter.  And 
the  other  two  towns  in  the  river,  the  one  North-ham  and  Portf- 
mouth  the  other.  Bounded  as  followeth,  viz.  Portfmouth 
runes  from  the  harbor's  mouth  by  the  fea  fi'le  to  the  entrance 
of  a  little  river  between  two  hed  lands  which  we  have  given  the 
names  of  the  Little  Bore's-hed,  and  the  Grete  Bore's-hed,  and 
from  the  mouth  of  that  little  river  to  go  on  a  ftrait  line  to  the 
aforefaid  creeke  which  we  have  named  Weelewrights  creeke 
and  from  thens  down  the  river  to  the  harbor's  mouth  where  it 
began.  And  North-ham  is  theboundsof  all  thelarcd  of  Hilton's 
Point  fide.  And  the  other  land  from  the  little  river  between 
the  two  Boores-Heds  to  run  by  the  fea  till  it  meets  with  the 
line  between  the  Mafiachufetts  and  you,  and  fo  to  run  from  the 
fea  by  faid  MafTathufetts  line  into  the  woods  eight  miles  and  from 
thence  atwart  the  woods  to  meete  with  Portfmouth  line  ncere 
Wheleright'3  creeke  and  that  tracte  of  land  to  be  called 
Hampton.  So  that  their  is  foure  towns  named  as  you  defired 
but  Exeter  is  not  within  the  bounds  of  your  pattents.  But  the 
grete  dificulty  ;s  the  agreement  about  the  dividing  line  between 
the  pattent  of  the  twenty  thoufand  acres  belonging  to  the  com- 
pany of  Laconyah  and  the  pattent  of  Bluddy  poynt  the  river 
running  fo  intrycate,  and  Bluddy  poynt  pattent  bounds  from 
thence  to  Squamfcutt  falls  to  run  three  miles  into  the  woods 
from  the  water  fide.  But  for  your  better  under  (landing  there- 
of wee  have  fent  you  a  draft  of  it  according  to  our  beft  (kill  of 
what  we  know  of  it  at  prefent,  and  have  drawn  a  dividing  line 
between  the  two  pattents,  fo  that  ^Portfmouth  is  part  of  both 
pattents  and  Hampton  we  apprehend  will  be  holly  in  the 
twenty  thoufand  acres  pattent,  and  North-ham  is  the  bounds 
of  Hilton's  point  pattent.  If  what  wee  have  don  be  to  your 
likinge  wee  fhall  think  our  time  well  fpent  and  what  further 
commands  you  will  pleafe  to  lay  on  us  we  (hall  readily  obeye 
b  b  2  t« 


*.  APPENDIX. 

to  the  utmoft  of  our  power.     Wee  humbly  take  leve  and  fub» 
feribe  ourfelves,        Your  devoted  and  mod  humble  fervants, 
North-ham  on  Pafcataway  river,  in  }    WALTER  NELE, 
New-England,  13  Auguft,  1633.  £  THOMAS  W1GG1N. 

Superfcribed,  To  John  Ma fon  Efq.  governor  of  Poitfmoutb 
to  be  communicated  to  the  pattentes  of  Laconiah  and 
Hilton's  point,  humbly  prefent  in  London. 

Wee  under  written  being  of  the  government  of  the  province 
of  Maine  doe  affirm  that  the  above  letter  written  and  fent  by- 
Walter  Nele  and  Thomas  Wiggiuand  directed  to  John  Mafon 
Efq.  governor  of  Povtfmoiuh  to  be  communi-ated  to  the  pat- 
tentes of  Laconiah  and  Hilton's  point,  is  a  trew  copia  compar- 
ed with  the  originall.  And  further  wee  doe  affirme  that  there 
was  foure  grete  gunes  brought  to  Pafcataqna  which  waregivei* 
by  a  merchant  of  London  for  the  defence  of  the  river,  and  at 
the  fame  time  the  Earle  of  Warwicke,  Sr  Ferdenando  Gorges* 
Capt.  John  Mafon  and  the  reft  of  the  pattentees  fent  an  order 
to  Cap.  Walter  Nele  and  Captn.  Thomas  Wiggin  ther  agent* 
and  governor  at  Pafcataway  to  make  choife  of  the  mod  conveni- 
ent place  in  the  faid  river  to  make  a  fortefecatyon  for  the  de- 
fence thereof,  and  to  mount  thofe  foure  gnnes  giveen  to  the 
place,  which  accordingly  was  done  by  Capt  Walter  Nele  and 
Capt.  Thomas  Wiggin  and  the  pattentes  fervants,  and  a  draft 
was  fent  of  the  place  that  they  had  made  choice  of  to  the  faid 
earle  and  company,  and  the  draft  did  containe  all  the  necke 
of  land  in  the  north  efte  fide  of  the  grete  ifland  that  makes  the 
grete  harbor,  and  they  gave  it  the  name  of  Fort-poynt,  and 
allotted  it  fo  far  backe  into  the  ifland  about  a  bow-fhoat  to  a 
grete  high  rocke  whereon  was  intended  in  time  to  fet  the  prin- 
cipal! forte. 

That  the  above  is  all  truth  wee  affirme,  and  by  the  defire  of 
Capt.  Walter  Nele  and  Capt.  Thos.  Wiggen  wee  have  order- 
ed this  wrighting  to  ly  in  our  files  of  records  of  their  doings 
therein.  In  witnefs  whereof  wee  have  hereunto  fett  our  hands 
and  feles  at  Gorgeana,  in  the  province  of  Maine,  in  New- 
Eneland,  2cth  Auguft  1633. 

RICH.  VINES,  (Seal.) 

HENRY  JOCELYN,  (Seal.) 
No.  VII. 
An   original  letter  from   Sir   F.    Gorges    and  Capt.   Mafon  U 
Mejfrj  Wannerton  and  Gibbins. 

Mr.  Wannerton  and  Mr.  Gibbons, 

THESE  are  to  let  you  know  that  wee  with  the  confent 
of  the  reft  of  our  partners  have  made   a  divifion  of  all 

our 


APPENDIX.  xl 

•otrr  land  lying  on  tlie  north-eafl  fide  of  the  harbor  and  river 
of  Pafcattaway ;  of  the  quantities  of  which  lands  and  bounds 
agreed  upon  for  every  man's  part  we  fend  you  a  coppie  of  the 
draft,  deliring  your  furtherance  with  the  advice  of  Capt.  Nor- 
ton and  Mr.  Godfrey  to  f«.t  out  the  lynes  of  divilion  betwixt 
our  lands  and  the  lands  of  our  partners  next  adjoining,  becaufe 
we  have  not  onlie  each  of  us  fnipped  people  prefent  to  plant 
•upon  our  owne  landes  at  our  owne  charge,  but  have  given  di- 
rection to  invite  and  authoritie  to  receive  fuch  others  as  may 
be  had  to  be  tenants,  to  plant  and  live  there  for  the  more  fpeedie 
peopling  of  the  countrie.  And  whereas  there  is  belonging 
unto  me  Sr  Ferdinando  Gorges,  and  unto  Capt.  Malon  for 
himfelf  and  for  Mr.  John  Cotton  and  his  deccafed  brother  Mr. 
William  Cotton,  both  whofe  intertfb  Capt.  Mafon  hath  bought, 
thf  one  halfe  of  all  matters  mentioned  in  the  invtntorie  of  houf- 
hold  ituffe  and  implements  left  in  truft  with  you  by  Capt. 
Neale,  whereunto  yju  have  fubferibed  your  names  and  where- 
of a  coppie  is  herewith  fent,  we  defire  you  to  caufe  an  equal 
divilion  as  neere  as  poffiblie  may  to  be  made  of  all  the  faied 
matters  menconed  in  the  inventoric  in  kinde,  oriffomeof 
them  cannot  be  io  divided  then  the  on  halfe  to  be  made  e- 
quall  to  the  other  in  valew  of  all  the  faied  matters,  except  the 
■cattell  and  tiiitea  of  anparell  and  Inch  other  things  as  belong 
perticu'arly  to  Capt  Mafon,  and  to  deliver  the  faid  one  halfe 
of  all  tin-  faied  matters  loe  to  be  divided,  unto  Mr.  Henry  Jo- 
celyn  for  the  ufe  of  o'r  plantations,  taking  an  inventory  there- 
of under  his  hand  of  ail  you  mall  foe  deliver  h.ime,  and  making 
certificate  to  us  thereof.  And  for  your  fi>e  doeing  this  (hall 
be  your  luffitient  warrant  and  di  charge.  And  loe  we  rell, 
Your  verie  lovinge  friends, 
Portfmouth,  Maye  5,  IERDlN     GORGE, 

1634.  JOHN  MASON. 

No.  VIII. 
An  original  letter  from  Capt.  Mafon  to  Gibbins. 
Mr.  Gibbins, 

THEiJE  people  and  provifions  which  I  have  now  fent 
w'th  Mr.  Jocelyne  are  to  fctt  upp  two  mills  upon  my 
own  divifion  of  landes  lately  agreed  upon  betwixt  our  adven- 
turers ;  but  I  thinke  not  any  of  them  will  adventure  this  yeare 
to  the  plantation  befides  Sr  Ferdinando  Gorges  and  myfelf, 
for  which  1  am  forrye  in  that  fo  good  a  bufines  (albeit  hither- 
to it  hath  bene  unprofitable)  (hould  be  fubject  to  fall  to  the 
"round.     Therefore  I  have  ftrayncd  myfelfe  to  doe  this  at  this 

prefent 


xu 


APPENDIX. 


prefent,  and  could  have  wifhed  that  the  reft  would  have joyn- 
ed  to  have  fent  you  fome  provifions  for  trade  and  fupport  of 
the  place,  but  that  faileing  I  have  directed  to  you  as  a  token 
from  myfelfe  one  hogfhead  of  mault  to  make  you  fome  brare. 
The  fervants  with  you  and  fuch  others  as  remaine  upon  the 
companies  chardge  are  to  be  difcharged  and  payed  their  wages 
out  of  the  ftocke  of  beaver  in  your  hands  at  the  rate  of  12  s. 
the  pound,  whereof  I  thinke  the  company  will  write  you  more 
at  large.  And  wee  have  agreed  to  devide  all  our  movables 
mentioned  in  the  inventory  that  Capt.  Neale  brought  home, 
which  were  left  in  truft  with  you  and  Mr.  Wannerton.  I 
bought  Mr.  Cotton's  and  his  brother's  parte  of  all  their  ad- 
ventures ;  10  that  the  halfe  of  all  belonges  to  Sr  Ferdinando 
Gorges  and  myfelfe,  and  of  that  halfe  three  quarters  wil  be 
dewe  to  me  and  one  quarter  to  Sr  Ferdinando.  Thefe  things 
being  equally  divided  they  are  to  be  delivered  to  Mr.  Joceline, 
my  three  partes  of  the  halfe,  and  the  other  fourth  to  whom  Sr 
Ferdinando  (hall  appointe.  And  you  mull  afford  my  people 
fome  houfe  roome  in  Nevvichewannocke  houfe,  and  the  cowes 
and  goates  which  are  all  mine,  and  14  fwine  with  their  in- 
creafe,  fome  ground  to  be  uppon  till  wee  have  fome  place  pro- 
vided upon  my  new  divided  land,  or  that  you  receive  my  fur- 
ther order.  A  copie  of  the  divifion  of  the  landes  is  herewith 
fent  unto  you. 

The  ftockinges  and  the  mault  and  the  fuites  of  cloathes  and 
fuggar  andrayflnges  and  wine  that  was  delivered  by  Mr.  Bright 
and  Mr.  Lewes  I  have  not  received  any  fatisfadtion  for,  where- 
in I  muft  crave  your  helpe  and  fuch  fatisfa&ion  as  may  be  fent 
by  this  fhipp. 

The  chrijlail  ftoanes  you  fent  are  of  little  or  no  valeiu  vnlefs 
they  were  fo  great  to  make  drinking  cuppes  or  fome  other  ivorkes, 
as  pillers  for  faire  lookeingc glaffes  or  far  garnifljinge  of  rich  ca- 
binets- Good  iron  or  lead  oars  I  fhould  like  better  of  if  it  could 
be  found. 

I  have  difburfed  a  great  deaie  of  money  in  your  plantation 
and  never  received  one  penny,  but  hope  if  there  were  once  a 
di [cover  ie  of  the  lakes  that  I  fhould  in  fome  reafonable  time  be  re- 
imburfed  again.  I  pray  you  helpe  themr  what  you  can  to  fome 
of  the  beft  iron  ftoane  for  ballaft,  and  in  cafe  he  want  other 
ladeinge  to  fill  the  {hipp  upp  with  ftockes  of  cyprefs  wood  and 
cedar.  Let  me  hear  from  you  of  all  matters  neceffary,  and 
wherein  I  maye  doe  you  any  pleafure  I  (hall  be  reddie,  and  fo 
with  my  heartiecommendations,  I  reft  yourverie  loveingfriend, 
V  Portimouth,  May  5th,  1634.  JOHN  MASON. 

(Received  10th  July,  1634.)  No.  IX, 


APPENDIX. 


mi 


No.  IX. 

d/ipwer  to  the  foregoing. 
SI  R, 

YOUR  worfhip  have  done  well  in  fett'ng  forward  your 
plantacon,  and  lor  your  m i lies  they  will  prove  benefici- 
al unto  you,  by  God's  affiilance.  I  would  you  had  taken  this 
•coorfe  looner,  for  the  marchants  I  (hall  be  very  cautyoufe  how 
I  deale  with  any  of  them  while  I  live.  But  God's  will  be  done. 
I  and  the  world  doth  judge  that  I  could  not  in  thefe  my  dayes 
have  fpent  my  time  for  noethinge.  For  their  fending  trade 
and  fupport  I  defire  it  not.  I  have  fupported  but  now  fonke 
under  my  burthen,  the  more  I  thinke  on  this,  the  more  is  my 
griefe. 

I  have  received  the  Ingfd.  of  mault  that  you  fent  me,  give* 
jng  you  humble  thanks  for  the  fame.  The  fervants  that  were 
with  me  are  difcharged  and  payd  their  wages  for  the  yeare  pall 
and  I  have  delivered  unto  Mr.  Wannerton  431b.  of  beaver  to 
pay  thofe  that  were  with  him  for  the  year  palt.  For  the  pay- 
ing of  the  fervants  there  old  wages  or  the  dividing  cf  the  goods 
I  expect  a  general  letter,  if  not,  then  to  heare  further  from  your 
worfhippe.  Your  carpenters  are  with  me  and  I  will  further 
them  the  bed  I  can.  Capt.  Neale  appoynted  me  two  of  your 
goats  to  keepe,  at  his  departinge,  I  praife  God  they  are  4.  Of 
the  goods  that  Mr.  Bright  left  I  onely  reed,  of  Capt.  Neale  4 
bufhells  of  mault  and  at  feveral  times  >S  gallons  of  facke,  and 
from  Mr.  Wannerton  7  bufhells  and  1  peck  of  mault,  5  lb.  and  h, 
of  fugar  and  3  pr.  of  children  flockings  and  97  lb  of  beef* 
which  was  of  an  old  cow  that  Mr.  Wannerton  killed,  being 
doubt  full  that  -fhe  would  not  live  over  the  winter.  For  thefe 
I  will  pay  Mr.  Jocelin  for  you. 

I  percteve  you  have  a  great  mynd  to  the  lakes,  and  I  as  great 
a  mill  to  aj/ijl  you.  1/  I  had  Z  horfes  and  3  men  <with  me  I 
ivould  by  CoJ's  helpe  foon  refoive  you  oftkefituation  of  it,  but  not 
to  live  there  myfelfe. 

The  Pide-Cow  arrived  the  S'th  of  Julie,  the  13th  day  fhe  caft 
anchor  fome  halfe  a  mile  from  the  falls,  the  1 8th  day  the  fhippe 
unladen,  the  iqth  fell  downe  the  river,  the  2 2d  day  the  carpen- 
ters began  about  the  mill,  the  5th  of  Auguft  the  iron  foar.e 
taken  in  the  fhippe.  There  is  of  3  forts,  on  fort  that  the 
myne  doth  caft  fourth  as  the  tree  dot!)  gum,  which  is  fent  in  a 
lundit.  On  of  the  other  fortes  we  take  to  be  very  rich,  there  Is 
great  (tore  of  it.  For  the  other  I  know  not;  but  may  it  pleafe 
you  to  take  notice  of  the  waight  and  meafure  of  every  fort,  be- 
fore it  goeth  into  the  furnace  and  what  the  ftone  of  fuch  weight 

and 


sit  APPENDIX. 

and  meafure  will  yeeld  in  iron.  This  that  'e  take  to  be  the 
beft  none  is  one  mile  to  the  fouthwardof  the  great  houfe*,  it  is 
fome  200  rodd  in  length  6  foote  wide,  the  depth  we  know  not, 
for  want  of  tools  for  that  purpofe  we  tooke  onely  the  furfac* 
of  the  mine. 

I  have  paled  in  apiece  of  ground  and  planted  it.  If  it 
pleafe  God  to  fend  us  a  drie  time  1  hope  there  will  be  0  or  10 
quarters  of  corne.  You  have  heare  at  the  great  houfe  9  cowes, 
1  bull,  4  calves  of  the  laft  yeare  and  9  of  this  yeare;  they  prove 
very  well,  farre  better  than  ever  was  expected,  they  are  as  good 
as  your  ordinary  cartel  in  England,  and  the  goats  prove  fome 
of  them  very  well  both  for  milk  and  breed.  If  you  did  fend  a 
fhippe  for  the  Weftern  Iflands  of  fix  fcore  tunne  or  thereabouts 
for  cowes  and  goates  it  would  be  profitable  for  you.  A  ftocke 
of  iron  worke  to  be  put  away  with  your  boardes  from  the  mill 
will  be  good,  nayles,  fpikes.lockes,  hinges,  iron  works  for  boats 
and  pinaces,  twine  canvis,  needles  and  cordage,  pitch  and  tarre, 
graples,  ankers,  and  neceflarys  for  that  purpofe. 

Sr,  I  have  written  unto  Mr.  John  Round  to  repair  unto 
your  worfhip ;  he  is  a  filver  fmith  by  his  trade  but  hath  fpent 
much  time  and  means  about  iron,  may  it  pleafe  you  to  fend  for 
him,  he  dwelleth  in  Mogul  flreet,  if  you  are  acquainted  with  any 
finer  or  mettle  man  enquire  of  him  and  as  you  fee  caufe  fend  for 
him,  he  is  well  feene  in  all  mineralls  ;  if  you  deale  with  him  he 
will  give  you  a  good  light  for  your  proceedings. 

The  6th  of  Auguft,  the  fhippe  ready  to  fet  fayle  for  Saco  to 
load  cloavebords  and  pipe  ftaves.  A  good  hufband  with  his 
wife  to  tend  the  cattle  and  to  make  butter  and  cheefe  will  be 
profitable,  for  maides  they  are  foone  gone  in  this  country. 
For  the  reft  I  hope  Mr.  Jocelyn  for  your  own  particulars  will 
fatisfye  you  for  I  have  not  power  to  examen  it.  This  with 
my  humble  fervice  to  your  worfhip,  I  reft, 

Newichawanock,  Your  ever  loving  fervant, 

the  6th  of  Auguft,  1634.  AMBROSE  GIBBINS. 

No.X. 

An  original  letter  from  G.  Vavghan  fo  Mr.  Gibbins. 

Mr.  Gibbcns,  Bofton,  Aug.  20,  1634. 

WE  only  wait  for  a  faire  wind.  I  fhall  acquaint  Mr. 
Mafon  and  the  reft  of  the  owners  fully  of  what  you 
and  I  have  formerly  difcourtt,  and  if  they  give  mee  incouradg- 
ment  hope  fhall  fee  you  againe  the  next  yeare.  Lookeing 
over  my  papers  found  the  inclofed,  it  being  the  divifyon  of  the 

townes, 
•  The  great  houfe  flood  oppofite  to  the  houfe  of  Mr.  Temple  Knight. 


APPENDIX.  st 

towncs,  and  the  copia  of  what  Capt.  Nele  and  Capt.  Wiggens 
wroat  hoomc  to  the  pattentes  of  Laconiah  and  Hilton's  Point. 
It  may  be  of  fom  ufe  to  you  hereafter,  therefore  fent  it  you, 
lejie  Capt.  Wiggens  JJjould  make  another  blujler.  Which  with 
rny  kind  love  to  you  and  your  fpoufe  and  little  lirck, 
I  am  your  afTured  frend, 

GEORGE  V  AUG  HAN. 

No.  XI. 

Aftothei  fi  o7u  the  fame. 

Loving:  frend  Gibbcns,  London,  icth  April,  1636. 

WEE  put  into  Ireland  goinge  home,  and  there  was  taken 
like  and  lefte  behind,  and  laye  fo  long  before  I  got 
well  that  it  was  the  latter  end  of  December  lalte  before  1  got 
to  London,  and  Mr.  Majon  'was  ded.  But  I  fpoke  with  Sr 
Ferdinando  Gorges  and  the  other  owners,  but  they  gave  me 
no  incouradgment  for  New-England.  I  acquainted  them  ful- 
ly of  what  you  and  I  difcourfed,  but  they  were  quite  c^»u!d  in 
that  matter,  Mr.  Mafon  being  ded  and  Sr  Ferdinando  mind- 
ing only  his  one  divityon.  He  teles  me  he  is  ageting  a  pat- 
tente  for  it  from  the  king  from  Pafeataqua  to  Sagadehocke,  and 
that  betwene  Meremacke  and  Pifcataqua  he  left  for  Mr.  Mafon, 
who  if  hee  had  lived  ivou/d  a  tooke  a  pattcnt  fr  that  a/fo,  and  fo 
I  fupofe  the  affairs  of  Laconia  is  ded  aifo.  I  intend  to  s;oe  for 
the  Elle  Indyes,  a  frend  of  mine  have  made  mee  a  very  good 
proffer  and  I  thinke  to  take  up  with  it.  Which  is  what  offers 
at  prefent.  Thus  with  my  kind  love  to  you  and  your  wife  and 
daughter,  1  am  your  loving  frend, 

GEORGE  VAUGHAN. 
N.  B.  The  ten  preceding  papers  are  in  the  recorder  s  ojpeefor 
Rockingham  county. 

No.  XII. 
Copy  of  a  report  of  a  Committee  of  Reference  on  the  petition  of 
Rob.  Mafon,  Edivard  G  odfrey .  and  others  to  the  king,  [in  i66j.J 
To  the  Kinges  moft  excellent  Majeflie, 

ACCORDING  to  your  majeities  reference  upon  the  pe- 
tition of  Robert  Mafon,  Edward  Godfrey,  and  other?, 
hereunto  annexed,  bearing  date  at  Whitehall  the  feventeenth 
of  November  1660,  wee  have  heard  the  claiines  and  complaints 
of  the  peticoners,  and  alio  iummoned  by  procels  publicquely 
executed  att  the  Exchange  on  the  21ft  day  of  January  laft  a- 
gainft  all  perfons  interefted  in  that  buhnefs,  but  none  appear- 
ed but  Capt.  Jno.  Leverett,  who  acknowledged  that  former- 


*v!  APPENDIX. 

ly  hee  was  commifiionated  as  an  agent  of  the  corporacon  of 
Bofton  in  New-England,  but  that  now  lie  had  noe  authority 
to  appeare  or  aft  on  their  behalf. 

Upon  producing  of  divers  letters  pattents  and  examinacon 
of  witneffes,  wee  finde,  That  Capt.  Jno.  Mafon,  grandfather 
to  Robert  Mafon  one  of  the  p;ticoncrs,  and  Edward  Godfrey 
another  of  the  peticoners,  by  virtue  of  feveral  letters  pattent3 
under  the  great  feale  of  England  granted  unto  them  and  others 
by  your  majefties  late  royal  father,  by  themfelves  and  their 
afiignes  have  been  in  aftual  and  quiet  poffcffion  of  feveral  tr?.fts, 
parfells  and  divifions  of  land  in  New-England,  as  in  and  by  the 
faid  letters  patents  is  particularly  exprefied,  and  that  the  faid 
Capt.  Jno.  Mafon  and  the  faid  Edward  Godfrey  did  expend 
and  lay  out  confiderable  fums  of  money  in  fettling  plantacons 
and  collonys  there  ;  That  the  faid  Edward  Godfrey  has  lived 
there  for  five  and  twenty  yeares,  having  undergone  and  dil- 
charged  the  office  of  governor  of  the  province  of  Mayne  with 
muclr  reputacon  of  integrity  and  juftice,  endeavouring  the  re- 
gulation and  government  of  thofe  partes  where  he  lives  accord- 
ing to  the  known  and  fettled  lawes  of  this  kingdome  ;  That 
notwithstanding,  the  faid  Edward  Godfrey  has  not  only  been 
turned  out  of  his  faid  place  of  governor,  butt  has  been  utter- 
ly outed  and  difpoffefTed  of  his  lands  and  efiate  in  that  country, 
which  the  inhabitants  of  the  Maflachufetts  have  forcibly  feized 
and  ftiil  doe  detayne  the  fame  from  him  ;  That  it  appears  as 
well  by  teftimony  of  witneffes  as  by  a  coppy  of  the  letters  pat- 
tents  that  they  were  not  to  aft  any  thing  repugnant  to  the 
lawes  of  England,  nor  to  extend  their  bounds  and  limits  of 
the  faid  corporacon  farther  than  three  miles  northward  of 
Merrvmscke  river,  and  ss  a  memorial  and  evidence  thereof, 
the  governor  of  the  Maffachufetts  did  fett  up  an  houfe  about 
thirty  yeares  fince,  which  is  called  the  bound  houjc,  and  is 
knowne  by  that  name  to  this  day,  and  with  this  divifion  and 
aflignment  or  lott  of  land  the  inhabitants  and  pattentees  of  the 
faid  corporacon  of  the  Maffachufetts  relied  content  for  the 
fpace  of  fixteen  years  together,  until  about  the  year  1652  they 
did  enlarp-e  and  flretch  their  line  about  threefcore  miles  be- 
yond  their  known  and  fettled  bounds  aforefa'd  ;  and  have 
thereby  not  only  invaded  and  incroached  upon  the  plantacons 
and  inheritance!}  of  the  petitioners  and  other  your  majelties 
fubjefts,  but  by  menaces  and  armed  forces  compelled  them  to 
fubmitt  to  their  ufurped  and  arbitrary  government  which  they 
have  declared  to  be  independent  of  this  your  majefties  crowne 
of  England,  and  not  fubordinate  thereunto. 

It 


APPENDIX.  xvli 

It  appears  further  by  the  witneffes  that  the  collony  of  Maf- 
fachufetts  has  for  thefe  many  years  pafl  endeavoured  to  modell 
and  contrive  themfelves  into  a  free  itate  or  commonwealth 
without  any  relacon  to  the  crowne  of  England,  afluming  on 
themfelves  the  name  and  ftile  of  a  commonwealth,  iffuing  of 
writs  in  their  owne  name,  impofing  of  oathes  to  be  true  unto 
themfelves  coutrary  to  that  of  allegiance,  coynir.g  of  money 
with  their  owne  ftamps  and  fignatures,  exercilingan  arbitrary 
power  over  the  eftates  and  perfons  of  all  fuch  as  fubmitt  not 
unto  their  government  allowing  them  noe  appeales  to  Eng- 
land. And  fome  have  been  foe  bold  as  publiquely  to  aflirme, 
that  if  his  majeltie  fhould  fend  them  a  governor,  that  the  fe- 
verall  townes  and  churches  throughout  the  whole  country  un- 
der their  government  did  refolve  to  oppofe  him,  and  others 
have  faid  that  before  they  of  New-England  would  or  mould 
fubmitt  to  any  appeale  to  England  they  would  fell  that  coun- 
try or  plantacon  to  the  king  of  Spaine*. 

That  by  reafon  of  the  premifes  the  faid  Rob.  Mafon  and 
Edward  Godfrey  have  beene  damnified  in  their  plantacons  and 
eftates  to  the  value  of  five  thoufand  pounds,  according  to  the 
judgment  and  eltimacon  of  feverall  witneffes,  examined  in  that 
behalfe.  But  by  what  pretence  of  right  or  authority  the  Maf- 
fachufetts  have  taken  uppon  them  to  proceede  and  acl:  in  fuch 
manner  doth  not  appeare  to  us. 

All  which  we  mofl  humbly  reprefent  to  your  majeftie  in 
duty  and  obedience  to  your  commands,  not  prefuming  to  of- 
fer any  opinion  in  a  bulinefs  of  foe  high  importance,  wherein 
the  publique  interelt  and  government  of  your  majeilie  appear, 
foe  much  intermixt  and  concerned  with  the  private  interelt  of 
the  peticoners.  Robt.  Mafont  G.  Siveit, 

Ja.  Bunce,  Richard  Foxe, 

Th.  Exton,  Jo.  Myites. 

Tho.  Povey. 

[Without  date~\  in  the  recorder's  office  for  Rockingham  county. 

No.  XIII. 
To  the  King's  raoft  excellent  Majefty. 
The  humble  petition  of  Robert  Mafon,  proprietor  of  the  pro- 
vince of  New-Hampfhire,  in  New-England, 
Sheweth, 

THAT  your  majefty's  royal  grandfather  king  James,  of 
ever  bleffed  memory,  did  by  his  highnefs  letters  patents 
under  the  great  feale  of  England,  bearing  date  at  Wcftminfter 

the 

•  Tide  Hutch,  collec.  pap.  p.  339. 


xviii  APPENDIX. 

the  third  day  of  November,  In  the  eighteenth  yeareof  1  is  reicne, 
give,  grant  and  confi-m  unto  fevera'  of  the  principal  nobility 
and  gentry  of  this  kingdome  by  the  name  of  the  councell  of 
New- England,  their  fucceflbrS  and  affigncs  forever,  all  the 
land  in  America  lying  between  the  degree*  of  40  and  48  north 
latitude,  by  the  name  of  New- England,  to  be  held  in  fee,  with 
many  royal  privileges  and  icnmun  ties,  only  paying  to  his  ma- 
jelty,  his  liens  and  fuccefibrs,  one  lift  part  of  ail  the  oare  of 
gold  and  filwcr  that  fhwiild  at  any  time  be  found  upon  the  faid 
lands,  as  by  the  laid  Jitters  patents  doth  at  large  appeare. 

Tuat  John  Mafon,  elq.  your  petitioner's  grandfather,  by 
virtue  01  lcvcral  grants  from  the  laid  councell  of  New.Eng- 
Jand,  under  theire  common  feale,  bearing  date  the  9th  of 
March  1O21,  the  icth  of  Augull  1622,  the  ;th  of  Novem- 
ber 1629,  and  the  22d  of  April  1635,  was  inflated  in  fee  in  a 
great  tract  of  land  in  New-England  by  the  name  of  New- 
Hampi'hire,  ly'eing  upon  the  fea-coaft  between  the  rivers  of 
Naumkeek  ana  Pafcataway,  and  running  up  into  the  land 
weiiward  threefcore  miles,  with  all  the  iflands  lying  within  rive 
leagues  dillance  of  any  part  thereof,  and  alio  the  fouth  halfe 
of  the  Ifles  of  Shoals;  and  alio  the  laid  John  Mafon  together 
with  Sir  Ferdinands  Gorges,  knt  was  enfeoffed  by  the  aiore- 
faici  councell  or  New-England  in  other  lands  bv  the  name  of 
Laconia  by  their  deed  beareing  date  the  27th  day  of  Novem- 
ber 1629,  the  laid  lands  lyeing  and  bordering  upon  the  great 
lakes  and  rivers  of  the  Iroquois  and  other  nations  adjoining. 
All  which  iaid  lands  to  be  held  as  fully,  freely,  in  as  large, 
ample  and  beneficial  manner  and  forme  to  all  intents  and  j  ur- 
pol'es  whatsoever  as  the  faid  councell  of  New-England  by  vir- 
tue of  his  majeity's  faid  Liters  patents  might  or  ought  to  hold 
and  enjoy  the  fame,  as  by  the  laid  fevera!  grants  appeares. 

Whereupon  your  petitioner's  faid  grandfather  did  expend 
upwards  of  twenty  two  thoufand  pounds  in  tranfporting  peo- 
ple, building  homes,  forts,  an<'  magazines,  furnifhing  them 
with  great  iiore  of  armes  of  oil  forts,  with  artillery  great  and 
fmall,  for  defence  and  protection  of  his  fervants  and  tenants, 
with  ail  other  ncceiiary  commodities  and  materiallsfor  eitablifh- 
|ng  a  fettled  plantation. 

That  in  the  year  162&,  in  the  fourth  yeare  of  the  reigne  of 
your  majeity's  royal  father,  lomc  perfons  did  furreptitionfly 
and  unkn-jivn  to  the  faid  counczii,  e;et  the  leale  of  the  faid  coun- 
cell affixed  to  a  grant  of  certaine  lands,  whereof  the  greateft 
part  were  folemnly  pall  unto  your  petitioner's  grandfather  and 
others  long  before,  and  ibone  after  did  the  fame  perfons  by 

their 


APPENDIX. 


XiX 


their  fulfil  praHifes  get  a  confirmation  of  the  fa! J  grant  under 
the  great   feale  of  England,  as  a   corporation  by  the  name  of 
THE  CORPORATION  OF  THE  MASSACHUSETTS 
BAY  IN  NEW-ENGLAND,  your  majefty's  royal  J 
ing  univUting   thereof,  and   having  thus  by  fraud  ohteyned  a 
grant  and  confirmation,  they  compelled  the  rightful!    inhabi- 
tants to  defert  their  plantations,  and  by    many  outragicus  ac- 
tions they  became   poffefTed  of  thnt  part  of   the  cou 
dancing  themfelvea  to  be  a  tree  peo|  le*,  frameing  to  theml 
new  iawe^,  with  new  methods  in   religion   abfoiutcly  contrary 
to   the   laives   and    cuflomes  of  this   y   Mr  realme  of 

England,  punifbing  diverfe  that  would    n<  :  .   thereof, 

fome  by  whipping,  others  by  burning  their  houles,  and   f 
by  banifhing,  and  the  like. 

At  la  11  tlie  complaints  of  the  oppre  fled  fubjects  reaching  the 
eares  of  your  royal  father,  his  magefty  caufed  the  whole  matter 
to  be  examined  before  his  moll  honourable  privy  councell  s::d 
all  being  fully  proved,  his  majefty  did  commaad.thc  councell  of 
New-England  to  give  an  account  by  what  authority,  or  by 
whole  procurement  thole  people  of  the  Mauachufetts  Bay 
were  fent  o\er,  his  majefty  concieving  the  faid  councell  to  be 
guilty  thereof. 

But  the  faid  councell   of  N.  1    made    it   plainlcy 

to  appear  to  his  majefty  that  e  ignorant  of  the  whole 

matter  and  that  the)  had  noe  lhare  in  the  evil  Is  committed  and 
wholly  difclaimed  the  fame, and  the  faid  councell  hnding  they 
had  not  fumcient  means  to  give  redrefa  and  reibfy  what  i 
bio't  to  rume,  they  humbly  referred  to  his  majefty  to  - 
thtrein  as  he  pleafcd  and  thereupon  the  faid  councell  of  New- 
England  relolved  to  refign,  and  did  actually  refigne  the  great 
charter  of  New-England  into  his  majefty's  roj  al  handes,  feeing 
there  was  an  abfoiute  neceffity  for  his  mnjelly  to  take  the 
management  of  that  country  tohimfcll,  it  being  become  a  bu- 
finefs  of  high  confluence  and  only  to  be  remedied  by  his  fo- 
rereign  power,  all  which  appears  by  the  declaration  of  the 
councell  of  New-England  dated  the  25th  of  April,  1635,  to- 
gether with  the  ait  of  furrender  of  the  great  charter  of  New- 
England  dateel  the  7th  day  of  June,  the  lame  year 

That  immediately  thereupon,  his  majefty  in  trinity  terme 
1635,  cauled  a  quo  warranto  to  be  brought  up  by  Sir  John  Banks 
his  majefly's  then  attorney  general  againfl  the  governor,  deputy 
governor  and  every  of  the  aflalants  or  the  laid  corporation  of 
Mauachufetts  in  New-England  lever-ally,  according  to  their 
aamci  mentioned  ia  the  faid  patents  of  incorporation,  being 

twenty 


sx  APPENDIX. 

twenty  fix  perfons,  whereof  two  being  dead,  of  the  rcmayning 
twenty  four  perfons,  th^re  did  fourteen  at  feveral  times  appeare 
at  the  king's  benchbar  and  there  diiclaimed  the  charter,  the  re- 
maining term  perfons  were  outlawed,  and  thereupon  judgment 
given  for  the  king,  that  the  liberties  and  franchifes  of  the  faid 
corporation  of  MafTachufetts  Bay  mould  be  feized  into  the  king's 
handesand  the  body  of  the  governor  to  be  taken  intocuftody  for 
ufurping  the  faid  liberties,  all  which  appears  by  the  roles  in  the 
crown  office,  of  cuftos  brevium  for  the  king's  bench  of  the 
proceedings  in  the  feverall  terms  from  the  yeare  1635  to  1637. 

That  thereupon  his  faid  royall  majefcy  on  the  3d  day  of  May 
1637,  did  order  in  councell  that  the  attorney  genl.  be  required 
to  call  for  the  faid  patent  and  prefent  the  lame  to  the  board, 
and  his  majefty  by  his  declaration  of  the  23d  of  July  1637,1*0 
the  13th  yeare  of  his  reigne  declared  his  royal  pleafure  for 
eitablifhing  a  general  I  government  in  his  territory  of  New-Eng- 
land for  the  prevention  of  the  evils  that  otherwife  might  enfue 
for  default  thereof,  thereby  declaring  Sr  Ferdinando  Gorges 
to  be  governor  generall  of  the  whole  country  and  requiring  all 
perfons  to  give  theire  obediance  accordingly. 

That  the  warrs  and  troubles  immediately  enfueing  in  Scot- 
land and  prefently  after  here  in  England  did  hinder  his  faid 
majefty  from  fettling  that  country  or  profecuting  the  right 
which  he  intended  his  fubjects,  however  the  proceedings  of  his 
majefty  caufed  fome  reftraint  to  the  further  violences  and  op- 
prcffions  of  the  faid  Maflachufetts,  and  they  conteyned  them- 
felves for  a  time  within  their  pretended  bounds  but  noe  fooner 
was  that  king  of  bleffed  memory  your  royal  father  become  a 
facrifice  but  they  renewed  theire  former  violences  by  oppref- 
fing  all  the  other  colonies  and  defigneing  by  encouragement 
from  fome  in  England  to  ere6t  themfelves  into  a  common- 
wealth, and  in  order  to  lay  a  foundation  for  this  power  and 
dominion  which  they  now  afpired  unto  they  thought  it  necef- 
fary  to  extend  theire  bounds  and  fpread  into  a  larger  territory 
then  as  yet  they  had  ufurped,  and  that  this  work  might  not  be 
done  without  a  mafic  or  color  of  right  they  do  in  an  aflembly 
held  at  Bofton  the  19th  of  o&ober  1652,  ferioufly  perufe  the 
grant  (which  had  been  procured  as  aforefd. )  and  therein 
weighing  the  words  and  trying  what  new  fence  they  might 
beare  more  futeable  to  theire  increafe  of  power,  they  tho't  fit 
at  length  to  declare  themfelves  miftaken  in  what  they  had  done 
in  the  year  1631,  when  they  eredled  bound-houfes  and  had  for 
foe  many  yeares  confined  themfelves  thereunto,  whereas  now  by 
the  help  of  an  imaginary   line  or  rather  by  a  new  reafon  of 

ftatc 


APPENDIX.  xxi 

ftate  there  is  a  fence  impofedhy  themfehes  upon  their e  own  wtrdf, 
and  they  ftretch  their  rights  to  neer  two  hundred  miles  of  land 
northward  and  as  much  fouthward  more  than  they  were  fatis- 
iied  withal  before,  fwal lowing  up  your  majefty's  petitioner  as 
well  r.3  others  whole  properties  were  eftablilhed  long  before 
the  faid  people  had  any  being.  And  that  they  might  give 
execution  to  this  righteous  fentence  they  prefently  invade  and 
by  force  of  arms  Jeize  upon  the  province  of  New-  Ha??rpjhire,  and 
other  lands  of  ri^ht  belonging  to  your  petitioner,  befides  what 
they  did  to  others,  compelling  the  inhabitants  to  fwear  to  be 
true  to  them  and  to  caft  off  their  lawful  lords,  and  fuch  as  re- 
fufed  were  either  ruined,  banifhed  or  imprifoned,  and  any  ap- 
peales  to  England  utterly  denied  unto  them,  then  they  proceed 
to  coining  of  money  with  their  owne  imprefs,  railing  the  coine 
of  England,  and  acting  in  all  matters  in  a  moll  abfolute  and 
arbitrary  way.  And  although  your  petitioner  by  his  agent 
Jofeph  Ma  Ion  did  demand  redrefs  of  the  general  court  of  Maf- 
fachufetts  fetting  at  Bofton  in  1652,  offering  to  make  out  tkc 
right  and  title  of  your  petitioner  to  the  province  of  New- 
Hampfhire  and  other  lands  againft  all  perfons  whatfoever,  yet 
noe  rellitution  could  be  obtayned  without  a  fubmiffion  to  their 
authority,  and  to  hold  the  lands  from  them  which  the  petitio- 
ner then  did  refufe  and  hath  akvaies  refnfed  chufing  rather 
to  wait  for  more  happy  times  wherein  to  expe£l  reliefe  then  by 
a  legall  relignation  of  his  rights  to  thofe  who  had  none  at  all 
diveil  himfelf  of  what  his  anceftors  had  purchafed  at  foe  deare 
a  rate:  Your  petitioner  having  as  eaqual!  a  right  to  the  govern- 
ment in  the  laid  province  as  he  hath  to  the  land  itfelf,  all  which 
appears  by  a  report  made  to  your  majefty  the  15th  of  February 
1661,  when  your  petitioner  firft  expofed  to  your  majefty  the 
oppreffions  under  which  he  had  lo  long  groaned,  in  the  evil 
times,  and  which  grieves  him  now  much  more  to  beare  while 
hee  has  the  protection  of  foe  ju ft  and  gracious  a  foveraigne  to 
refort  unto. 

Wherefore  your  petitioner  moft  humbly  implores  your  ma- 
jefty to  take  notice,  that  (by  a  plaine  difcovery  of  what  fraud 
in  the  beginning  and  the  length  of  troubled  times  has  helped 
to  conceale)  the  Boftoners  have  noe  patent  of  incorporation  at 
all,  that  yet  they  have  under  colour  of  right  and  authority 
from  the  crown  devoured  your  petitioner  and  other  propiietors 
whofe  titles  are  by  your  majefty's  learned  councell  allowed  as 
ilrong  as  the  law  can  make  them. 

That  all  waies  have  been  tryed  and  methods  ufed  to  obteyn 
juftice  from  the   Softeners,  but  all  have  proved  ineffectual!, 

that 


Jcxii  APPENDIX. 

that  your  petitioner's  loffe?  have  been  foe  many  and  great,  and 
his  fufferings  foe  continued  that  he  cannot  any  longer  fnpport 
the  burthen  of  them.  And  when  your  majelty  will  but  con- 
fnicr  how  fmall  the  refprct  has  been  wherewith  thofe  people 
have  treated  your  majelly  fince  your  happy  reftauration,  and 
what  daily  breaches  are  by  them  made  upon  your  majelly's  adts 
of  navigation,  which  turnes  fo  greatly  to  the  detriment  of  this 
kingdome  in  generall,  thefe  ioffes  and  fufferings  of  a  particular 
fubjedt  cannot  much  be  quellioned,  foe  that  your  petitioner 
humbly  hopes  that  your  majeily  will  think  it  high  time  to 
ftrctch  forth  your  royall  hand  of  jultice  to  affilt  your  petitioner, 
that  hee  may  have  the  quiet  poffeffion  of  his  province,  and  re- 
paration made  him  for  the  lofTes  fulteyned,  in  fuch  ways  and 
methods  as  the  importance  of  the  cafe  requires,  and  your  ma- 
jelty in  your  royr.ll  wtfdome  /hall  think  moll  fitt. 

And  your  petitioner  fhall  ever  pray. 

ROB.  MASON. 
[From  a  copy  in  the  pojfeffion  of  the  Mafonian  proprietors.^ 

XIV. 
A  brief  declaration  of  the  right  and  claim  of  thegovernour  and 
company  of  the  Maffachufetts  Bay  in  New-Engb.nd,  to  the 
lands  now  in  their  poffeffion,  but  pretended  to  by  Mr.  Gorge 
snd  Mr.  Mafon,  together   with   an   anfwer   to  their  feveral 
pleas  and  complaints  in  their  petitions  exhibited  :   Humbly 
prefented  and  fubmitted  by  the  faid  governour  and  compa- 
ny to  the  king's  molt  excellent  majelty,  as  their  defence. 
TN  the  yeare  of  our  Lord  1628,  in  the  third  yeare  of  his  'ate 
-*■   majefty  Charles  the  firlt,   of  happy  memory,  feveral    loyal 
and  pioufly  difpofed  gentlemen  obtained  of  the  great  council 
of  New-England,  a  grant  of  a  certain  tra6t  of  land   lying  in 
New-England,  defcribed   and    bounded  as  therein  expreffed  ; 
which  was  in  all  refpects  fairly  and  openly  procured  and  with 
fo  good  an  intent  of  propagating  the  gofpel  among  the  natives, 
and  to  advance  the  honour  and  dignity  of  his  late  majelty,  of 
happy  memory,  that  they  were  bold  to  fupplicate  his  laid  ma- 
jelty to  fuperadd  his   royal   confirmation   thereto,  which  ac- 
cordingly in  an  ample  royal  charter  was  paffed  and  remains 
under  the  broad  feal  of  England,  March  the  4th  1629,   in  the 
fourth  year  of  his  majeftics  reign,  with  further  additions  and 
enlargements   well   becoming  fo  royal   a   majelty,  and  fuitable 
for  the  encouragement  of  fo  hazardous  and  chargeable  an  ad- 
venture.     In  pin iuance  whereof  many  of  the  faid  patentees  and 
other  adventurers  tranfported  themfelves  and  eltates  and  fettled 

in 


APPENDIX.  xxiii 

in  the  mofl  known  and  accommodable  parts  of  thofe  buds  con- 
tained in  the  faid  charter,  neither  time,   eftate,  nor  power  fuf- 
fering  them  fpeedily  to  furvey  the  ju it  extent  of  their    limits*. 
Not  many  years  different  in  lime  feveral  others  alio  of  Ins  ma- 
jefty's  iubjects  obtained  other  grants,  and  made  feveral  fettle* 
ments  in  the  more  northern  and  eafterne  parts  of  the  country, 
with  whom  for  feveral  years  wc  had  neighbourly  correfpond- 
ence,  being  as  they  fuppofed  without  the  limits  of  our  patent, 
amongft    whom    the   prefent    claimers    and    petitioners    were. 
Thefe  grants  partly  by  reafon  of  the  fmallnefs  of  fome  of  them, 
and  partly  by  reafon  of  darke  involv'd  and   dubious  exprefuorl 
of  their  limits,    brought  the  inhabitants  under  many  intangle- 
lnents  and  diffatisfa&ions  among  themfelves,  which  there  being 
no  fettled  authority  to  be  applied  to,  being  deferted  and  for- 
faken  of  all  fuch  as  by  virtue  of  faid  grants  did  claim  jurifdic- 
tion  over  them  and  had  made  a  fuccefslefs  eiTay  for  the  fettle- 
ment  of  government  among  them  proved  of  fome  continuance, 
unto  the  great  difquiet  and  difturbance  of  thofe  his  majefty's 
fubje&S  that  were  peaceable  and   well  difpofed  amongft  them  ; 
to  remedy  which  inconvenience  they  betook  themfelves  to  the 
way  of  combinations  for  government,  but  by  experience  found 
it  ineffectual.      In  this  time  ignorance  of  the  northerly  running* 
of  Merrimack  river  hindred  our  actual  claim  and  extention  of 
government,   yet  at  length  being  more  fully  fettled,   and  hav- 
ing obtained    further   acquaintance   and  correfpondency   with 
the   Indians   pofleffing  the   uppermoft   parts  of  that   rivfe  en- 
couraging an  adventure,  as  alfo  frequent  follicltations  from  the 
mod  coniiderabte   inhabitants  of  thofe  eaftern   parts  earneftly 
deliring  us  to  make    proofe  of  and  afcertain  our  intcreft,  we 
imployed  the  moil   approved   artifts   that  could  be   obtained, 
who  upon   their   i'olemn   oaths  made  returns,  That  upon  their 
certain  obfervation  our  northern   patent  line  did  extend  fo  far 
north  as  to  take  in   all  thofe  towns  and  places  which  we  now 
poffefs ;  which  when  the  inhabitants  as  well  as  our  felvi 
fatisned    in    (urged    alfo   with  the  neceffity  of 
mongft  them)  they  peaceably  and  voluntarily  fubmitj 
government  of  the  Maflachufetts,  (viz.)  Dov,  r, 
Portfmouth  anno   104 1 ,   Kittery,   York  and  Wells  anflb   I 
and  1  ^S 15 3 ,   from  which  times  until  \\\ 

was  a  fmall  interruption  by  a  letter  of  Mr.  Gorge,  and  afti  .  • 
wards  in  the  year   1665,  (when   his  majeftyes  commiffi 
Colonel  Nichols  and  others  cameovei )  the  inhabitant 
parts  lived  we'll  fatisfied  and  uninterrupted   under  the   1 1 
chufcts  government.     But  then  the  laid  commiffioners  ne 

c  c  reg  at 


xxiv  APPENDIX. 

regarding  the  Maflachufets  juft  right  nor  the  claims  of  Mr, 
Gorge  and  Mr.  Mafon,  fettled  a  new  forme  of  government 
there,  but  this  hardly  outlived  their  departure,  the  people  im- 
patient of  innovations,  and  well  experienced  and  fatished  in- 
their  former  fettlement,  quickly  and  quietly  returned  to  order 
again  and  fo  continue  unto  this  time.  This  is  in  a  few  words 
the  true  Hate  of  the  matter  ;  for  the  further  illuftration  where- 
of and  jultification  of  our  proceedings  therein  and  vindication 
of  our  felves  from  the  reproachful  imputation  of  ufurping  au- 
thority over  his  majefties  fubje£ts  in  the  eafterne  parts  pretend- 
ed to,  with  other  fcandals  caft  upon  us  by  the  petitioners,  we 
humbly  prefent  the  following  pleas  by  way  of  demonftration, 
and  argue  that  our  extenfion  of  government  to  thofe  eaftern 
parts  claimed  is  agreeable  to  our  indubitable  patent  right  ;  our 
patent  according  to  the  exprels  terme  therein  contained  with- 
out any  ambiguity  or  colour  of  other  interpretation,  ]yes  be- 
tween tnvo  eafl  and  <w  eft  par  ale  I  lines  drawn  from  the  inqft  fouth- 
erly  part  of  Charles  river  and  the  mofl  northerly  part  of  Merri- 
viack,  with  three  miles  advantage  upon  each,  which  upon  the- 
obfervation  of  men  of  approved  and  undoubted  truth  upon  oath, 
are  found  diftant  one  degree  and  forty  nine  minutes  north  la- 
titude, being  to  extend  in  full  latitude  and  breadth  from  fea  to 
fea  (ut  in  terminis)  and  therefore  cannot  be  bounded  by  many 
hundreds  or  infinite  numbers  of  lines,  as  the  river  of  Merri- 
mack maketh  bends  or  angles  in  two  hundred  miles  paflage 
from  Winipefioke  lake  to  the  mouth  thereof,  which  to  ima- 
gine, as  it  is  irrational  fo  would  it  involve  us  and  any  borderer 
into  fo  many  inextricable  difputes  as  are  by  no  wayes  to  ba 
admitted  by  a  prince  fecking  his  fubje&s  peace.  Befides  were 
fuch  a  conftru£tion  allowable  (which  with  uttermoft  ftreining 
is)  yet  all  favourable  interpretation  is  to  be  offered  the  paten- 
tees by  the  gracious  expreffion  of  the  charter.  Now  accord- 
ing to  the  afore  mentioned  obfervation  (fo  confirmed)  all  thofe 
eailern  plantations  challenged  by  our  opponents  (ut  fupra)  are 
comprehended  within  our  northerly  line.  We  deny  not  but 
the  artifts  of  their  felves,  and  if  any  queftion  thence  arifewe  feare 
not  to  fubmit  to  tryal  to  the  molt  exa6t  and  rigorous  tell  that 
may  be.  The  invincible  ftrength  of  this  our  firfh  plea  may 
further  appear  by  the  consideration  of  the  frivolous  and  infig- 
nificant  allegations  of  the  petitioners  in  oppofition  thereunto, 
viz.  I  ft.  The  nonextention  of  our  line  or  affertion  of  our  right  to 
thofe  eaftern  parts  for  forne  years,  ignorance  as  our  cafe  was 
circumftanced  debarring  no  man  of  his  juft  right,  neither  can 
it  reafonably  be  fuppofed  that  the  exacl  furvey  of  fo  large  a 

grant 


APPENDIX.  xxv 

grant  in  fo  hideous  a  wildernefs  pofTeffed  by  an  enemy  would 
be  the  worke  of  a  few  years,  our  own  poverty  not  affording 
means,  and  our  weaknefs  (allowing  no  deep  adventure  into  the 
country)  permitting  us  not  to  view  the  favourable  running  of 
the  river,  which  none  can  imagine  altered  its  courfe  by  our 
delay  ;  we  may  as  well  be  deprived  of  far  more  then  we  poffeis 
or  ever  faw  on  our  weftern  parts  to  the  fouth  fea  (which  none 
will  deny)  becaufe  we  have  not  furveyed  it  or  are  foon  like  to 
be  able,  as  be  taken  from  our  northern  right  fo  obvious  to  the 
meaneft  artift. 

2d!y.  The  Poffefiion-houfe  in  Hampton,  of  fo  little  fignifi- 
cation  and  fo  long  lince  dilufed,  that  Mr.  Mafon  hath  forgot 
the  name  thereof  and  calleth  it  Bound-houfe,  erected  to  give 
the  world  to  know  that  we  claimed  confiderably  to  the  north- 
ward of  our  then  habitations  upon  the  bay,  though  we  did  not 
know  the  uttermoft  extent  of  our  right,  our  fathers  not  being 
fo  ignorant  of  the  law  of  the  realme  to  which  they  did  apper- 
tain as  to  fuppofe  the  taking  poflefiion  of  part  did  debar  them 
of  the  remainder  but  the  contrary;  and  we  challenge  Mr.  Ma- 
fon or  any  on  his  behalfe,  promiiine;  our  records  (hall  be  open 
to  the  molt  fcrutinous  it-arch  to  prove  it,  either  called  or  intend- 
ed according  to  his  abufe  thereof. 

3dly.  That  notorious  falfliood  of  ftretching  our  right  to 
near  four  hundred  miles  north  and  fouth  more  then  formerly 
we  were  fatisfied  with,  our  whole  breadth  being  but  one  hun- 
dred and  nine  mile,  which  is  not  much  more  then  a  quarter 
part  of  what  he  would  have  the  world  believe  our  new  claime 
and  (as  he  would  infinuate)  ufurped  territory  doth  contain, 
arifing  (we  would  charitably  believe)  partly  from  ignorance 
of  the  coafting  of  the  country,  Mr.  Mafon  accounting  by  the 
fea-iide,  and  we  fuppofe  coafting  in  tht  meafure  of  every  har- 
bour and  cove  to  make  up  that  calculation,  which  lies  much 
of  it  due  eaft  and  not  to  the  north,  but  we  fear  malevolently 
fuggefted  (as  many  other  things  as  of  little  credit)  to  intro- 
duce into  his  majellie  his  royal  breaft  a  beliefe  that  we  are  un- 
reafonable  in  our  pretentions,  and  fo  unworthy  of  his  majefties 
favour,  which  we  hope  fuch  unlawful  endeavours  will  never  be 
fo  profperous  as  to  obtain.  What  may  be  further  added  to 
this  our  firft  plea,  may  be  fupplied  from  the  reafons  formerly 
prefented.  We  urge  fecondly,  The  invalidity  of  thofe  grants 
pretended  to  by  the  petitioners,  which  are  of  two  forts;  lft. 
Such  as  beare  date  after  ours,  which  we  fee  no  reafon  to  feare 
any  interruption  from.  Secondly,  Such  as  are  pretended  to 
bear  date  before  ours,  again  ft  which  we  object  that  they  art. 
"""•       c  c   2  not 


xxri  APPENDIX. 

not  authentick,  wanting  a  fufficient  number  of  gra.itors  to 
make  them  fo,  none  of  thtm  as  we  prefume  will  appeare  upon 
tryal  having  above  fix  hands  and  feals  annexed  to  them,  the 
faid  council  of  New-England  confifling  of  forty,  and  his  ma- 
jeilys  grant  to  them  txprefsly  requiring  (as  we  are  itiformed) 
feven  at  the  leaft  to  figne  to  make  any  valid  act ;  and  indeed 
Mr.  Mafon's  own  often  unwearied  renewal  of  his  grants  in  162  i, 
fixteen  hundred  twenty  two,  fixteen  hundred  twenty  nine  and 
1635,  (as  he  faiih)  tae  tly  confeffeth  the  fame  invalidity,  in  the 
former  puting  him  to  charge  for  the  latter,  till  at  lad  he  fell 
into  fucli  a  trade  of  obtaining  grants  that  his  laft  and  moft  con- 
fiderable  was  fix  years  after  the  grant  of  our  charter  from  his 
majefty,  and  but  three  dayes  before  the  faid  council's  declara- 
tion of  their  abiolute  refolution  to  relign,  and  but  a  few  days 
before  their  aftual  furrender,  as  he  afferts  ;  which  of  what  va- 
lue and  confideration  it  is  from  the  faid  council's  cireumftanced 
under  a  net  efiity  of  rcfignation  of  their  great  charter,  procur- 
ed rather  by  the  clamour  of  fuch  ill  affected  perfons  as  the  pre- 
fent  complaint  than  by  any  true  accompt  of  diffettlement  or  ill 
management  here,  is  net  difficult  to  judge.  Hence  it  appears,, 
firft,  how  little  reafon  Mr.  Mafon  hath  to  brand  us  with  fraud 
or  furreptitioimiefs  in  obtaining  our  charter;  which  hath  moil 
mew  of  fraud  and  furreptitious  procuration,  a  fufficient  num- 
ber of  thofe  honble  perfons  fubferibing  ours  and  fewer  his  pre- 
tended antidated  grants,  is  eafie  to  determine.  In  which  af- 
fertion  is  to  be  obferved  the  high  reflection  caft  upon  the  mem- 
bers of  his  late  majefty  and  miniflers  of  ftate,  groundlefsly 
rendring  the  council's  feal,  yea  the  great  feal  of  England,  ex- 
pofed  to  fraud  and  deceitful  clandeftine  practices ;  yea  upon 
his  prefent  majefty,  infinuating  himfelfe  better  acquainted  with 
matters  of  ftate  then  he  who  allows  and  confirmes  our  grant  as 
authentick  by  his  gracious  letter  of  fixteen  hundred  fixty  two, 
which  intolerable  boldnefs  how  unbecoming  (not  to  fay  more) 
in  a  fubject,  it  is  not  eafie  for  us  to  fay.  To  all  which  we 
may  add  Sr  Ferdinando  Gorges  application  to  the  authority 
here  to  interpofe  in  his  affair,  which  he,  being  one  of  the  great 
council,  would  have  been  far  from  acknowledging,  had  Mr. 
Mafon's  allegations  been  founded  upon  truth. 

Secondly,  That  articles  of  charge  depending  upon  fuch  il- 
legal and  poft  dated  grants  cannot  take  place  againft  us  were 
their  difburfe  as  great  as  it  is  affirmed,  which  by  eye  witneffes 
upon  the  place  and  ftil  living,  are  proved  comparitively  very 
inconfiderable. 

3dly.  We  affirme  that  the  whole  management  of  the   affair 

reflecting 


APPENDIX.  Kxvn 

sefpe£ting  our  government  of  thofe  eaflern  parts  was  in  an  or- 
derly and  peaceable  way,  and  not  without  the  reiterated  and 
earned  follicitation  ofmoftof  the  people  there  inhabiting,  fuf- 
ficiently  appearing  by  their  feveral  petitions;  and  we  chal- 
lenge Mr.  Gorge  and  Mr.  Mafon  by  any  living  evidence  or  re- 
cord to  fhew  any  ligne  of  aforceable  entrance:  Some  majiftratcs 
upon  the  clearing  of  our  right  to  them  and  acceptance  of  the 
tender  of  themfelves  to  us,  being  fent  thither  without  any  o- 
ther  force  than  each  of  them  a  fervant  to  attend  them.  Indeed 
fame  years  after  Capt.  Boniton  for  mutinous  carriage  was  feiz- 
ed  and  brought  to  juitice  ;  concerning  which  and  many  other 
cafes  many  inhabitants  yet  living  and  eye  wittnefTes  can  give 
the  moft  impartial  evidences. 

4thly.  We  offer  to  confederation  that  the  defertcd  and  un- 
govern'd  (late  of  the  people  of  thofe  places  had  we  not  had  that 
patent  right  fo  clearly  evinced,  might  warrant  our  actions; 
efpecially  confidering  the  obligation  upon  us  to  fecure  his  ma- 
jelly's  honour  and  maintain  thu  publick  peace,  fo  hazarded  by 
the  total  want  of  government  amongft  them.  Our  firit  exer- 
cife  of  jurildithon  being  in  the  year  i^^r,  eight  year  after 
Capt  Neale,  agent  for  Mr.  Mafon,  had  wholy  deferted  the 
improvement  of  land  and  the  government  of  the  country,  which 
indeed  he  never  ufed  but  one  year,  for  in  the  year  1630  he  firft 
came  over,  and  in  the  year  1634  he  quitted  the  place  ;  and  in 
the  interim  neglected  the  fame  in  making  a  voyage  for  Eng- 
iand,  the  Ihort  time  of  his  tarriance  not  admitting  of  fettle- 
jnent  of  government  or  improvement.  We  may  hereto  fubjoin 
that  Mr.  Joleph  Mafon,  agent  for  Mrs.  Ann  Mafon,  when 
here  and  all  things  were  frefh  in  memory,  made  no  demand 
contrary  to  what  is  affirmed,  but  petitioned  our  juflice  ac;ain(t 
his  debtors  there  and  elfewhere,  and  that  Sr  Ferdinando 
Gorges  his  grant  being  fo  mean  and  uncertainly  bounded  that 
he  knew  not  well  how  to  find  much  lefs  to   improve   to  conii- 

derable  advantage,  by  his  letter  bearing  date doth 

devolve  the  whole  charge  and  care  of  his  pretended  province 
upon  the  authority  here  eflablifhed.  Laftly,  That  the  exer- 
c»fe  of  jurifdiciion  in  thofe  eaflern  parts  hath  been  and  is  his 
majefly's  honour,  the  people's  great  benefit,  and  our  charge 
without  profit,  which  had  it  not  been,  the  ruine  of  thofe  parts 
would  have  unavoidably  enfued  in  the  want  of  all  government, 
and  their  feizure  by  the  French,  who  ever  waited  a  fit  oppor- 
tunity for  the  fame.  They  have  part  of  them  for  thirty  five 
years  and  others  twenty  yeares  (fome  fmall  interruption  inter- 
vening  producing   the  ftronger  inclination   and  refolution  in 

thena 


xxviii  APPENDIX. 

them  to  be  conftant  to  his  majefties  authority  here)  lived  un- 
der the  government  of  the  MafTachufetts  a  quiet,  well  ordered 
and  thriving  people.  And  as  for  any  complaint  from  ill  af- 
fected perfuns,  it  is  well  known  that  the  belt  and  wifeft  go- 
vernment is  not  without  difquiet  from  fome  fuch  ;  and  no 
wonder  if  filly  people  are  foon  affecled  with  fuch  fair  glozing 
promiies  as  Mr.  Mafon  hath  made  and  publifhed,  as  it  were 
determining  the  cafe  before  tryal  by  his  latt  letters  to  the  in- 
habitants in  thofe  parts,  and  that  our  government  in  thofe 
places  have  been  no  gain  is  fo  unqueftionable  a  truth  that  ne- 
ver was  any  levy  laid  upon  them  for  the  fupply  of  the  publick 
treafury,  tho'  much  hath  been  and  is  further  like  to  be  ex- 
pended for  their  fecurity,  who  othervvife  will  inevitably  become 
an  eafie  prey  to  the  heathen  now  in  holiility  with  us,  and  at 
this  prefent  time  rageing  in  thofe  parts. 

The  before  writen  is  a  true  copy  tranferibed  from  the  re- 
cords of  the  general  court  of  the  late  colony  of  the 
MafTachufetts  Bay,  held  by  the  governour  and  com- 
pany of  the  faid  colony  att  Bofton,  the  6th  of  Sep- 
tember,   1676. 

Examd.  per  ISA.  ADDINGTON,  Secry. 

No,  XV. 
At  the  Court  at  Whitehall,  July  20,  '677. 
(L  S.)      Prefent  the  King's  molt  excellent  Majefty. 
Lord  Chancellor,  E.  of  Craven, 

Ld  Treafurer,  Ld  Bp  of  London, 

Ld  Privy  Seal,  Ld  Maynard, 

Duke  of  Ormond,  Ld  Berkley, 

Marquis  of  Worcefter,  Mr.  Vice  Chamberlain, 

Ld  Chamberlain,  Mr.  Secy  Coventry, 

Earl  of  Northampton,  Mr.  Secy  Williamfon, 

Earl  of  Peterborough,  Mr.  Chancellor  of  the   Ex- 

Earl  of  Stratford,  chequer, 

E.  of  Sunderland,  Mafter  of  the  ordnance, 

E.  of  Bath,  Mr.  Speaker. 

WHEREAS  the  right  honourable  the  lords  of  the  com- 
mittee for  trade  and  plantations,  did  in  purfuance  of 
an  order  of  the  7th  of  February  laft  make  report  to  the  board, 
of  the  matters  in  controverfy  between  the  corporation  of  the 
MafTachufetts  Bay  in  New-England,  and  Mr.  Mafon  and  Mr. 
Gorges  touching  the  right  of  foil  and  government,  claimed  by 
the  faid  parties  in  certain  lands  there,  by  virtue  of  feveral 
grants  from  his  majefty's  royal  father  and  grandfather  as  fol- 
Joweth,  in  thefe  words.  May 


APPENDIX. 


xxix 


May  it  pleafe   your  majefty, 

Having  received  your  majefty's  order  in  council  of  the  7th 
of  February  laft  pall,  whereby  we  are  directed  to  enter  into 
the  examination  of  the  bounds  and  limits  which  the  corpora- 
tion of  the  MnfLchufetts  Bay  in  N.  E.  on  the  one  hand,  and 
Mr.  Mafon  and  Mr.  Gorges  on  the  other,  do  pretend  by  their 
Several  grants  and  patents  to  have  been  afligned  unto  them,  as 
alfo  to  examine  the  patents  and  charters  which  are  inlifted  on 
by  either  fide,  in  order  to  rind  out  and  fettle  how  far  the  rights 
of  foil  and  government  do  belong  unto  any  of  them.  In  con- 
sideration whereof  the  lords  chief  jullices  of  your  majeily's 
.Courts  o(  king's  bench  and  common  pleas  were  appointed  to 
give  us  their  afiiftance,  we  did  on  the  5th  of  April  laft  toge- 
ther with  the  faid  lords  chief  juftices  meet  in  obedience  to  your 
majefty's*  commands,  and  having  heard  both  parties  by  their 
council  learned  in  the  law,  we  did  recommend  unto  their  lord- 
ftiips  to  receive  a  ftate  of  the  claims  made  by  both  parties,  and 
to  return  their  opinions  upon  the  whole  matter  unto  us,  which 
their  lordlhips  have  accordingly  performed  in  the  words  fol- 
lowing : 

In  obed'ence  to  your  Iordfh'ps  order  we  appointed  a  day  for 
the  hearing  of  all  parties,  and  conlidering  the  matters  referred, 
having  received  from  them  fuch  papers  of  their  cafes  as  they 
were  pleafed  to  deliver  ;  at  which  time  all  parties  appearing, 
the  refpondcits  did  difclaim  title  to  the  lands  claimed  by  the 
petitioners,  and  it  appeared  to  us  -that  the  faid  lands  are  in  the 
poffeffion  of  feveral  other  perfons  not  before  us,  whereupon  we 
•thought  not  fit  to  examine  any  claims  to  the  faid  lands,  it  be- 
ing (in  our  opinion)  improper  to  judge  of  any  title  of  land 
without  hearing  of  the  ter-tenants  or  fome  other  perfons  on 
their  behalf;  and  if  there  be  any  courfe  of  juftice  upon  the 
place  having  jurisdiction,  we  efteem  it  moil  proper  to  direct 
the  parties  to  have  recourle  thither  for  the  decifion  of  any 
queftion  of  property  until  it  (hall  appear  that  there  is  juftcaufe 
of  complaint  againlt  the  courts  of  juftice  .there  for  injuftice  or 
grievance. 

We  did  in  the  prefence  of  faid  parties  examine  their  feveral 
claims  to  the  government,  and  the  petitioners  having  waved 
the  pretence  of  a  grant  of  government  from  the  council  of 
Plymouth,  wherein  they  were  convinced  by  their  own  council 
that  no  fuch  power  or  jurisdiction  could  be  transferred  or  af- 
iigned  by  any  colour  of  law  ;  the  queftion  was  reduced  to  the 
province  of  Maine,  whereto  the  petitioner  Gorges  made  his 
title  by  a  grant  from  king  Charles  the  firft,  in  the  15th  year 


XXX 


APPENDIX. 


of  bis  reign,  made  to  Sir  Ferd.  Gorges  and  his  heirs  of  the 
province  of  Maine  and  the  government  thereof.      In  anfwer  to 
this  the  refpondents  alledged  that  long  before,   viz.  in  quarto 
li  primi,   the  government  was  granted  to  them,  and   pro- 
duced copier,  of  tetters    patents   wherein  ic  is  recited  that  the 
council  of  Plymouth  having  granted  to  certain    perfons  a  ter- 
ritory thus  defcribed,  viz.  *•  all  that  part  of  New-England  in 
"  America  which  lies  and  extends  between  a  great  river  that 
"  ia  commonly  called  Monomack  alias  Merrimack,  and  a  cer- 
"  tain  other  river  there  called  Charles  river,  being  in  the  bot- 
"  torn  of  a  certain  bay  there  called  the  Maflachufetts  Bay,  and 
"  alto  all  and  lingular  the  lands  and  hereditaments  whatloever 
"  lying  and  being  within  the  fpace  of  three  Englifh  miles  on 
"  the  l'outh  part  of  the  faid  Charles  river,  or  any  or  every  part 
"  thereof;  r.nd  alfo  all  and  lingular  the  lands  and  hereditaments 
(i  whatfoever  lying  and  being  within  the  fpace  of  three  Er.g- 
"  adiih  miles  to  the  fouthermoft    part  of  the   faid    bay    called 
f*  Maflachufetts   Bay;   and  all  thofe  lands  and  hereditaments 
««  whatfoever   which  \_lis~]   within  the  fpace    of  three    Englilh 
"  miles  to  the  northward  of  the  faid  river  called    Monomack 
"  alias  Merrimack,  or  the   northward  of  any  and  every  part 
*'  thereof;   and  all  lands  and  hereditaments   whatfoever  lying 
"  within  the  limits  aforefaid,   north  and  fouth  in   latitude  and 
"  breadth,  and  in  length  and  longitude  of  and  within  all  the 
**  breadth  aforefaid  throughout  the  main  lands  there,  from  the 
•'  Atlantic  and  Weftern  lea  and  ocean  on  the  eatt  part  to  the 
*'  South  lea  on  the  well."      By  the  faid  letters  patents  the  king 
confirmed  that  grant,  made  them  a  corporation,  and  gave  them 
power  to  make  laws   for   the  governing  of  the  lands  and  the 
people  therein.      To  which  it  was  replied   that  the  patent  of 
4  °    Caroli  primi  is  invalid,   (  I )  Becaufe  there  was  a  precedent 
grant,  18  °  Jacobi,  of  the    lame    thing  then   in  being,  which 
patent  was  lurrendered  afterwards  and  before  the  date  of  the 
other,   15  °  Car.  primi.      (2)  The  grant   of  the    government 
can  extend  no  farther  than  the  ownerlhip  of  the  foil,  the  bound- 
aries of  which   as  recited  in  that  patent  wholly  excludes  the 
province  of  Maine,  which  lies  northward  more  than  three  miles 
beyond  the  river  Merrimack. 

We  having  eonlidered  thefe  matters  do  humbly  conceive  as 
to  the  firll  matter,  that  the  patent  of  4  °  Caroli  inii  is  good 
notwithstanding  the  grant  made  in  the  18  °  Jac:  for  it  appear- 
ed to  us  by  the  recital  in  the  patent  4  °  Caroli  im'  that  the 
council  of  Plymouth  had  granted  away  all  their  intereft  in  the 
jands  the  year  before,  and  it  mud  be  prefumed  they  then  de- 

ferted^ 


APPENDIX.  xxxi 

fcrtcd  the  government ;  whereupon  it  was  lawful  and  neceffary 
for  the  king  to  eftablifh  a  fuitable  frame  of  government,  ac- 
cording  to  his  royal  wifdom,  which  was  done  by  that  patent, 
4°  Caroli  im»  making  the  adventurers  a  corporation  upon 
the  pi:;ce.  As  to  the  fecond  matter  it  feems  to  tie  to  be  very 
clear  that  the  grant  of  the  government  4°Caroli  imi  extends 
r.o  farther  than  the  boundaries  expYeffed  in  the  patent,  and 
thofe  boundaries  cannot  be  conltrued  to  extend  further  north- 
wards along  the  river  Merrimack  than  three  Englilh  miles,  for 
the  north  and  fouth  bounds  of  the  lands  granted  fo  far  as  the 
river  extends  are  to  follow  the  courfe  of  the  rivers'  which  make 
the  breadth  of  the  grant,  the  words  defenbing  the  length  to 
comprehend  all  the  lands  from  the  Atlantic  ocean  to  the  South 
fea  of  and  in  all  the  breadth  afoielaid,  do  not  warrant  the 
hing  thole  bounds  by  imaginary  lines  or  bounds,  other 
expofitioii  would  (in  our  humble  opinion)  be  unreafonable  and 
intereft  oJ  tlic  grant.  The  words  "  of  and  in  all 
the  breadth  aforefaid"  fliew  that  the  breadth  was  not  intended 
an  imaginary  line  of  breadth,  laid  upon  the  broadeft  part  but 
the  breadth  refpeeti ng  the  continuance  of  the  boundaries  by 
the  river  as  far  as  the  rivers  go,  but  when  the  known  boun- 
dary of  breadth  determines  it  mull  be  carried  on  by  imaginary 
lines  to  the  South  fea.  And  if  the  province  of  Maine  lies  more 
northerly  than  three  Englifh  miles  from  the  river  Merrimack, 
the  patent  of  4  °  Caroli  imi  gives  no  right  to  govern  there,  and 
thereupon  the  patent  of  the  fame  15  °  Car.  i")'  to  the  petitioner 
Gorges  will  be  valid.  So  that  upon  the  whole  matter  we  are  hum- 
bly of  opinion  as  to  the  power  of  government,  that  the  respond- 
ents, the  Maffachufctts  and  their  fuccefTors,  by  their  patent  of  4  ° 
marti«4°  Caroli  l«ni  have  fuch  right  of  government  as  is  granted 
them  by  the  fame  patent  within  the  boundaries  of  their  lands 
exprefled  therein,  according  to  fuch  description  and  expoliti- 
on  as  we  have  thereof  made  as  aforefaid,  and  the  petitioner  Sir 
J  i  rdinando  Gorges  his  heirs  and  afiigns  by  thepatent  3d  April, 
have  fuch  right  of  government  as  is  granted  them  by  the 
fame  patent  within  \tbe  territory]  called  the  province  of  Maine 
according  to  the  boundaries  of  the  fame  expreffed  in  the  fame 
patent.  Ri.  Rainsfurd,      Fra.    North. 

All  which  being  the  opinion  of  the  lords  chief  juftices,  and 
fully  agreeing  with  what  we  have  to  report  unto  your  majefty 
upon  the  whole  matter  referred  unto  us  by  the  faid  order,  we 
humbly  fubtnit  the  determination  thereof  unto  your  majefty. 
Anglefey,      Craven,  J.  Williamfon, 

Ormond,        H.  London,      Tho.  Chickley, 
Bath,  G.  Carteret,      Edw.  Seymour. 

Which 


xxxii  APPENDIX. 

Which  having  been  read  at  the  board  the  i8th  inftant,  it 
was  then  ordered  that  the  faid  Mr.  Mafon  and  Mr.  Gorges,  as 
alio  that  the  agents  of  the  corporation  of  the  Maffachufetts 
Bay  fhould  be  this  day  heard  upon  the  faid  report,  if  they  had 
any  objections  to  make  thereunto.  In  purfuance  whereof  all 
parties  attending  with  their  council],  who  not  alledging  any 
thing  fo  material  as  to  prevail  with  his  majefty  and  the  board 
to  differ  in  judgment  from  the  faid  report;  his  majefty  was 
thereupon  pleafed  to  approve  of  and  confirm  the  fame,  and  did 
order  that  all  parties  do  acquiefce  therein,  and  contribute 
what  lies  in  them  to  the  punctual  and  due  performance  of  the 
*aid  report,  as  there  (hall  be  occafion. 

JOHN  NICHOLAS. 

IV.  B.  The  above  paper  of  which  the  copy  is  aitejied  hy  Ediu. 
Raiujon  fecretary  of  Maffachufetts,  and  John  Penhal/onv  clerk 
of  the  fuperior  court  of  Ne<w-Ha7/ipJ]jire,  is  in  the  files  of  the  jaid 
fuperior  court,  and  in  the  Mafonian  proprietary  office. 

No.  XVI. 
Copy   cf  that  part  of  Prefldent  Cutts's   commiflion  in  'which  the 

claim  of  Robert  Mafon  is  recited. 
"  \  ND  whereas  the  inhabitants  of  faid  province  of  New- 
_/jk.  Hampshire  have  many  of  them  been  long  in  poffeflion 
of  feveral  quantities  of  lands,  and  are  faid  to  have  made  confide- 
rableimprovements  thereupon,  having  no  othertitle  for  the  fame 
than  what  has  been  derived  from  the  government  of  the  Maffa- 
chufetts  Bay,  in  virtue  of  their  imaginary  line;  which  title, 
as  it  hath  by  the  opinion  of  our  judges  in  England  been  al- 
together fet  afide,  fo  the  agents  from  the  faid  colony  have  con- 
quently  difowned  any  right  either  in  the  foil  or\government 
thereof,  from  the  three  mile  line  aforefaid  ;  and  it  appearing  to 
us  that  the  anceftors  of  Robert  Mafon  Efq.  obtained  grants 
from  our  great  council  of  Plymouth  for  the  tract  of  land  afore- 
faid, and  were  at  very  great  expence  upon  the  fame  until  moleft- 
cd  and  finally  driven  out,  which  hath  occafioned  a  lafting  com- 
plaint for  jullice  by  the  faid  Robert  Mafon  ever  fince  our  refto- 
ration.  However  to  prevent  in  this  cafe  any  unreafonable  de- 
mands which  might  be  made  by  the  faid  Robert  Mafon  for  the 
right  he  claimeth  in  the  faid  foil,  we  have  obliged  the  faid  Ro- 
bert Mafon  under  his  hand  and  feal  that  he  will  demand  nothing 
for  the  time  paft  untill  the  24th  of  June  laft  paft,  nor  molell 
any  in  their  poiTefllons  for  the  time  to  come,  but  will  make  out 
titles' to  them  and  their  heirs  forever,  provided  they  will  pay  to 
him  upon  a  fair  agreement  in  lieu  of  all  other  rents  fixpence  in 

the 


APPENDIX.  xxxiii 

the  pound  according  to  the  juft  and  true  yearly  value  of  allhoufes 
builtby  themandofall  lands,  whether  gardens,  orchards, arable, 
ro  palture,  which  have  been  improved  by  them,  which  he  will 
agree  fhall  be  bounded  out  unto  every  of  the  parties  concerned, 
and  that  the  refidue  may  remain  unto  himfelf  to  be  difpofed  of 
for  his  bell  advantage. 

"  But  if  notwithstanding  this  overture  from  the  faid  Robert 
Mafon  which  feemeth  to  be  fair  u*Uo  us,  any  of  the  inhabitants 
of  the  faid  province  of  Nevv.Hampfhire  fhall  refufe  to  agree 
with  the  agents  of  the  faid  Robert  Mafon  upon  the  terms  afore- 
faid,  our  will  and  pleafure  is,  that  the  prefident  and  council  of 
New-Hatnpfhire  aforefaid  for  the  time  being  fhall  have  power 
and  are  hereby  impowered  to  interpofe  and  reconcile  all  differ- 
ences if  they  can  that  fhall  or  may  arife  between  the  faid  Ro- 
bert Mafon  and  the  faid  inhabitants,  but  if  they  cannot  then  we 
do  hereby  command  and  require  the  faid  prefident  and  council 
to  fend  into  England  fuch  cafes  fairely  and  impartially  ftattd, 
together  with  their  own  opinions  upon  fuch  cafes,  that  we,  our 
heirs  and  fucceffors,  by  and  with  the  advice  of  our  and  their 
privy  council  may  determine  therein  according  to  equity." 

A'-  B.   The  fame  (mutatis  mutandis)  is  infertid  in  Cratl* 
field's  commij/ion. 

No.  XVII. 
To  his  moll  excellent  majefly  Charles  the  2d,  by  the  grace  of 
God,    of  England,  Scotland,  France   and    Ireland,   king, 
defender  of  the  faith,  &c. 
The  humble  addrefs  and  petition  of  the  prefident  and  councill 
of  his  majefly's  province  of  New-Hampfhire,  in  N.  England, 
Humbly  fheweth, 

THAT  it  having  pleafed  your  moft  excellent  majefty  to 
feperate  us  the  inhabitants  of  this  province  from  that 
fhadow  of  your  msjefly's  authority  and  government  under  which 
wee  had  long  found  protection,  cfpecially  in  the  Jate  war 
with  the  barbarous  natives,  who  (thro'  divine  protection ) 
proved  a  heavy  fcourge  to  us,  and  had  certainly  been  the  ruin 
of  thefe  poor  weake  plantacons,  (being  few  in  number  and  o- 
therwaies  being  under  great  difadvantages)  if  our  brethren 
and  neighbours  had  not  out  of  pity  and  compafiion  flretched 
forth  their  helping  hand,  and  with  their  blood  and  treafure 
defended  us,  our  lives,  and  eitates;  neverthelefs  upon  the  re- 
ceipt of  your  majefly's  pleafure  delivered  by  Edward  Randolph, 
efq.  upon  the  fir  ft  of  January  laft,  directing  unto  and  command- 
ing the  eredling  of  a  new  government  in  and  over  thefe  four 

townes 


XXX1T 


APPENDIX. 


townes  (the  government  of  the  Maflatufetts  yielding  readie  o- 
bedience  to  your  majefty's  commands  with  reference  to  our  re- 
lation formerly  to  them)  altho'  deeply  fenfible  of  the  difad- 
vantages  likely  to  accrew  to  your  majefty's  provinces  and  our- 
felves  more  efpecially,  by  the  multiplying  of  fmall  and  weake 
governments  unfit  either  for  offence  or  defence,  (the  union  of 
thefe  neighbour  collonnycs,  having  been  more  than  a  little  in- 
strumental in  our  prefervation.)  Wee  have  taken  the  oathes 
prefcribed  us  by  your  majefty,  and  administered  to  your  fub- 
je£ts  of  thefe  four  townes  the  oath  of  allegiance,  and  convened 
a  general  affembly  for  regulating  the  common  affaires  of  the 
people  and  making  of  fuch  laws  as  may  be  of  more  peculiar  ufe 
to  ourfelves,  having  fpeciall  regard  to  the  acts  for  trade  and 
navigation  fct  forth  in  the  booke  of  rates  commonly  print- 
ed and  fold,  andiffome  objiruftion  occationed  by  fuch  as  make 
greate  pretences  of  your  majejlys  favour  and  authority  had  not 
hindered  wet  might  have  brought  matters  to  a  greater  maturity, 
yet  hope  to  perfect  fomething  by  the  firft  opportunity  of  (hip- 
ping from  hence,  but  feared  it  might  be  too  long  to  defer  our 
humble  acknowledgment  of  your  majefty's  grace  and  favour  in 
committing  the  power  into  fuch  hands  as  it  pleafed  your  ma- 
jefty to  nomynate,  not  impofing  ftrangers  upon  us,  and  it 
much  comforts  us  againftany  pretended  claimers  to  our  foil  or 
any  malevolent  fpirits  which  may  mifreprefent  us  (as  they  have 
done  others)  unto  your  majefty  or  honourable  councill,  while 
befide  the  knowne  laws  of  the  realm,  and  the  undoubted  right 
of  Englifh  men,  wee  have  the  favour  of  a  gracious  prince  to 
fly  to.  We  do  therefore  moft  humbly  begg  the  continuance  of 
your  majefty's  royall  favour  and  protection,  without  which  wee 
are  dayly  liable  to  dijlurbance  if  not  mine. 

And  as  in  duty  bound  wee  (hall  hunfhly  pray,  &c, 
March  29,    1680. 

No.  XVIII. 

To  the  kings  moft  excellent  majeftie. 

WEE  the  prefident  and  councill  of  your  province  of 
New-Hampfhire  having  (according  to  the  royal  plea- 
fure)  given  an  account  of  our  alleigiance  and  obfervance  of  your 
commifiion  by  Mr  Jowles  in  March  laft,and  therefore  (hall  not 
give  you  the  trouble  of  repetition.  According  to  your  ma- 
jefty's command,  wee  have  with  our  general  affembly  been  con- 
sidering of  fuch  laws  and  orders,  as  doe  by  divine  favor  prefervc 
the  peace  and  are  to  the  Satisfaction  of  your  majefty's  good  fub- 
jects  here,  in  all  which  wee  have  had  a  fpeciall  regard  to  the 

Statute 


APPENDIX.  xsYtr 

ftatute  book  your  majefty  was  pleafed  to  honor  us  with,  for 
which  together  with  the  feale  of  your  province,  wee  returue 
moft  humble  and  hearty  thanks;  but  fuch  has  been  the  hurry 
of  our  neceflary  occafions  and  fuch  is  the  ihortnefs  of  the  fotner, 
(the  only  feafon  to  prepare  for  a  long  winter,)  that  wee  have 
not  been  capeable  of  fitting  folong  as  to  frame  and  iinifh  ought 
that  we  judge  worthie  to  be  prefcnted  to  your  royal  view,  but 
(hall  as  in  duty  bound  give  as  fpeedy  a  difpatch  to  the  aflare 
as  wee  may.  In  the  mean  time  your  fubjc&s  are  at  quiet  un- 
der the  fhadow  of  your  gracious  protection,  fearing  no  diflurb- 
ance  unlefs  by  fome  pretended  claimers  to  our  foil,  whom  we  truft 
your  majefty 's  clemencie  and  ecpiity  will  guard  us  from  injury 
by;  and  conjidering  the  purcbaijs  of  our  lands  from  the  heathens 
the  natural  proprietors  thereof  and  our  long  quiet  pofcifioti  not 
interrupted  by  any  legal/  claime,  our  defence  of  it  againfl  the 
barbarous  adverfary  by  our  lives  and  e/iates,  ivee  are  encouraged 
that  ivee  fly  all  be  maintained  in  our  free  enjoyment  of  the  fame, 
without  being  tennants  to  thofe  naha  can  Jbenv  no  fuch  title  there- 
unto. Further  wee  doe  gratefully  acknowledge  the  marke  of 
your  princely  favor  in  fending  us  your  royal  effigies  and  im- 
perial] amies,  and  lament  when  wee  thinke  that  they  are  (thro* 
the  lofs  of  the  fliip)  mifcarried  by  the  way.  And  feeing  your 
majefty  is  gracioufly  pleafed  to  licence  us  to  crave  what  may 
conduce  to  the  better  promoting  of  our  weal  and  your  majefty's 
authority,  wee  would  humbly  iuggeil  'whether  the  allowance  of 
appeales  mentioned  in  the  commijfion  may  not  prove  a  great  occafi- 
en  by  meanes  of  malignant  fpirits  for  the  ohftrucling  of jufic: 
among  us.  There  are  alfo  fundry  other  things  that  a  little  time 
andexperience  may  more  evidently  diicovcr  a  great  convenience, 
in  which  upon  the  contineuance  of  the  fame  liberty  from  your 
majefty  wee  fhall  with  like  humilitie  prefent.  Thus  craving  a 
favourable  conftru&ion  of  what  is  above  fuggefted  and  praying 
for  your  majefty's  long  and  profperous  reie;ne,  begging  alio 
the  contineuance  of  your  majefty's  favor,  out  of  which,  if  any 
of  our  adverfarys  under  a  pretence  of  loyalty  or  zeale  for  your 
majefty's  interifl  fhould  endeavor  to  eje£t  us,  wee  hope  upon 
liberty  granted  us  to  fpeak  for  ourfelves,  wee  (hall  aboundantly 
demonftrate  that  wee  doc  truly  and  fincerely  iublcribc, 

Your  majefty's  moil  loyal)  and  dutiful  fubje&s. 
JOHNCUTT,  Prefident 
with  the  confent  of  the  councill. 

Portfmouth,  in  the  Provinceof 

Ncw-IIumpihire,  June    II,  i6Sq. 

No.  XIX. 


xxxvl  APPENDIX. 

No.  XIX. 
Copy  of  the  Mandamus  hy  which  Robert  Mafon,  Efq.  was  ad- 
mitted to  a  feat  in  the  council,   Dec.  30,    16S0. 
Trufty  and  well  beloved,  We  greet  you  wel. 

HE  RE  AS  we  have  thought  it  fit  to  take  into  our 


w 


fpecial  care  and  protection  our  province  of  Nevv- 
Hampihire  and  provide  for  its  profperity  and  good  government 
and  the  fettlement  of  the  eftates  and  poffeffions  of  our  good 
fubje£ts  there.  And  that_/&r  the  avoiding  anyfuits  or  contenti- 
ons in  matters  of  title,  and  the  determining  any  demands  which 
might  be  made  by  our  wel  beloved  fubjec~t  Robert  Mafon,  Efq. 
as  proprietor  under  us  of  that  province  by  vertu  of  a  grant  de- 
rived from  our  royal  grandfather  King  James  under  the  great 
feal  of  England*:  Wee  have  fo  compofed  all  matters  with  him 
that  for  the  time  pan:  until  the  24th  day  of  June  1679,  ne 
fhall  not  claim  or  demand  any  rent,  dues,  or  arrears  whatfoever : 
And  for  the  future  he,  his  heirs  or  affigns  fhall  receive  only  fix 
pence  in  the  pound  yearly  of  every  tenant  by  way  of  quit  rent, 
according  to  the  true  and  juft  yearly  valu  of  what  is  improved 
by  any  of  the  inhabitants;  as  is  more  fully  expreffed  in  our 
commiflion  under  our  great  feal,  bearing  date  the  J  8th  day  of 
September  in  the  31ft  year  of  our  raign.  And  whereas  the  faid 
Robert  Mafon  hath  humbly  fignified  to  us  that  he  is  preparing 
to  tranfport  hicnfelf,  for  the  taking  care  of  his  afFairs  and  in- 
tereft  in  the  faid  province,  and  for  the  giving  a  fecure  and  le- 
gal confirmation  of  the  eftates  of  fuch  perfons  as  are  now  in 
pofieflion  but  without  any  right  or  legal  title  to  the  fame.  And 
he  being  a  perfon  whom  wee  have  efteemed  ufeful  to  our  fer- 
vice,  as  he  is  chiefly  concerned  in  the  welfare  of  that  our  pro- 
vince; wee  have  further  thought  fit  to  conftitute  and  appoint 
him  to  be  one  of  our  council  therein,  and  we  do  hereby  order 
and  require  you  our  prefident  and  council!,  that  immediately 
after  his  arrival  you  do  admit  him  one  of  our  council  of  our 
province  of  New-Hampfhire,  he  firft  taking  the  oaths  mention- 
ed in  our  faid  commiflion.  And  we  do  further  require  you  and 
him,  that  you  do  betake  yourfelves  to  fuch  difcreet  and  equit- 
able ways  and  methods  in  your  proceedings,  agreements  and 
fettlements  for  the  future,  that  there  may  be  no  occafion  of 
complaint  to  our  royal  perfon  and  authority  here.  We  being 
refolved  to  difcountenance  all  fuch  as  fhall  wilfully  or  unne- 
eeflarily  avoid  or  delay  your  fubmitting  to  thofe  determinati- 
ons which  may  be  reafonably  decreed  according  to  juftice  and 
good  confcience.  Which  you  are  to  fignify  to  all  our  good 
iubjects  within  our  faid  province  that  they  may  govern  them- 

felvet 
*  This  rnuft  meaD  tht  charter  to  the  council  of  Plymouth. 


APPENDIX.  xxxvii 

felves  accordingly.  And  fo  we  bid  you  heartily  farewell. 
Given  at  our  court  at  Newmarket  the  hrlt  day  of  Oc/tobrr 
1680,  in  the  two  and  thirtieth  year  of  our  raign. 

By  his  majefty's  command, 
SUNDERLAND. 
To  our  trufty  and  well  beloved  the  prelidenl  and  council  7 
of  our  province  of  New-Hampihire  in  New-England.  3 

No.  XX. 

Anf<wer  to  the  claim  made  by  Mr.  Ma/on  to  the  houfes  and  lands 

of  New  -  Hatnfcfhir:. 
[Y«  Mr.  Wear  is  hand  writing,  but  'without  date  orJignature.~\ 

IT  does  not  legally  appear  that  Mr.  Mafon  can  lay  any  jult 
claime  to  any  of  the  lands  in  New- Hampshire,  for  what 
right  he  pretends  is  either  derived  from  Capt.  Jno.  Mafon, 
(whom  he  fays  was  his  grandfather)  or  from  his  majefty's  com- 
miffion  :  But  prefume  from  neither  of  thefe  has  he  any  right- 
Not  from  Capt.  Jno.  Mafon  ;  for,  (  1  )  It  does  not  legally  ap- 
pear that  ever  he  had  any  right  to  the  province  of  New-Hamp- 
fhire.  It  is  true  there  is  a  copy  of  a  pattent  or  deed  from  the 
councell  of  Plymouth,  which  he  brings  over  without  attestati- 
on of  publique  notary  or  any  other  authority.  Befides  in  faid 
eoppy  there  is  not  the  lead  intimation  of  any  hand  or  feale  to 
the  original!,  and  there  is  two  men  that  fvvears  this  is  a  true 
coppy  of  the  original],  which  plainly  demon  ft  rates  that  the 
originall  is  but  a  blanch;  the  truth  whereof  we  are  the  more 
confirmed  in,  becaufe  it  is  not  rational  to  imagine  that  Mr. 
Mafon  would  come  from  England  to  profecute  a  right  and 
not  bring  with  him  what  he  had  to  make  good  his  claime  ; 
but  having  nothing  but  blanck  coppies,  he  could  bring  no 
better  than  he  had,  which  cannot  be  looked  upon  as  authen- 
tique  in  any  court. 

( 2  )  If  it  mould  be  fuppofed  that  ever  Capt.  Jno.  Mafon  had 
a  right  by  pattent,  yet  it  does  not  appear  how  Robert  Tufton 
Mafon  (as  the  plantiffe  calls  himfelf)  derives  a  title  from  him 
either  as  his  heir,  executor  or  administrator,  or  by  deed  of  gift ; 
all  that  we  can  hear  in  court  is  that  the  plantife  calls  himfelf 
Capt.  Mai'on's  heir. 

(3)  If  the  plantiffe  or  his  anceftors  ever  had  a  title  to  the 
lands  he  claims  by  pattent  from  the  councill  of  Plymouth,  yet 
they  have  loft  it  by  non  ufe,  for  they  never  attended  the  ends 
of  granting  patents  by  king  James,  of  blefled  memory,  in  his 
hynefs  pattent  to  the  great  councell  of  Plymouth,  which  was 
the   peopling  of  the    land,  inlargeing   the  king's  dominions, 

propagating 


xxxviii  APPENDIX. 

propagating  the  gofpcl,  converfion  of  the  heathen  the  native 
proprietors,  &c.  Now  the  plantife  nor  anceftors  never  planted 
this  province  nor  expended  any  thing  upon  it  to  the  uphold- 
ing of  it  in  peace  nor  war,  but  the  prefent  inhabitants  did  ei- 
ther by  themielves  or  predeceflors,  purchafe  their  pofleffions 
from  the  natives,  and  by  their  permiffion  did  fit  down  upon 
the  land  and  manured,  to  the  vaft  expence  of  above  50  years 
time  in  hard  labor,  and  expending  upon  it  their  whole  eftate. 
And  in  the  late  Indian  war  did  defend  it  againft  the  enimy  to 
the  lofs  of  many  of  their  lives  and  coniiderable  part  of  their 
eftates,  without  any  afliltance  from  Mr.  Mafon  who  nowclaimes 
not  only  what  poor  people  have  purchafed  and  laboured  hard 
upon,  but  alfo  conquered  or  relived  from  cruell  attempts  of 
the  barbarous  heathen,  and  we  conceave  we  were  under  no  ob- 
ligation to  run  fuch  adventures  to  make  ourfelves  flaves  to  Mr. 
Mafon. 

(4)  It  does  not  appear  that  there  was  a  quorum  of  the  great 
councell  of  Plymouth  to  the  making  of  Capt.  Mafon's  deed  ac- 
cording to  the  pattent  granted  to  the  great  councell  of  Ply- 
mouth, which  render*  his  claime  ur.valide,  if  ever  any  thing  in 
that  kinrl  was  done,  which  we  queftion. 

From  what  is  faid  we  humbly  conceave  Mr.  Mafon  has  no 
right  from  Capt.  Jno.  Mafon. 

And  that  his  majeftie's  commifliqn  does  neither  give  nor  con- 
firme  any  title  to  the  lands  claimed,  we  prove  : 

(1)  We  humbly  conceave  that  his  royal  majefty  who  is  fo 
prudent  a  prince  and  fo  foj'citus  for  the  peace  of  his  fubje&s, 
would  not  have  left  that  matter  doubtfull  to  his  fubjects  of  this 
province  but  rather  have  told  us  that  he  had  given  all  the  lands 
to  Mr.  Mafon,  but  there  is  nothing  of  gift  to  him  in  the  com- 
million  and  if  his  majefiy  had  (which  we  cannot  believe  he 
would)  we  mould  crave  the  benefit  of  the  ftatute  in  the  17  °  of 
Charles  the  firit,  which  fays,  No  king  andcouncell  can  alienate 
lands  but  by  due  courfe  of  law.  But  wee  were  never  yet 
heard,  and  when  it  comes  to  legal  tryal  wee  prefume  the  law  of 
pofleflions  will  confirm  our  lands  to  us,  feeing  we  have  had 
peaceable  pofieflion  joyeares. 

(2)  If  his  majefty  had  given  the  lands  in  the  province  to  Mr. 
Mafon,  what  can  be  underftood  by  that  claufe  in  the  commif- 
fion'  That  in  cafe  the  inhabitants  fliall  refufe  to  agree  with  Mr. 
'  Mafon,  then  the  governor  fhall  interpofe  and  reconcile  all  dif- 
«  ferences  if  he  can,  but  if  hecannot  then  to  fend  thecafe,  fairely 
c  ftated  to  England  that  his  majefty  end  privy  councell  might 
1  determine  according  to   right  j'  which  wee  humbly  conceave 

puts 


APPENDIX. 


XX  XIX 


puts  a  barr  to  any  legal  proceedings  until  his  majefty 'a  mind 
be  further  known  therein.  The  inhabitants  have  offered  their 
reafons  to  the  governor  according  to  commifiion,  which  he 
will  not  admit  of,  only  did  take  of  one,  viz.  Capt.  Stileman, 
and  promifed  to  fend  them  to  England,  but  we  can  hear  of  no 
anfwer  and  much  fear  his  neglect. 

(3)  His  majefty  in  his  commiflion  fays,  '  To  prevent  un- 
*  reasonable  demands  that  may  be  made  by  Mr.  Mafon  for  the 
'  right  he  claimes,'  which  claime  may  prove  good  or  bad  when 
it  comes  to  tryall.  We  underftand  to  claime  and  to  have  are 
different  things. 

(4)  His  majefty  intimates  in  his  royal  commiffion  by  what 
title  Mr.  Mafon  does  claime,  viz.  by  a  grant  to  his  anceftors, 
'  who  improved  and  pofTeued  the  province  with  great  cxpence, 
'  until  molefted  and  finally  driven  out;'  but  this  province  can- 
not be  concluded  to  be  the  place  he  claims  until  he  make  thefe 
circumftances  appear,  which  we  are  furc  he  never  can  doe. 

Now  Mr.  Mafon  not  producing  any  original  deed  for  any  of 
the  lands  of  this  province,  nor  authentique  copies,  the  inha- 
bitants cannot  make  any  compliance  with  him  both  becaufe 
we  fee  no  right  he  ever  had,  or  believing  if  ever  any  was  lie 
hath  mortgadged  it  already  in  England,  and  fo  alienated 
what  right  he  had. 

Although  upon  the  former  grounds  we  have  good  plea  againd 
Mr.  Mafon's  claime,  yet  we  did  not  fee  caufe  to  join  ifltie,  not 
only  becaufe  judges  and  jurors  were  not  qualified  according  to 
law,  all  of  them  being  pickt  for  efpoufing  Mr.  Mafon's  inte- 
rcft  by  the  governor's  order,  who  has  a  mortgadge  for  2  1  yeares 
from  Mr.  Mafon  for  all  the  lands  in  the  province.  But  alfo 
becaufe  wee  was  willing  to  attend  the  methods  prefcribed  by 
his  majefty  in  his  royal  commifilon. 

No.  XXI. 
The  anfwer  of  Elias  Stileman  to  the  fummons  from  the  honble 
Edward  Cranheld,  efq.  governor  of  his  majefty's  province 
of  N.  Hampfhire  in  N.  E.  in  pnrfuancc  of  the  method  which 
his  majefty  hath  been  gratioufiy  plea  fed  to  prefcribe  in  his 
commiflion. 

Portfmo.  the  15th  of  November,  1682. 
May  it  pleafe  your  Honor, 
T  N  obedience  to  your  comand  that   I  mould  render  a  reafon 
•*■   why  I  refufe  to  pay  quit-rent  unto  Robert  Mafon,  efq.  (as 
he  titles  himfelf)  for  my  houfe  and  lands,  and  take  deeds  from 
him  for  the  confirming  of  the  fame,  I  anfwer  as  foliowtth  : 

d  d  iftlv.  Be- 


•A  APPENDIX. 

iftly.  Becaufe  my  faid  land  I  bought  and  paid  for.  Th« 
title  unto  which  is  fucceffively  derived  unto  me  from  thofe  that 
have  poffeffed  it,  without  any  claime  for  at  leaft  thefe  50  yeares, 
upon  which  1  have  built  at  my  own  charge  without  any  in- 
terruption, and  am  in  the  poiTeffion  thereof  as  my  owne.  As 
to  what  is  faid  in  the  comiflion  concerning  Mr.  Mafon's  pro- 
prieters,  with  all  due  fubmiflion  to  his  majefty,  I  conceive  it 
imploys  rather  his  claime  than  a  pofitive  determination  of  hi* 
title. 

2dly.  I  humbly  conceive  that  being  in  pofTeffion  of  what  I 
have  bought  and  built  upon,  it  refts  upon  the  claimer  to  make 
out  his  title  (if  he  have  any  by  law),  begging  the  favour  of 
an  Euglim  fubject  therein,  that  it  may  be  firft  tryed  upon  the 
place,  according  to  the  ftatutelaiv  and  the  opinion  of  his  ma- 
jelly's  judges  in  England,  and  this  before  I  am  liable  to  pay 
quit-rent  and  take  deeds  of  confirmation  from  him. 

3d!}'.  Should  Mr.  Mafon  obtaine  his  demands,  myfelf  and 
the  reft  of  the  inhabitants  would  be  undone  forever,  for  then 
all  his  granted  to  him  which  hee  calls  commons  being  out  of 
ience,  which  yet  hath  been  bounded  out  by  the  feveral  towns 
and  poffeffed  by  them  for  thefe  50  yeares,  and  improved  for 
the  maihtainariee  of  their  cattle  both  winter  and  fummer,  and 
for  timber  and  fire  wood,  without  which  there  is  no  liveing 
for  us,  it  being;  impoffible  for  us  to  fubfift  upon  that  which  in 
the  commiffion  is  called  gardens,  orchards,  if  he  may  have  the 
difpofal  of  the  reft. 

4thly.  The  faid  Mafon  fpeaks  of  many  thcufands  of  pounds 
expended  upon  the  place,  which  with  fubmiflion  cannot  be 
made  out,  and  if  it  could,  what  then  have  the  poor  planters  ex- 
pended in  fo  many  yeares  labour  fince  their  firft  fitting dowrve 
upon  it,  when  they  found  it  an  howling  wildernefs  and  vacuum 
.domicilium,  befides  a  great  expence  of  blood  and  eftate  to  de- 
fend it  in  the  late  Indian  warr,  nor  can  they  to  this  day  make 
both  ends  meet  by  all  their  labour  and  frugality,  and  therefore 
mull  needs  fink  under  the  exaction  of  iuch-a  propriator. 

5th] y.  The  land  which  Mr.  Mafon  claimes  as  propriator  is 
the  land  on  which  fuch  vaft  expence  hath  been  laid  out  by  his 
grandfather  Captain  John  Mafon,  for  the  peopling  of  it  and 
the  land  from  whence  his  faid  grandfathers  fervants  were  vio- 
lently driven  out,  or  expelcd  by  the  inhabitants  of  the  Maffathu- 
fets,  but  upon  this  land  there  was  no  fuch  expence  laid  out  by 
his  grandfather  Captain  John  Mafon  for  the  end  aforefaid, 
nor  is  this  the  land  from  whence  any  fervants  of  his  faid  grand- 
father were  fo  expelled,  aud  therefore  we  that  are  poffeilcd  of 

this 


APPENDIX.  ill 

this  land  are  not  concerned  in  his  chime,  hee  hath  miftaken 
his  province  and  may  endeavour  to  ftnd  it  fome  other  where, 
for  here  is  no  iuch  place. 

6thly.  If  Mr.  Mafoa  had  a  pati  nt  here,  why  did  he  not  take 
poffefhon  in  the  day  thereof.  If  lice  were  in  pofTeffion  why 
did  he  not  keen  it  ttill:  None  ever  drove  h:rn  out  as  he  informs, 
had  hee  been  once  fettled  he  might  to  this  day  have  kept  :t  ss 
the  rell  of  the  inhabitants  have  done  without  the  lend  im  lhfla- 
tion,  bur.  I  am  humbly  of  opinion  that  if  he  the  faid  Ma  Ion 
or  any  of  his  ayres  came  hither,  they  only  cam-  as  manv  ill i ps 
did  to  Newfoundland  and  to  this  countrey  to  mike  a  hfhing 
voyadge  or  beaver  trade,  and  that  being  at  an  end  departed 
and  left  their  room  to  the  next  taker. 

This  is  the  fumme  of  what  I  have  at  prefent  to  anfwer,  hum* 
bly  requeuing  of  your  honour  the  itat  ng  of  the  cafe,  with  y.nr 
opinion  thereupon  to  his  majefty  as  the  commiflion  directs) 
and  when  his  majefty  flial I  iu  his  w.fdom  and  ju  ft  ice  fee  meet 
to  order  an  hearing  of  the  matter  in  his  courts  of  judicature 
upon  the  place  before  a  jury  of  uninterelled  ;  nJ  indifferent 
per  foil  3  which  may  be  had  out  of  the  neighbour!  ig  province, 
(and  polfibly  Mr.  Mafon  may  think  n  >t  attainable  in  tin's  pro- 
vince wherein  all  perfons  are  concerned,)  as  he  hath  been  pleafed 
to  doe  by  that  part  of  Mr.  Mafon 's  clrme,  which  lyes  under 
his  majefty 's  government  of  the  MalTathufets,  I  hope  to  be 
able  upon  thefe  and  other  grounds  fo  far  to  make  out  rav  t 'tie 
as  to  be  held  unblameable before  God  and  man,  for  not  comply- 
ing with  his  demands.  Or  if  I  mould  lee  canfe  to  appeal  to 
hU  majefty  and  honourable  councell  that  I  (hall  be  put  beyond 
all  need  of  paying  quit  rent  to  the  pretended  propriator. 

Thus  begginge  your  honour's  favour,  I  lublcribe, 
Sir,  your  humble  fervant, 

E.   S. 

\The  tivo  preceding  papers  are  In  the  hand  of  tie  k.n.urabli 
PrefidAit  lVeare.~\ 

No.  XX IT. 

Copy  of  an  orJcr  jor  the  admlniflratUn  of  the  facr<tv:ents,  ac* 

cor  i>/j  to  the  ;  church  of  England, 

At  a  cou.ieel  held  at  Great  Iihnd,   December  to,  1683. 

By  the   governor   and   councel. 
New-Hampfh. 

IT  is  hereby  required  and  commanded,  that  all  and  Angular 
the  refpeitive  minifters    within  this  province  for  the  time 
being,  do  frarq  and  after  the  tint  day  of  January  ne*t  enlumg, 
d  d  2  admit 


adii  APPENDTX. 

admit  all  perfons  that  are  of  fuitable  years  and  not  vitious  and 
fcandalous  in  their  liver.,  unto  the  bleffed  facrament  of  the 
Lord's  fupper  and  their  children  unto  baptifm.  And  if  any 
performs  (hall  defire  to  receive  the  facrament  of  the  Lord's  fup- 
per, or  their  children  to  be  baptized  according  to  the  liturgy 
of  the  church  of  England,  that  it  be  done  accordingly  in  pur- 
suance of  the  laws  of  the  rtalm  of  England,  and  his  majefty's 
command  to  the  Maifachufetts  government.  And  if  any  mi- 
niftcr  (hall  refufe  fo  to  do  being  thereunto  duly  required  he 
fhall  incurr  the  penalty  of  the  ftatutes  in  that  cafe  made  and 
provided,  and  the  inhabitants  are  freed  from  paying  any  du- 
ties to  the  faid  minifter. 

The  aforefaid  order  was  pnblifhed, 

R.  CHAMBERLAIN,  clerk  concil. 
[Tkis  paper  is  in  the  council  minutes,  fecond  book.~\ 

No.  XX I II. 

Copy  of  the  information  againjl  Mr.  Moody,  1683. 
New-Hampfhire  in  New-England. 
To  Walter  Barefoot,  Efq.  judge  of  the  court  of  pleas  of  the 
crowne,  &c,  now  fitting  at  Great  IflanH.  And  to  Nathaniel 
Frier  and  Henry  Green,  Efqrs.  afiiftants.  ♦ 

The  iniormation  oi  Jufeph  Rayn  his  majefty's  attorney 
general  for  the  faid  province  of  New-Hampfhire,  againft 
Jofhua  Moody  of  Portfrnouth  in  the  faid  province,  dark, 
in  hi?  faid  majefty's  behalfe. 

TH  E  faid  Jofeph  Rayn  informeth,  that  the  abovefaid 
Jofhua  Moody  being  the  prefent  minifter  of  the  towne 
of' Portfrnouth  aforefaid,  within  the  dominions  of  our  fovereign 
lord  Charles' the  fecond,  king  of  England,  is  by  the  duty  of 
his  place  and  the  laws  and  ftatutes  of  the  realme  of  England, 
(viz.  the  ftatute  made  in  the  fifth  and  fixth  of  king  Edward 
the  fixth,  and  the  flat,  of  the  firft  year  of  the  raign  of  the  late 
queen  Elizabeth,  which  is  confirmed  by  the  ftatute  made  jn 
the  thirteenth  and  fourteenth  year  of  the  reign  of  our  fovereign 
lord  king  Charles  the  fecond)  required  and  commanded  to  ad- 
minifter  the  facrament  of  the  Lord's  fupper  in  fuch  manner 
and  forme  as  is  fet  forth  in  the  book  of  common  prayer  and 
adminii'lration  of  the  facraments  and  other  rites  and  ceremonies 
of  the  church  of  England,  and  fhall  ufe  no  other  manner  or 
forme  then  is  mentioned  and  fet  forth  in  the  faid  book.  Ne- 
verthelefs  the  faid  Jofhua  Moody  in  contempt  of  the  faid  laws 
and  ftatutes  hath  wilfully  and  obftinately  refufed  to  adminifter 
the  facrament  of  the  Lord's  fupper  according  to  the  manner 

and 


APPENDIX.  xtiii 

and  forme  fet  forth  in  the  fald  book  of  common  prayer,  unto 
the  ho'ible  Edward  Cranrield,  efq.  governor  of  his  majefty't 
faid  province  of  New-Hampfhire,  Robert  Mafon.efq.  proprie- 
tor, and  John  Hinks,  efq.  of  the  faid  province  ;  and  doth  ob- 
ftinately  and  willfully  ufe  fome  other  forme  then  is  by  the  faid 
ftatutes  ordained,  contrary  to  the  forme  thereof:  Therefore 
the  faid  Jofeph  Rayn  in  behalf  of  our  fovercign  lord  the  king, 
doth  pray,  That  the  laid  Jolhua  Moody  being  thereof  con- 
vi&ed  according  to  law.  may  fuffer  fuch  penalties  as  by  the 
faid  flat,  are  made  and  provided  in  that  cafe. 

No.  XXIV. 
Copy  of  a  fecond  information  againjl  M 
New- Hampshire  in  New-England. 
To  the  honble  Walter  Barefoot,  efq  judg  of  the  court  of  pleai 
of  the  crown  and  other  civil  pleas,  held  at  Great  Ifland,  and 
BOW  fitting  this  6th  Feb    l68£,  &c 

The  informatidh  of  Jofeph  Rayn  his  majefty's  attorney 
.  ra!  for  the  laid  province,  in  (lis  majefty's  behalf  againft 
J  tihua  Moody  of  Portfmouth,  dark. 

WHERE.\S  the  faid  Jofhua  Moody  hath  in  open  court 
of  the  quarter  fcrffions  of  the  peace  held  at  Gr.  Ifland 
aforeiaid  upon  record,  confefftd  and  owned  before  the  juftices, 
That  he  hath  adminiftred  the  facraments  contrary  to  the  rites 
and  ceremonies  of  the  church  of  England,  and  the  form  pre- 
fci  ibed  and  enjoined  by  the  ftatute  made  in  the  iirft  year  of  the 
late  queen  Elizabeth,  and  lo  ftands  convicted  of  the  faid  of- 
fence before  the  juftices  at  the  faid  frffions  :  Jofeph  Rayn  his 
m  ijefty's  attorney  general  for  the  faid  province,  who  prolecutes 
for  out  fovereign  lord  the  king  doth  (according  to  the  ancient 
law  of  tne  ftatute  made  in  the  forty  fecond  year  of  the  raign  of 
king  Edward  the  3d,  now  in  force)  in  his  majefty's  behalf, 
exh  bit  his  information  to  this  hon.  court  againft  the  faid  Jo- 
fhua M  »ody,  for  that  he  having  for  many  years  had  the  ap- 
fparance  a*:d  reputation  of  a  minifter  of  God's  word  in  the  faid 
province,  being  within  tiie  king's  dominions,  and  having  wil- 
fully and  obftinately  refufed  to  adminifter  the  facraments  ac- 
cording to  the  rites  of  the  church  of  England,  hath  a.lmini- 
itred  tne  facraments  of  buptilm  and  the  Lord's  fupper  in  other 
manner  and  form  than  is  appointed  and  commanded  by  the 
ftatute  of  the  iirft  of  queen  Elizabeth  and  other  ftatutes,  con- 
trary to  the  form  thereof  and  in  contempt  of  his  majefty's 
laws:  And  doth  pray  the  court's  judgment  and  that  the  faid 
Joflma  Moody  may  fuffer  the  penalties  by  the  faid  ftatute  in 
this  cafe  made  and  provided.  No.  XXV. 


*]iy  APPENDIX. 

No  XXV. 

New-Hampfhire  in  New- England. 
To  James  Sherlock,  gent.  prov.  maifhal  and  fherifT  of  the  faid 
province,  or  his  deputy. 

IN  his  naje.iy's  nam<  \ou  are  hereby  required  forthwith  to 
take  and  apprehend  the  body  and  perfon  of  Jofhua  Moody 
or  Portsmouth  in  the  (aid  province,  dark,  and  carry  him  to 
the  .riion  or  Gieat  Ifland  in  the  laid  province;  and  the  pri- 
fonkeeper,  Richard  Abbot,  is  hereby  required  to  receive  him 
th-  fa;d  Jofhua  Moody  and  keep  him  in  fafe  cuftody  in  the  laid 
pr  fon,  he  having  bin  conviiJtd  of  adminijiring  the  facrat/tentt 
font i  df)  10  the  la  j  and  fatal  •  of  England,  and  refufuig  to  ad- 
tninifler  the  (acraments  according  to  the  rites  and  ceremonies  of 
tht  church  of  E'lqit  id,  an  the  fbrnt  enjoined  in  the  Jaid  flatutes. 
There  to  remain  for  the  fpace  of  fix  months  next  enfui  ng, 
without  bail  or  mainpnze.  Fad  not. 
Xjh.1.  tue  010  ol  Feb.  l6#|. 

WALT.  BAREFOOT,  (Seal.) 

PETER  COFFIN,  (Seal  ) 

HEN.   GREEN,  (Seal  ) 

Vera  copra,  HEN     ROBY,  (Seal.) 

JJVfle,   Rich  i"  Chamberlain,  CI'<>  P. 

[the  three  preceding  papers  ate  in  the  Recorders  cfjicsf\ 

No.  XXVI. 
Ctpy  of  an  or  !sr  for  raifing  money  'without  an  ajfemhly. 
New   Htm  p. 

At  a  councd  In  Id  at  Gr.  Ifiand,  Feb.   14,  i63|. 
R-    the  governor  and  councel. 

WHEREAS  we  have  lately  had  intelligence  by  a  letter 
irom  Capt.  Hook  to  Capt.  Barefoot  one  of  the  conn* 
eel  of  this  his  majefty's  province,  that  he  had  advice  from  the 
Captain  of  the  fort  at  Cafco  of  a  fudden  riling  and  onfet  in- 
tended by  the  Indians  upon  the  Engliflj  at  the  ealhvard  :  And 
whereas  the  afTembly  h  ive  been  lately  tendred  a  bill  for  raifing 
a  revenue  for  the  fortifying  and  defending  our  felves  again  it  his 
majefty's  enemies,  did  absolutely  refufe  and  reje£t  the  fame 
without  giving  any  reafon  for  fo  doing,  or  preparing  any  other 
for  defraying  the  charge  of  the  public  fervice.  We  his  ma- 
jetty's  governor  and  councel  finding  the  public  treafury  fo 
empty  and  bare  that  there  is  not  fo  much  money  as  to  pay  a 
fingle  meffenger;  and  thofe  perfons  that  are  the  fupport  of  the 
province  have  not  eftates  to  fupport  thtmfelves  in  the  war  (if 
any  fhould  happen)   without  due  payment  for  their  fervice  in 

confederation 


APPENDIX.  xlv 

confideration  of  the  premifes,  by  virtue  of  his  majefty's  royal 
commiflion  bearing  date  the  nineth  of  May  1682,  and  alfo  of 
his  majefty's  royal  inftru&ions  to  the  governor  bearing  date  the 
29th  of  April  1602,  have,  for  the  railing  a  revenue  fur  fortify, 
ing  and  defraying  the  neceflary1  charges  of  the  government, 
that  there  may  be  a  magazeen  of  ammunition  and  provifion, 
and  of  money  to  pay  indigent  fouldicrs,  as  alfo  for  fucii 
emergencies  as  a  war  will  neceffarily  produce,  thought  fit  to 
continue,  and  do  hereby  continue  all  fueh  taxes  and  impoliti- 
ons  as  have  been  formerly  laid  upon  the  inhabitant.;  (except- 
ing only  the  rate  of  the  penny  in  the  pound  raifed  in  time  of 
ulurpation  without  a  general  affcmbly)  commanding  and  re- 
quiring all  and  lingular  the  conltables  and  collectors  forthwith 
to  perform  their  duty  in  levying  and  collecting  the  fame,  and 
paying  it  in  to  the  treafurer. 

No.  XXVII. 
Copy  of  a  letter  from  the  council  to  Governor  Dungan. 

Prov.  of  New- Hampshire,  Mar.  21,  168$, 
Sir, 

BY  fever  ill  advices  we  have  received  of  a  fudden  rifing  in- 
tended by  the  Indians  in  thefe  eafteru  parts  to  fall  upon 
thu  Englith,  we  judged  it  ahiolutely  neceflary  without  delay 
to  provide  for  the  fafety  and  preservation  of  his  majefty's  fub- 
jedts  inhabiting  this  province,  and  to  give  releef  (if  need  be) 
to  our  neighbouring  colonies.  We  have  therefore  upon  con- 
sideration of  the  belt  means  for  the  fecuring  of  thefe  provinces 
concluded  it  very  neceflary  to  entertain  a  number  of  fouthern 
Indians  for  fouldiera,  who  are  beft  acquainted  with  the  man- 
ner of  thefe  Indians  flculking  fight ;  and  this  being  a  work  of 
piety  and  charity  for  preventing  the  effufion  of  chrillian  blood: 
And  knowing  that  your  honor  has  an  influence  upon  the  fou- 
thern Indians  our  honourable  governor  «as  willing  to  take  the 
trouble  upon  himfelf  of  a  journey  to  New-York  to  treat  with 
your  honor  for  fending  of  fuch  a  number  of  Mahiquas,  or  o- 
ther  Indians,  as  may  be  convenient  to  affift  in  this  fervice,  and 
to  make  fuch  capitulations  and  agreement  as  to  his  honor  fhall 
feem  reafonable.  We  doubt  not  your  honor's  readinefs  in  any 
thing  that  may  tend  to  his  majefty's  fervice  and  the  fafety  of 
his  fubjce'ls,  having  often  heard  a  noble  character  of  your  ho- 
nor from  our  governor,  whom  we  have  intreated  to  prefent 
our  letter  with  our  molt  humble  fervice.  We  have  committed 
all  matters  to  his  honor's  prudence  and  management  and  what 
his  honor  fhall  judg  fit  to  be  done  we  fhall  fee  performed.     So 

praying 


xlvi  APPENDIX. 

praying  for  your  honor's  health  and  profperity,  we  fubfcribe 
purfelvs,   (being  his  majcfty's  council  of  New-Hampfhire) 

May  it  pleafe  your  hon.  your  moft  humble  fervants, 
To  the   Honble  Col.  Tho.-|        ROBt.   MASON, 
Dongari,  governor  of  his  |      WALTER  BAREFOOT, 
royal  highn'efs  his  colony  ;       R.  CHAMBERLAIN, 
of  New- York,  and  the  ter-  1       ROBt.  ELLIOT, 
ritories  thereto  belonging,  I       JOHN  HINKS. 
humbly  preferit.  J 

\jThe  tnvo  preceding  papers  are  in  the  council's  minutes,  fecend 
look.] 

No.  XXVIII. 
To  the  king's  moft  excellent  rr.ajefty. 
The  humble  addrefs  and  petition  of  fundry  of  your  majcfty's 
loyai  iubjects  the  freeholders  and  habitants  of  your  majcfty's 
province  of  New-Hampfhire  in  New-England, 
Moft  humbly  fhewetfi,  [From  the  towne  of  Exeter. 

THAT  your  petitioners  prcdeceflbrs  having  under  the  en- 
couragement of  your  majcfty's  royal  anceiiors  by  their 
letters  patents  to  the  great  council  of  Plymouth,  removed 
themfelves  and  fome  of  us  into  this  remote  and  howling  wilder- 
nefs  in  purfuance  of  the  glorious  endspropofed,  viz.  The  glory 
of  God,  the  enlarging  his  majcfty's  dominions,  and  fpreading 
the  gofpel  among  the  heathen  :  And  in  order  thereunto  either 
found  the  land  we  now  pofTefs  vacuum  domicilium,  or  purchafed 
them  of  the  heathen  the  native  proprietors  of  the  fame,  or  at 
leaft  by  their  allowance,  approbacon  or  confent,  have  fate 
downe  in  the  peaceable  pofleflion  of  the  fame  for  the  fpace  of 
above  fifty  years;  hoping  that  as  wee  had  attended  the  ends, 
foe  wee  fhould  have  fhared  in  the  priviledges  of  thofe  royal 
letters  patents  above  menconed,  and  thereupon  did  the  more 
patiently  beare  and  chearefully  graple  with  thofe  innumerable 
evils  and  difficulties  that  muft  neceflarily  accompany  the  fettlers 
of  new  plantacons,  eipecially  in  fuch  climates  as  thefe,  befides 
the  calamities  of  the  late  Indian  warr  to  the  lofs  of  many  of 
our  lives,  and  the  great  impoverishment  of  the  furvivors.  Wee 
were  alfoe  further  incouraged  from  your  majefty 's  princely 
care  in  takeing  us  by  your  late  commiffion  under  your  maje- 
fty's  immediate  government,  and  appointing  fome  among  our- 
felves  to  govern  us  according  to  thofe  methods  there  prefcrib- 
ed,  being  particulerly  bound  to  difcountenance  vice  and  pro- 
mote virtue  and  all  good  liueing,  and  to  keep  us  in  a  due  o- 
bedience  to  your  majcfty's  authority  and  continuance  of  our 
juft  liberty es  and  prcpertyes,  together  with  liberty  of  confid- 
ence 


APPENDIX.  xlvi'i 

ence  in  matters  of  worfhipp,  and  all  in  order  to  our  liueitig  in 
all  godlinefs  and  honefty,  fearing  God  and  honouring  the  king, 
which  wee  profefs  to  be  our  delire  to  doe. 

But  contrariwifc  partly  by  the  unreafonablc  demands  of  our 
pretended  proprietor  Robert  Mafon,  efq.  and  partly  from  fun- 
dry  other  reafons  that  are  either  effects  or  concomitants  there- 
of wee  are  in  a  fair  worfe  condition  than  any  other  vour  ma- 
jefty'a  plantacons,  and  reduced  to  fuch  confuiions  and  extre- 
mities that  neccfiitate  our  humble  application  to  your  majefty, 
upon  whofe  clemency  and  juftice  only  under  God  we  depend 
for  our  releife. 

Your  poore  diftrefTed  and  oppreffed  petitioners  doe  there- 
fore moft  humbly  fupplicate  your  moil  gracious  majefty  that 
you  will  vouchlafe  to  give  leave  unto  one  of  ourfelves,  Mr.  Na- 
thaniel Weare,  whom  wee  have  fent  for  that  end  to  fpread  be- 
Fore  your  facrcd  majclty  a:id  your  moft  honourable  privy  coun- 
cell  our  deplorcable  eitate,  the  beholding  of  which  we  doubt 
not  will  move  compafTion  toward  us,  and  your  majclty's  pro- 
pensity to  juftice  will  incline  to  the  ufing  fuch  meanes  as  to 
your  wifdome  mall  feem  belt  that  the  opprefled  may  be  re- 
lieved, wronged  ones  righted,  and  we  your  majefty's  almoft 
undone  fubjecls  now  proftrate  at  your  feet,  may  upon  the  tafte- 
ing  of  your  equity  and  goodnefs,  be  railed  and  further  en- 
gaged in  all  humility  and  thankfulnefs  as  in  duty  bound  ever- 
more heartily  to  pray,  &c. 

Andrew  Y.'iggin,  David   Robinfon, 

Thomas  Wiggin  fenior,  Kinfley  Hall, 

Thomas  Wiggin  junior,  Bily  Dudley, 

Robert  Smart  lenior,  James  Sinkler, 

John  Young,  Chriftian  Dolhoff", 

John  Foulfham,  Philip  Charte, 

Edward  Smyth,  Jeremiah  Low, 

Peter  Foul fham,  Ralph  Hull, 

Theophilus  Durfcly  Samuel  Hall, 

Richard  Morgen,  Jolin  Sinkler, 

Samuel  Leavitt,  John  Wadleigh, 

John  Cotten  junior,  Samuel  Foulfham, 

John  Gilman  fenior,  Eleazar  Elkins, 

Edward  Gilman,  Ephraim  Foulfham, 

Mofes  Leaveitt,  Humphrey  Wilfon, 

Jonathan  Robinfon,  Nathaniel  Foulfham, 

Thomas  Rawlins,  Jonathan  Thing. 

The  like  petition  from  the  town  of  Flampton  in  the  faid 
province  ligned  by, 

Nathaniel 


Tilviii 


APPENDIX. 


Nathaniel  Bachiler, 
John  Marfton, 
James  Philbrick, 
Jacob  Browne, 
Thomas  Browne, 
Henry  Lamper, 
Jonathan  Wedgwood, 
Henry  Moulton, 
John  Moulton, 
Jofeph  Smith, 
David  Wedgwood, 
James  Cheufe, 
James  Perkins, 
Morris  Hobbs  fenior, 
Jofeph  Moulton, 
Benjamin  Moulton, 
Thomas  Levitt, 
Thomas  Derborne, 
John  Levitt, 
Henry  Derborne, 
Aratus  Levitt, 
Chri'hopher  HufTey, 
Jolm  Tucke, 
John  Smith, 
Thomas  Page, 
Philip  Towle, 
Jofiah  Sanbourne, 
William  Sanbourne  f.'nior, 
Ruth  Johnfon,  widow, 
Richard  Sanbourne, 
Thomas  Walker, 
Ifaac  Godfrey, 
Humphrey  Perking, 
David  Lamprey, 

The  like  petition  from  Po 
George  Hunt, 
Peter  Ball, 

John  Sherborne  fenior, 
Samuel  Wentworth, 
Sp.  Lovell, 
Richard  Webber, 
Richard  Waterhoufe, 
William  Davell, 
John  Cotten, 


Benjamin  Lauyrc, 
William  Fuller, 
John  Sanbourne, 
Hefron  Leavit, 
Samuel  Shuerborne, 
Francis  Page, 
Peter  Weare, 
Benjamin  Browne, 
Thomas  Phiibrick, 
Timothy  Blake, 
Jacob  Perkins, 
Jonathan  Philbrock, 
Ebenezer  Perkins, 
Caleb  Perkins, 
Jofeph  Perkins, 
Jofeph  Dow, 
John  Clifford  fenior, 
Samuel  Phiibrook, 
Jofeph  Shaw, 
John  Clifford, 
Benjamin  Shaw, 
Samuel  Cogg, 
Timothy  Hillyard, 
Anthony  Stanyan, 
John  Stanyan, 
Jofeph  Sanbourne, 
Ifaac  Perkins, 
Mofes  Swett, 
Jofeph  Swett, 
Jofeph  Cafs, 
Duel  Clemens, 
Samuel  Cafs, 
John  Sanbourne  fenior. 

rtfmontk  in  faid  province,  figned  by, 
Thomas  Wacombe, 
Obadiah  Mors, 
Nicolas  Morrell, 
Samuel  Keais, 
John  Dennett, 
John  Tonke, 
Edward  Melcher, 
George  Lavers, 
Jacob  Lavert., 

Calomart 


APPENDIX. 


xlix 


Calomart  Mafliawes, 
John   Barfham, 
John  Shipivay, 
John  J.ihnfon, 
John  Sherborne  junior, 
Thomas  Pickeno, 

Jo!::)   Light, 
Wi'liam  Pitman, 
James  Jones, 
William  Cotton, 
James  Lev  tt, 
Jirfiro  Furbuc, 
Edward  Ball, 
Thomas  Coiton, 
Daniv]  I  >u.  gen, 
Francis  Jones, 
John  Partridge, 
Robert  Pit.  i  'ton, 
Nc hemiah  i  artri  l^e, 
Jothacn  Lt       , 
Anthony  Brackett, 

Phe  like  petition  from 
Job  Clements. 
Thomas  Roberts, 
Edward   Allen, 
William  Furbur  fenior, 
Henry  Santer, 
Richard  Rowcs, 
Anthony  Nutter, 
John  Dam, 

William  Furburj  unior, 
John  D2m  junior, 
John  Nutter, 
Thomas  Row, 
Edward  Row, 
John  Meadow, 
Philip  Chefley, 
Jofeph  Stephenfon, 
Thomas  Chefley, 
Jofeph  Hinneder, 
Stephen  Jones, 
Edward  Small, 

Nathanacl  

James  Hucking, 
Catharias  Jerlld, 
Ezekiel  Wentworth, 


John  Brackett, 
Matthias  Haines, 
Samuel  Haines, 
Samuel  Haines  junior, 
Wdliam  Fifield  fenior. 
Waller  Neal, 
Leonard    Weeks, 
Nathaniel  Drake, 
John   Hunking, 
Rieliard  Jofes, 
Jane  Jofes, 
John  Fletcher, 
Richard  Martyn, 
Ph.  Sueret, 
Richard  Waldron, 
Ben.   Hull, 
John  Cutt, 
William  Vaucrhan, 
George  Jeffreys, 
John  Pickering, 
John  Bui  Iter, 
the  towne  of  Dover,  flgned  by, 
Paid  Wentworth, 
Gerard  Gyner, 
Jenkins   Jones, 
Joieph  Canne, 
Richard  Waldron, 
John  WinJet, 
John  Gerifh, 
William  Wentworth, 
John  Heard, 
John  Roberts, 
John  H  ill,  jun. 
Robert  Burnum, 
Saml    Burnum, 
Jeremiah  Burnum, 
Samuel  Hill, 
Ralph  Wormley, 
William  Horn, 
Peter  Niafon, 
John  Woodman  f  nior, 
John  Woodman      nior, 
Jonathan  Woodman, 
John  Davis  fenior, 
John  Davis  junior, 

Jofeph 


I  APPENDIX. 

Jofeph  Fields,  Sam.  Adams, 

John  Bickford,  William  Parkinfon, 

Thomas  Bickford,  Jofeph  Hill, 

Thomas  Edgerly,  Nathan.  Hill, 

John  Hill,  John  Roberts. 
Charles  Adams, 
[Fro?x  a  copy  in  the  hands  of  the  honourable  prefnient  JVeare.~] 

No.  XXIX. 

The  depofition  of  Peter  CorHn,  efq.  oneof  his  majefty's  jufticet 

of  the  peace  for  New-Hampfhire,  being  fworn,  faith, 

THAT  fometime  in  the  beginning  of  February,  A.  D. 
l68£,  I  the  deponent  was  prefent  at  the  houfe  of  Mr. 
John  Hincks  in  comyany  with  the  hon  Edw.  Cranfield,  tfq. 
governor  cf  this  province,  where  I  heard  the  faid  governor 
fend  for  Mr.  Wm  Vaughan,  and  when  the  faid  Vaughan  came 
the  governor  enquired  of  him  what  affidavits  thofe  were  he  had 
that  day  defired  to  be  taken.  The  faid  Vaughan  anfwered, 
thofe  that  concerned  his  caufe  againft  Mr.  Mafon.  The  go- 
vernor afked  him  who  they  were,  he  anfwered,  if  he  might 
have  fummons  he  would  bring  them  before  his  honour  to  be 
fworn  ;  and  then  the  governor  brake  out  into  a  paffiori  ai.J 
told  him,  the  laid  Vaughan,  that  he  was  a  mutinous  fellow, 
and  afked  Llm  what  he  went  lately  to  Bofton  for;  the  laid 
Vaughan  amwered  he  went  about  his  bufinefs.  Then  the  go- 
vernor faid  he  went  to  carry  a  mutinous  petition  to  be  fent  to 
England  by  Weare,  and  afked  him  what  veffel  Weare  went  in  ; 
Mr.  Vaughan  aniwered  that  he  left  Weare  in  Bofton.  Then 
the  governor  faid,  that  by  the  next  fhips  after  Weare  was  got 
to  England  and  had  prdented  his  petition,  he  fhould  have  an 
account  of  the  perfons  names  that  fubferibed  it  returned  to 
him,  and  that  it  would  be  the  befl  hawl  he  ever  had,  for  it 
■would  be  worth  £.  ioo  a  man.  The  governor  further  faid, 
that  the  faid  Vaughan  was  a  mutinous  fellow,  and  required  of 
him  bonds  to  the  good  behaviour  ;  Mr.  Vaughan  anfwered  he 
knew  none  of  the  king's  laws  he  had  broken,  but  if  he  could 
be  informed  of  his  crime  he  was  ready  to  give  bonds.  And 
that  in  the  whole  difcourfe  Mr.  Vaughan  demeaned  himfelf 
with  a  great  deal  of  moderation  and  fubmiffion.  Notwith- 
ilanding  which  the  governor  commanded  a  mittimus  to  be  writ 
and  figned  the  fame  with  his  own  hand,  whereupon  the  faid 
Vau^hau  was  forthwith  committed  to  prifon. 

PETER  COFFIN. 
Peter  Coffin,  efq.  the  above  named  deponent, 

appearing  in  the  town  of  Kittcry  in  the  pro- 


APPENDIX.  K 

province  of  Maine  this  27th  of  January  1684-5,  made  oath  to 
the  above  written,  before  me,  CHARLES  FROST, 

Jult.  of  Peace. 

No.  XXX. 

The  warrant  and  mittimus  whereby  IVilliam  Vaughan,  Efq.  iuas 

committed  to  pnj'on. 

New-Hampfhire. 

To  James  Sherlock,  gent,  fherif  and  nrovoft  marfhal  of  the  faid 

province,  or  his  deputy. 

IN  his  mjijefty's  name  you  are  hereby  required  to  take  and 
apprehend  the  body  of  William  Vaughan,  of  Portfmouth. 
Efq.  and  carry  him  to  the  prifon  of  Great  I  (land;  And  Rich- 
ard Abbot  the  priion  keeper  thereof,  is  hereby  required  to  re- 
ceive the  faid  Vaughan  into  the  faid  priion  and  there  keep 
him  in  fafe  cuftody  till  he  ill  a  1 1  give  good  fecurity  to  our  fover. 
lord  the  king  his  heirs  and  fucccifors  for  his  the  faid  Vaughan's 
good  behaviour  towards  the  fame  our  fover.  lord  the  king,  he 
hatting  tefufed  to  find  fecurity  for  his  J "aid  good  behaviour  the 
fixth  day  of  February  1683.  Given  under  my  hand  and  feal 
the  laid  fixth  day  of  February  168$. 

EDWARD  CRANFIELD,  (L.S.) 
\Tbe  tnvo  preceding  papers  are  in  the  recorder  s  office. ~\ 

No.  XXXI.' 

A  letter  from  IVilliam  Vaughan,  Efq.  containing  a  jturnal  of 
tranfaCtions  during  his  imprifonment,  be  to  Nathaniel  IVearc, 
Efq.  a^ent  in  London. 

Mr.  Nathaniel  Wire, 

SIR,  Portfmouth,  4th  Feb.  ] 6 Si. 

THESE  ferves  to  give  covert  to  the  inclofed  which  ware 
unhappily  miflaid,  and  fo  brought  to  Portfmouth  infted 
of  bcinge  carried  by  you  to  London  though  on  the  other  hand 
you  carried  many  papers  for  London  which  oughte  to  have 
been  at  Portfmouth.  There  ware  feveral]  papers  in  the  bondle 
which  ware  very  impcrtinente  unto  your  bufinefe,  and  the 
tranfportinge  of  them  very  prejudicyall  to  lorn  here,  your  efpe- 
cyall  care  aboute  them  is  expected,  yet  may  be  fafely  returned 
with  you  if  not  transmitted  by  you  before  your  rcturne.  Wee 
are  now  a  doeinge  aboute  getinge  euidenfes  fworne,  which  yon 
/hall  have  a  further  a<  count  by  the  hide,  tho'  retarded  much 
by  haringe  no  copies  of  them  as  wee  expected.  Sinfe  your  de- 
parture much  ado  have  been  made,  many  execucyons  extended, 
riz.  upon  Mrs  Cult,  Daniele,  myfelf,  Mr.  Fletcher,  Moody, 
Huukins,  Earie,  Picke;inge»,  Booth,  Sec.     I  went  to  prifou 

bur. 


lii  APPENDIX. 

but  was  redeemed  with  money,  feverall  dores  ware  brok-n  opert 
by  Matthews  the  marfhaU's  deputy,  cheftes  alfo  and  trunks  and 
carried  out  of  the  houfes  till  redeemed  with  money.  John 
Partridge  and  Win  Colten  are  in  prifon  and  have  been  iu..dry 
daics.  No  pay  (astim,  flieep,  horfes,  &c.)  would  be  tak-jn  for 
their  cxecutyonb,  lo  there  bodyes  ware  levied  upon  and  there 
they  lye.  Our  meniller  for  refufinge  to  admenefter  the  facra- 
ment  to  the  gouernor  is  bound  over  to  the  quarter  feflions  to 
lit  to  mono,  the  iishew  wee  know  not  but  fix  months  impri- 
fonrnent  thretned.  Your  wife  a  id  famely  well.  Crete  binder 
at  Hamton  about  the  petityon,  fom  weekelinges  ware  whegled 
into  a  confeffion  and  they  difcovered  the  perlones  that  carried 
the  petityon,  who  ware  by  juftis  G.  &  R.  bound  over  to  the 
qtrarter  feflions,  but  lad  Satterday  night  (on  what  ground 
know  not)  Mr.  Greene  burnte  there  bonds  and  only  tould 
them  they  muite  jppere  when  cold  for.  Charles  Hilton  is  late~ 
ly  ded.  As  other  newes  arrives  (hail  hand  it  to  you  by  all  oc- 
catyones  and  doe  you  the  like  by  us. 

5th.  Quarter  feflions  are  come,  and  there  Capt.  Barefoote, 
Mr.  Fry*.;-;  Coffin,  Greene,  Roby,  Edgerly,  were  juiliccs, 
Raines  was  attorny  .  It  was  brought  in  as  a  plea  of  the  crownc. 
Mr.  Moody  pleaded  his  not  beinge  ordained,  havinge  no  main- 
tenanfe  according  to  iLatute  and  therefore  not  obliged  to  that 
worke.  which  the  itatutc  required  Bcfides  thefe  it  tutes  were 
not  made  for  thefe  plafes,  the  knowne  end  of  there  removal 
hither  beinge  that  they  might  enjoye  liberty  in  thefe  forrin 
plantatyones  which  tneie  could  not  have  by  vertew  of  the  fta- 
tutes  at  home,  and  ware  allowed  to  have  here,  efpecyally  our 
comityon  grantinge  liberty  of  contyenfe.  Thefe  things  ware 
pleded,  but  to  no  purpole,  after  a  fhorte  pleding  and  that  not 
withoute  many  interoptyones  and  fmiles  by  the  pragmuttick-, 
bufey  impertenente  atturny,  he  waa  comited  to  the  marmall, 
(viz.  Longe  Matthews)  and  held  in  cuilody  that  night  tho' 
permitted  to  lodge  at  Capt.  Stileman's.  The  jultiles  debated 
a  littcll,  foure  of  them  entered  there  defente,  viz.  Mr  i  ryer, 
Greene,  Roby,  Edgcriy,  but  Capt.  Barefoote  and  Coffin  ware 
for  his  condemnatyon.  Judgment  of  the  cafe,  every  man's  was 
entered  by  the  fecretary  over  night,  but  being  deferred  till 
nexte  morninge  informatyon  was  given  to  fomebody  who  came 
in  and  thretned  and  hciftored  arter  fuch  a  rate  that  Green  and 
Roby  alfo  coniented  as  you  fee  by  the  inclofed,  and  hee  was 
comited  to  prifon.  Petyon  was  by  him  made  to  the  courte, 
and  afterward  to  the  governor,  that  hee  might  ftep  up  at  nighte 
to  his  famely  and  fettle  matters  there,  and  that  he  uug  lite  not 


APPENDIX.  liii 

goe  into  the  difmall  plafe  the  comon  prifTon.  The  court  could 
not,  the  governor  would  not  of  firfte,  tho'  in  line  gave  leave 
to  the  marfliall  to  droap  him  at  Capt.  Stileman's,  where  he  is 
confined  to  his  chamber,  tho'  not  without  leave  to  goe  downe 
ftaires  or  into  the  bakefide,  and  this  was  done  6th  inftante. 
At  night  I  havinge  moved  for  the  tnkeinge  of  evedenfes,  which 
was  in  words  owned,  wente  to  the  fecretary  for  fummones,  in- 
tendinge  to  begin  with  Lift  Haull  and  Thos.  Wiggones,  hee 
refufed  to  give  fummones  but  iirfle  (1  fuppofe)  mufle  informe 
fomebody,  I  was  fent  for  by  the  marfliall,  huffed  and  hectored 
flrangely,  thretned,  &c.  in  fine,  muilegive  bonds  to  the  good 
behaviour;  1  refufed,  thereupon  he  made  and  flgned  my  mit- 
tymos  to  the  prifTon,  though  by  the  way,  I  knowe  not  how, 
was  alfo  droped  at  and  confined  to  Mr.  Moody's  chamber, 
where  wee  have  bin  this  two  nightes  very  cha refill  together. 

Poore  Wadlow  who  was  left  to  the  governor's  mercy  is  com 
oute  upon  fecurity  for  forty  pounds  mony,  and  your  Gove  for 
a  like  fome,  only  Wm  Partridge  is  to  doe  it  in  worke,  build- 
inge  and  fenfing,  &c.  The  acdyons  goe  on  and  are  turned  of 
hand  apafe,  tixiilve  at  a  c/a/>/>,  alter  the  ould  manner.  Roby 
though  ajuflis  is  (till  of  the  jury.  A  new  tricke  is  on  foote, 
feverall  of  us  that  ware  executed  upon  and  paid  our  mony  the 
firlle  fute,  are  fued  againe  for  illegal  uithohlinge  poffeflion, 
tho'  the  marfliall  (who  was  by  executyon  required  to  give  pof- 
feffion  never  came  to  demand  it  ;)  theiffue  of  which  wee  know 
not,   matters  being  yet  dependinge. 

yth.  The  priioners  Vaughau  and  Mr.  Moody  ware  fetched 
out  of  prifTon  to  plede  there  caffes  at  the  courte.  Mrs  Cutt, 
Daniell,  John  Partridge  and  myfelf  and  Mr.  Moody  ware  fued 
and  all  caile,  but  the  lafte  who  had  fomethinge  particulerly  to 
faye,  and  foe  he  caflc  Mr.  Mafon,  though  wee  thought  wee 
all  faid  enoufe  to  cafte  him,  viz.  that  hee  had  an  executyon  for 
the  land  fued  for,  and  when  he  levied  his  executyon  mighte 
have  taken  the  land  alfo,  with  many  other  things  (enoufe  of 
wee  thought)  to  have  turned  the  cafe  again  ft  him  before  anny 
indiferente  judges  and  jurrors,  but  thus  wee  are  tretted. 

But  above  all  our  menefter  lyes  in  prifTon,  and  a  fammin  of 
the  word  of  God  cominge  upon  us.  No  public  worfliip,  no 
preachinge  of  the  word,  what  ignoranfe,  profanes  and  mifery 
muff  needes  enfue  !  By  the  premifes  you  fee  what  need  there 
is  you  fliould  be  vigoros  and  fptedy  as  you  maye  aboute  your 
bufnes  to  doe  what  may  Ik  to  the  preventinge  of  titer  ruin. 

My    imprilonment  is  a  prefente   flop  to  the  getinge  what 
evedenfes  is  needful,  and  it'*  like  we  fhall  not  make  anny  fur- 
ther 


liv  APPENDIX. 

ther  attempt  here,  but  with  what  conveniente  expedytyon  will 
be  don  what  is  needful  and  neceflary.  Mr.  Martin  was  fued 
at  the  courte  in  two  a&yones,  one  by  Mr.  Mafon  for  fines  & 
forfetures  collected  and  received  by  him  as  treafurer  from  fe- 
venty  nine  to  eighty  two,  and  another  ac~tyon  by  the  governor 
for  hues,  &c.  from  April  eighty  two.  Ke  is  caite  in  both  ac- 
tyoncs  to  the  valew  of  about  feventy  pounds,  although  hee 
pleded  that  what  hee  received  was  difpofed  by  order  of  the  au- 
thority winch  made  him  treafurer,  and  had  as  good  comityori 
from  his  mag\  flie  as  that  was  in  beinge,  neither  did  it  legally 
appeart  that  ether  Mr.  Maffon  or  the  governor  have  ar.ny  rightc 
to  tines  and  forfetures,  the  kinge  appointinge  all  publicke  mo- 
i>y  to  be  difpofed  or  improved  for  the  fnpporte  of  the  govern- 
ment;  however  it  is  but  aflce  and  have,  there  demands  in  any 
cafe  have  the  force  of  an  executyon. 

icih.  1  he  fabbath  is  come  but  no  prechinge  at  the  Banke, 
nor  anny  allowed  to  com  to  us ;  we  had  noone  but  the  fameley 
with  us,  the  pore  peple  wantinge  for  lake  of  bred.  Motyones 
have  bin  made  that  Mr.  Moody  may  goe  up  and  prech  on  the 
Lord's  daye,  tho'  hee  com  downe  to  prifion  at  night,  or  that 
naibor  minillers  might  be  permitted  to  com  and  prech,  or  that 
the  peple  might  com  downe  to  the  priffon  and  here  as  many  as 
could,  but  nothing  will  doe;  an  unparraieled  example  amongfl 
chridians  to  have  a  menefter  putt  oute  and  no  other  way  found 
to  fupply  his  plafe  by  one  menes  or  other.  Mr.  Frier  was  fe- 
verely  thretned  for  refufeinge  to  fubferibe  Mr.  Moody's  comit- 
ment,  but  hath  obtained  fairely  a  difmityon  from  all  publike 
offices.  Juflis  Edgcrly  alio  caifhered,  and  bound  over  to  the 
quarter  feffiones.  It  is  faid  thatjuftis  Greene  is  much  afflicted 
for  what  hee  has  done,  but  Roby  not.  Peter  Coffin  can  fcarfe 
fhow  his  hed  in  anny  company*. 

14th.  Nufe  came  from  the  fourte  at  Cafco  that  there  was 
create  danger  of  the  Indyanes  rifinge,  which  hath  occatyoned 
a  mectinge  of  the  counfcil  and  fome  difcourfe,  but  here  no 
more  finfe  and  hope  it  may  vanifh. 

15  th.  Good  Mrs  Martin  was  buried,  beinge  not  able  to  live 
above  one  faboth  after  the  fhutting  up  the  dores  of  the  fanctu- 

ary. 

*  TVTr.  Moody  in  the  church  records  remarks  thus  on  his  judges :  "  Not 
«•  long  afu-r  Green  repented  and  made  his  acknowledgment  to  the  paftor 
«'  who  frankly  forgave  him.  Robie  was  excommunicated  out  of  Hamp- 
•*  ton  church  for  a  common  drunkard  and  died  excommunicate,  and  was 
«'  by  his  friends  thrown  into  a  hole  near  his  houfe  for  fear  of  an  aired:  of 
«'  his  carcafe.  Barefoote  fell  into  a  languilhing  diftemper  whereof  he 
41  died.  Coffin  was  taken  by  the  Indians,  [at  Cochecho  1689]  his  houfe 
*'  and  mill  burnt,  himielf  not  being  flain  but  dil'miiTed  ;  the  Lord  givs 
.«•  him  repentance,  though  no  figns  of  it  have  yet  appeared.'' 


APPENDIX.  U 

ary.  Somebody  hath  faid  that  the  imprifoninge  of  the  mini- 
fter  is  noone  of  his  worke,  hee  did  but  conilitute  the  courte, 
they  did  it  themfelves,  tho'  alfo  hath  faid  hee  would  have  don 
it  himfelfe  if  they  had  not. 

17th.   Another  fad  faboth. 

1 8th.  Came  Mr.  Mafon,  Barefoote  and  fecretary,  with  Thur- 
ton,  who  fwore  againlt  mee  a  falfe  oath,  of  which  have  inclofed 
a  copia.  Thurton  faid  he  was  fent  for  on  purpofe  to  give  in 
his  teftimony  againfl  mee;  they  wente  away,  and  foon  after 
came  the  inclofed  mittimus  directed  to  Mr  Raines  hoo  is  Ihe- 
reff  and  marfhall  in  Mr.  Sheerlock'a  roome  that  have  bin  out  of 
favor  of  late,  though  now  it  is  laid  in  favor  but  not  in  plafe 
againe.  Mr.  Eftwicke  is  all  )  put  oute  of  all  offis.  Noote, 
that  when  I  went?  to  him  for  takeinge  oathes,  hee  faid  all 
oathes  fhould  be  taken  before  the  governor  and  counfell,  but 
now  could  fend  to  juftifes  to  doe  it.  We  had  for  fom  nightes 
our  key  taken  away  from  the  chamber  dore  abolit  8  or  y  at 
nighte  but  have  iinfe  left  off  that  trade.  Sowell  of  Exeter  is 
ded.  Severall  overtures  ware  made  thisweeke  to  John  Partridge 
and  Win  Cotten  by  Raines  to  com  oute  of  priffon  he  giveinge 
them  three  monthes  time  to  provide  mony  or  anny  other  cur- 
.rante  paye,  tho'  they  tendered  fifh,  planke,  &c.  before  they 
ware  put  in,  they  refufed  to  accept. 

24th.  This  fabboth  our  wives,  children  and  fervants  came 
downe  and  fpente  the  daye  with  us  in  our  chamber,  and  wee 
yet  here  nothinge  faid  againfte  it. 

25th.  The  marfhall  goes  and  levies  upon  John  the  Greeke's 
fheep  and  cattle  for  the  executyon,  for  which  hee  had  laine  a- 
boute  three  weekes  in  priffon,  and  then  came  and  ordered  him 
to  goe  about  his-bufneffe,  15  fheepe,  fundry  lambes,  and  two 
haifers  fezed  for  fix  pounds  od  mony.  This  day  allfo  Mr.  Jaf- 
fery  havinge  had  fundery  waminges  the  weeke  before  to  clere 
his  houfe  becafe  Mr.  Malfon  would  com  and  take  pofTcflion  of 
it,  wente  never  the  les  to  the  Banke  upon  bufnes  ;  mene  while 
came  Mr.  Mafon  with  the  marfhall  and  turned  ail  his  fervants 
out  of  dores,  fet  another  locke  on  the  dore,  and  at  night  when 
his  fervants  cime  home  wett  they  would  not  fuffer  them  to  com 
in,  but  there  lodged  Matthews  and  Thurton  all  nighte.  Mr. 
Mafon  faid  while  abonte  this  worke  that  he  was  lorry  Wire 
had  no  more  of  this  nufe  to  carry  hoome  with  him. 

The  governor  haveinge  fente  to  Mr.  Cotton,  that  when  he 
had  prepared  his  loule  hee  would  com  and  demand  the  facra- 
ment  of  him  as  hee  had  don  at  Portfmouth  alredy.  Mr.  Cot- 
ten  the  latter  end  of  the  weeke  before  laite  went  to  Bolton  and 

e  c  has 


IvI  APPENDIX. 

has  bin  oute  two  /Lord's  days  alredy  ;  all  is  well  with  your* 
there,  foe  far  as  I  can  learn,  I  cannot  goe  to  fee  elfe  might 
have  given  them  a  vifite. 

One  word  more  aboute  my  bufnes.  I  am  under  imprifon- 
ment  aboute  Thurton's  bufnefs,  being  feized  by  the  marfhall 
and  comited  when  in  priffon  before  for  not  giveing  bond  for 
the  good  behavior,  tho'  nothinge  charged  upon  me  any  more 
than  before,  which  you  well  know.  I  know  nothing  but  they 
intend  to  keep  mee  here  endlefsly  ;  it's  faide  1  mufte  paye  one 
hundred  pounds  for  ftrikeinge  one  of  the  king's  officers  and 
mufte  have  my  name  returned  into  the  exchequer  and  mufte  iyc 
in  priffon  till  the  mony  be  paid  and  I  am  difcharged  from  the 
exchequer.  The  deiigne  you  may  efely  fee  is  to  mine  mee, 
and  how  vaine  my  pies  will  be  you  maye  efely  gutffe.  The* 
I  have  manny  thinges  to  faie,  viz.  that  Thuiton  was  ether  no 
officer  or  at  lette  not  knowne  to  be  fo,  however  not  fworne, 
nor  did  I  ftrike  him  in  the  hyewaye  as  hee  fweares,  nor  is  there 
anny  proofe  but  his  own  Gng4e  teftimony,  which  how  far  it  a- 
vailes  in  fuch  a  cafe  would  be  confsdered  ;  its  alfo  worthy  of 
inquire  whether  ever  that  law  was  intended  for  us,  here  bein^e 
no  cuftoms  to  be  gathered,  no  exchequer  to  be  applyed  to, 
and  therefore  how  thefe  methods  can  be  obferved  is  not  intel- 
legable.  You  may  efely  imagen  how  things  will  be  if  I  am 
forfed  to  complye  with  there  humors.  Pray  confult,  confider, 
and  fee  >f  fomethinge  may  not  be  done  to  putt  a  Hop  to  fuch 
arbetrary  proceedings,  a  triall  on  the  plafe  by  indifierentc  un- 
conferned  judges  and  jurors  if  at  lefte  there  can  anny  fuch  be 
found  hoo  will  not  be  forfed  into  what  fome  will  have  done; 
but  I  mall  not  need  to  inltruct  you;  there  you  have  better 
counfell  then  I  can  give  you,  and  of  your  fedclyty  to  inquire 
and  remitte  by  the  firfte  what  is  needful  on  this  account  I 
doute  not. 

I  have  given  you  but  a  tafte,  wee  that  fee  it  know  mor^then 
can  poffibly  bee  undtrftood  by  thofe  that  only  here  ;  in  a  word, 
fuch  is  the  haith  of  there  heat  and  raidge  that  there  is  no  livinge 
for  us  longe  in  this  condityon.  Butt  wee  hope  Gcd  will  bee 
feene  in  the  monnte. 

I  fhould  have  inferted  what  fell  oute  after  the  defolvinge  of 
the  rebellyous  affembly,  there  was  'Hfcourfe  of  conftables,  and 
infled  of  the  freemen's  chufinge  as  formerly  they  tooke  a  fhorte 
and  cheper  courfe,  and  at  the  quarter  feffions  conftables  were 
chofen  and  to  begin  with  Mr.  Speker,  he  has  the'honnerto  be 
conffiable  for  Fortftnouth,  Capt.  Gerri(h,  Lt.  Nutter  and  John 
Woodman  for  Dover,  Smith  the  cooper   for   Ham  ton,  John 

Foulfham 


APPENDIX.  lvii 

Foulfham  at  Exeter.  Whether  Mr.  Speker  (hall  ferve  or  fine 
is  not  yet  determined.  And  now  I  am  fpekinge  of  the  general 
affembly,  muite  hinte  what  was  formerly  forgotten,  vz.  that 
they  convened  on  the  Mondaye  and  the  choice  of  the  fpeker 
(there  ou!d  one)  in  words  hily  approved  and  hee  complemented 
alamode.  Then  a  bill  was  feme  them  downe  (of  which  if  I 
can  get  it  being  now  in  priffon  fhall  inclofe  a  copia)  which  they 
talked  a  littel  of  and  then  brake  up  for  the  nighte  and  went  up 
to  the  Banke  to  lodge  (the  tide  lerving  very  well  to  goe  and 
com),  the  reporte  of  which  hily  difgufted,  and  the  next  morn- 
ing the  anfwer  to  the  bill  vehemently  urged,  which  was  in  fine 
a  negative.  Hereopon  in  a  grcte  midge  telling  them  they  had 
bin  up  to  confult  with  Moody  an  uter  enemy  to  church  and 
coman  welth  with  much  of  like  nature,  hee  diflblved  them, 
which  was  don  on  the  Tuefday,  after  which  he  came  up  to  the 
Banke  and  gave  order  for  a  facrament  on  the  next  Lord's  daye 
as  you  have  herd  and  finfe  the  afTemblv  men  pricked  for  con- 
ftables. 

By  the  premifes  you  will  fee  how  the  governor  is  makeinge 
good  his  word,  hee  came  for  mony  and  mony  he  ivill  gete,  and 
if  hee  get  it  you  know  hoa  mufte  loofe  it,  and  how  mefereable 
mufte  our  condityon  quickly  be  if  there  be  no  remedy  quickly 
provided.  Hee  contrives  and  cutts  out  worke  and  finds  evill 
inftrewments  to  make  it  up,  and  thefe  fom  among;  ourfelves. 
Thus  wee  are  cloven  by  our  owne  limbes. 

28th.  Sinfe  Mr.  Jaffery  was  difpoffeffed,  Raines  offered  him 
for  five  fhillings  per  annum  quit-rent  to  Mr.  Mafon,  hee  mould 
have  his  houfe  againe,  provided  hee  would  owr.e  him  proprietor, 
but  hee  refuiinge  it  is  laid  hee  (hall  never  have  it  againe.  The 
talke  is  that  his  houfe  mufte  be  court-houfe  and  priffon  booth, 
and  ftandinge  fo  nere  the  governor  it  is  judged  futable  for 
booth  thofe  ends,  that  hee  may  have  the  fhorter  journey  to 
courte  and  the  prifoners  may  bee  alwaies  under  his  eye. 

29th.  John  the  Greeke  havinge  laine  fom  weekes  in  priffon 
upon  executyon,  his  goods  haveinge  bin  levied  upon  (as  above), 
was  by  Raines  locked  oute  of  the  priffon  and  bidden  to  be 
gon,  but  hee  would  not,  keepes  his  quarters  ftill  with  the  other 
two.  This  daye  his  goods  was  fold  by  the  marlhall  and  bought 
by  Thurton. 

Mr.  Cotton  is  com  home  from  Boflon.  Grete  offence  taken 
here  at  a  fermon  hee  prcched  in  TBofton  on  Acts  xii.  5.  tho* 
plefinge  to  the  hearers. 

March  2d.    This    day  Mr.   Jefterv's  goods  ware  all  turned 

•ute  of  dores  by  the  fheriff,  &c.  his  man  received  and  difpoled 

c  e  2  uf 


iviti  APPENDIX. 

of  them.  Againfte  Jaffery  there  are  two  oathes  taken,  fingle 
oathes,  but  beinge  for  tiie  king  will  paffe,  and  orders  are  giv- 
en for  warrants  to  apprehend  him,  he  apperes  not. 

March  5.  It  is  faid  that  they  are  goinge  this  daye  to  Ma- 
jor Waidrone's  to  ferve  him  as  they  have  done  Mr.  Jaffcrey, 
and  it's  given  out  that  the  refte  will  be  treted  in  like  manner  ; 
the  couite  was  adjourned  yeltsrdaye  to  the  nexte  month  pbably 
that  they  mighte  levey  the  exeeutyons  that  are  in  Banke  be- 
fore they  cutt  oute  anny  more  worke  Juftis  Green  feems 
fomethinge  troubled  for  fendinge  the  menefter  to  priflbn,  and 
faith  hee  will  never  doe  fuch  a  thinge  againe,  but  Peter  Coffin 
faith  it  is  a  nine  dayes  wonder  and  will  loone  be  forgotten,  but 
others  thinke  otherwife.  If  they  go  on  thus  wee  are  utterly 
ruined,  mufte  goe  away  or  ftarve  if  at  lefle  wee  be  not  fo  con- 
fined that  wee  cannot  goe  awaye  nether.  I  qucttyon  whether 
annie  aidge  can  parralell  fnch  aftyones. 

In  my  lafte  I  fente  you  a  letter  to  Sir  Josiah  Child  my 
matter,  of  which  alfo  you  have  another  copia  herewith.  Mj 
defigne  is  that  you  carry  the  letter  yourfelfe,  waite  on  him 
while  he  reades  it,  and  if  he  will  plefe  to  here  you  (as  I  hope 
hee  maye)  that  you  amplyfie  matters,  informe  him  what  fur- 
ther intelligens  you  have  and  attende  his  direftyon,  if  God 
move  his  hearte  to  doe  oughte  for  us.  This  daye  the  gover- 
nor fente  us  word  by  the  marfhall  that  wee  muft  remove  to  Mr. 
Jafferey's  houfe  to  morro,  which  houfe  is  made  the  priflbn. 
Wee  hope  the  mife  of  the  rifinge  of  the  Indyans  will  faule  to 
nothinge. 

Ditto  5th.  Thus  far  was  fente  you  by  wave  of  Barbados. 
It  fallowes.  The  governor  did  faie  to  a  Salem  man  that  Moo- 
dy might  goe  out  of  the  prifon,  if  hee  wonld  goe  out  of  the 
provinfe,  but  wee  here  no  more  finfe. 

James  Robinfon  under  grete  rauth  and  in  much  danger  on- 
ly for  fpeakinge  lomthinge  to  Thurton  (of  his  being  a  pittiful 
fello,  &c. )  while  faid  Thurton  was  active  in  turning  out  Mr. 
Jafferey's  goods. 

6th.  Matthews  and  Thurton  hunted  for  Mr.  Jafferey, 
ferched  in  Mrs.  Cutt's  houfe,  wente  into  every  room  above  and 
below  ftaires,  ferched  under  her  bed  where  (he  lay  fike  in  it 
but  found  him  not.  They  carried  it  very  rudely  and  bafcly  in 
there  worke.  Matthews  faid  he  would  caitch  him  or  have  hi& 
harte  blud,  but  hee  was  not  there.  Mr.  Jafferey's  goods  were 
carried  to  the  other  fide  by  nighte. 

It  is  faid  that  our  imprifonment  has  much  [alarmecT]  the 
feoole  Countrey  and  made  them  more  fond  of  ther  liberties. 

Th» 


APPENDIX.  li* 

This  nightc  Matthews  was  beten  at  Merfore's  (fom  finllinge 
boute  its  like),  but  its  made  a  mity  thing  on,  faid  to  be  a 
deepe  plot,  deeper  then  Gove's,  managed  by  ftrong  heds,  and 
abundanle  of  that  nature,  and  becaufe  the  perfons  conferned 
ware  under  the  inflewenfe  of  Vaughan  and  Moody  they  fhould 
fufFer  for  it.  for  not  techinge  them  better.  Tho'  wee  know 
no  more  of  it  then  you,  nor  is  there  ought  in  it  worth  notis, 
but  thus  we  are  treted.  The  governor  went  up  to  the  Banke 
and  made  grete  inquiries  aboute  it.  Capt.  Pickeringe  and  o- 
thers  that  ware  in  the  fraie  are  bound  over. 

7th  They  had  fix  pounds  five  fhillings  of  Obadia  Mors  by 
waye  of  executyon.  Raines  was  difcarded  beinge  put  oute  of 
beinge  fheriffe,  &c.  tho'  he  had  his  comityon  under  the  feale 
but  the  other  daye.  Matthews  is  made  provoft  marfhall  (at 
lefte)  in  his  roome  and  Thurton  mar/hall's  deputy.  Good 
burj6  for  fuch  offifes.  Lord  have  mercy  upon  us.  They  had 
alfo  eighteen  (hillings  from  Sam.  Cafe,  the refte  is  defered,  and 
hee  has  put  awaye  his  good*  and  intends  to  remove  or  goe  to 
prifon,  and  fo  wee  mufte  all. 

1  ith.  The  Indyan  nufe  occatyoned  an  order  to  the  trufteei 
to  get  aminityon,  they  came  down  andpleded  their  time  was  up, 
it  was  faid  you  (hall  keepe  in  during  my  pleafure.  They  faid 
they  had  no  mony  of  the  towues  in  their  hands,  nor  could  anny 
be  railed  withoute  a  general  aflembly.  Then  laye  out  your 
owne  moiiy  or  elfe  woe  to  you  ;  and  this  they  are  faine  to  com- 
ply with. 

Hee  faid  and  fwore  that  if  MalTon  would  not  acknowledge  a 
judgment  nexte  courte  of  fix  hundred  pounds,  he  would  take 
all  his  bnines  from  him  and  few  in  his  owne  name.  Idee  fwore 
hee  would  turne  out  that  rooge  Ellet  who  is  as  bad  as  anny 
other. 

Mr  Waldron  beinge  fente  for  by  warrant  to  com  before  the 
juftifes  to  take  the  conftables  oath,  appered  before  Mr.  Maflbn 
and  Capt  Barefoot,  but  excufeinge  it  and  giveinge  good  rea- 
fon  was  difmifled  upon  payinge  five  pounds;  but  pore  Capt. 
Barefoot  was  mode  ferefully  rutted  at  for  his  labor,  manyoathes 
fworne  that  Waldron  fhould  ether  take  the  oath  or  ether  take 
up  with  a  goale.  The  nexte  daye  (tho' the  juftifes  hoofe  buf- 
nes  it  is,  had  fairely  difmiffed  him)  he  was  convented  againe, 
the  oath  tendered,  hee  thretned  with  a  priflon  imedyately,  butt 
tould  them  he  knew  the  law  better  than  foe,  then  they  tooke 
his  one  bond  to  anfwer  it  at  quarter  fefiiones,  and  fo  far  of  that 
matter  as  yet.  Another  conftable  is  chofen,  viz.  Capt.  Pick- 
eringe, tho'  hee  have  as  yet  waved  the  oath,  haveing  lately 

ferved 


Ix  APPENDIX. 

ferved  in  that  plafe,  and  pleding  his  being  bound  to  good  be' 
haviour  for  that  lafte  fraye.  He  taulks  much  of  friggets  to 
fcare  the  pore  peple. 

14th.  Counfell  fat  and  could  not  agree  aboute  raifinge  mo- 
ny,  which  hily  provoked  fomebody.  They  faid  the  general 
afiernbly  only  could  raife  mony. 

The  governor  tould  Mr.  Jaffery's  negro  hee  mighte  goe  from 
his  matter,  iiec  would  clere  him  under  hand  and  fele,  fo  the 
fcllo  no  m<>re  attends  his  mailer's  conferncs. 

lth.  This  day  the  fecretary  was  in  a  grete  raidge  turned 
oute  of  all  his  offiies  exepte  fecretary  to  the  counfell,  (an  emty 
name,  ii;t<-l  proftite)  and  the  bookes  fente  for  oute  of  his  hand?. 
Hee  is  much  conferned  and  dejefted. 

I  am  credible  informed  and  you  mave  beleeve  it,  that  the 
governor  did  in  the  open  counfell  -yeflerdaye  faye  and  fware 
dredfully,  that  hee  would  put  the  provinces  into  the  gretefte 
confuiion  and  diftiactyon  hee  could  poffible  and  then  goe  away 
and  leve  them  foe,  and  then  the  devcll  take  them  all.  Hee 
alio  then  faid  that  Mr.  Maffon  faid  hee  would  drive  them  into 
a  fecond  rebellyon,  but  himfeife  would  doe  it  before;  and  I 
■wonder  he  has  not,  fuch  aftings  are  the  redy  way,  but  God 
hath  kepte  us  hether  to  and  I  hope  he  will  doe  fo  (till.  Hee 
alfo  laid  and  fwore  that  anny  perfon  that  mould  have  any  man- 
ner of  converie  with  us  or  any  of  our  mind,  he  would  counte 
them  his  utter  enemies  and  carry  toward  them  as  fuch. 

17th.  The  governor  havinge  formerly  prohibited  the  pri- 
foners  from  makeing  mingles  wente  himfeife  this  day  to  the 
prifTon  and  prohibited  John  Partridge  from  makeing  fhoes, 
bad  the  marfhall  throw  them  into  the  fea. 

This  <daye  Raines  beinge  not  willinge  to  give  up  a  warrante 
that  he  had  executed  duringe  the  fhorte  time  of  beinge  (heriffe, 
was  fent  for  by  the  governor,  and  not  apperinge,  the  gover- 
nor came  to  his  chamber  and  did  bete  him  dredfully,  and  bad 
the  marfhall  carry  the  rouge  to  gaile.  Hee  remaines  cut  of 
favour  itill.  The  governor  alfo  went  over  to  Capt.  Hooke's 
and  ^ot  him  to  give  warrants  to  the  conftables  on  the  other 
fide  to  ferch  all  houfes  for  Mr.  Jaffery  and  bring  him  over,  but 
they  found  him  not,  nor  is  he  yet  found,  tho'  proclamatyon 
was  made  at  Wells  courte  for  his  fefure,  tho'  not  yet  done. 

March  18.  This  morninge  came  Matthews  to  our  chamber 
and  faid  the  governor  fente  him  to  carry  mee  to  the  prifTon, 
where  1  am,  where  I  ft  ill  ly  ;  being  put  in  only  for  Thurton's 
actyon  and  kepte  in  tho'  I  offered  fecurety  to  refpond  it.  I 
thinke  they  have  let  fall  the  other  aboute  the  good  behaviour, 

feeinge 


APPENDIX.  lxi 

feeinge  they  can  make  nothinge  of  it,  and  before  my  cominge 
in  John  the  Greeke's  bed,  &c.  was  turned  out  of  prifTon  and 
he  forfed  away,  whoo  would  not  depart  before. 

21ft.  Mr.  Martin  came  to  difcorfc  aboute  the  mony  he  was 
cafte  for,  which  they  have  not  yet  levied  upon  him,  but  intend 
to  laye  it  upon  all  the  ould  counfcll  equaily  that  each  maye 
bare  his  mare  ;  at  fame  time  the  governor  tould  Mr.  Martin 
that  hee  would  fend  his  executyon.  Said  Mr.  Martin,  you 
know  it  is  not  my  dew  to  paye  the  mony.  No  matter  (laid 
he).  vtony  and  ivili have  it.      But  I  have  none  faid  hee  ; 

•    kc  your  houfe.     Hee  added  alio  to  Mr.  Martin, 
s  a  church  member  and  he  would  watch    him  and 
all  fuch,  and  be  fure  to  paye  them  of  if  he  could  caitc'n  them. 

22d.  The  forreft  ftorra  and  the  hiefte   tide   that  ever  was 
i  \  thoufands  of  pounds  damidge  in  Boflon  and 
te  e.      Tii    bridge  to  the  Grete  Illand  broakcu  of  in  the 
to  tl  te  j  tye  of  manny. 

'.  The  governor  vvente  to  Boflon  in  Foxe's  floop,  intend- 
thenfe  to  New-Yorke,  pretendinge  to  difcorfc  Colonall 
Da  .;  .  im  and  bringe  downe  two  hundred  Mowhawkes  to  kill 
the  eftward  Indyanes.  What  is  at  the  botham  or  will  be  the 
ifshew  God  knowes.  Hee  had  a  could  trete  at  Boflon,  ftr.:dd 
not  a  n'ghte  in  towne.  Sinfe  his  goinge  we  have  had  littel 
nnfe  worthy  of  your  notis,  but  all  things  have  bin  very  quiet 
hethertoo. 

I  have  not  inlarged  upon  thefe  partfculers  to  my  matter 
Child,  but  if  hee  will  take  anny  notis  of  the  thinee  and  be 
confernd  aboute  it  hee  will  then  juve  you  oppertunyty  of  dif- 
courfeing  him,  and  you  maye  informe  what  is  further  neidfull. 

31ft.  This  month  paffed  oute  and  the  other  came  in  with- 
out anny  noife,  unles  the  grete  joye  that  was  at  the  Banke  by 
Mr.  Moodye's  going  up  thether  and  my  goinge  onfe  or  twice 
after  with  our  keepers,  by  Mr.  Mafon's  permitvon  who  pre- 
fides  in  the  governor's  abfeucc  ;  but  wee  foone  returned  to  the 
plafe  from  whenfe  wee  came. 

April  8th.  Nath.  Fox  who  married  Mrs  Stileman's  dafter 
fent  Matthews  to  arrefle  Cart.  StflemaB  for  his  wive's  portyon 
(tho'  it  was  often  tendred  him  in  fuch  paye  as  the  courte  or- 
dered it,  but  hee  would  have  it  in  mony.)  Capt.  Stileman 
gave  his  own  houfe  and  all  that  was  in  it  for  fecurety  to  anfwer 
the  aftyon,  but  Matthews  bringinge  Thurton  with  him  at  his 
inltegatyon,  who  was  terrebly  infolente,  they  arefied  the  iuoo- 
?nan  Mrs  Stileman  and  carried  her  to  prifj'on  ivith  much  violenfe 
*ttd  courfe  ujlidgc,   tho"  her  hujba/id  had  given  fecurety.     Shee 

was 


Ixii  APPENDIX. 

was  carried  in  the  evening.  Capt.  Stileman  wrote  to  Mr.  Ma- 
fon,  he  protcfted  againft  it  and  wrote  to  the  marfhall,  it  would 
not  doe.  He  wente  againe  and  Mr.  Maflfon  wroote  againe, 
but  to  no  purpofe,  they  kept  her  there  till  the  nexte  morn- 
inge;  a  thinge  not  to  be  paraleled  in  the  Englifh  nation  ! 
Coraplainte  hath  bin  made  but  no  remedy.  Abbot  beir.gc  up 
at  the  Banke  with  mee,  Thurton  tooke  the  key  of  the  priffon, 
and  when  Abbot  came  would  not  permitt  him  to  goe  in,  but 
turned  him  awaye.  Brave  doinges  !  No  tunge  can  tell  the 
horrible  imperyoufnefs  and  domanereinge  carridge  of  that 
wretcli.  The  nexte  morninge  Mr.  Maffon  (much  a  doe)  got 
Mrs  btileman  oute  and  the  gaillor  into  his  plafe  again-. 

Mr.  Maffon  gave  leve  for  anny  minifter  to  com  and  pretch 
at  the  Banke,  (o  that  we  got  Mr.  Phillops  for  two  Lord's 
dayes,  viz.  13th  and  2oth,  haveing  bin  nine  Lord's  dayes 
without  a  fermone. 

April  j^th.  Came  H.  Greene  to  Mr.  Moody's  chamber  and 
made  a  confeffion  of  his  faulte  and  begged  his  pardon  for  put- 
ting hitn  in  priffon,  and  faid  hee  would  get  him  oute  at  quar- 
ter feffiones,  &c.     Good  words,  butt  — — .  Capt.  Bare- 

foote  went  to  the  priffon  and  tould  John  Partridge  that  if  hee 
would  t^ive  an  order  to  allow  fo  much  as  his  charges  came  to 
oute  01  w  hiit  thff  provines  owed  him  aboute  Gove,  for  the  foul- 
dyers,  &c.  hee  mould  come  oute  of  priffon,  and  they  would 
payt  him  the  remainder,  the  hoole  beiitgeaboute  thurty  pounds, 
but  het-  was  not  forward  lelte  hee  fhould  in  fo  doinge  quitt 
them  of  falfe  impriffoninge  him  ;  but  if  they  would  doe  it 
themfelvt-s,  flop  fo  they  mighte.     Nothing  is  done  in  it. 

15th.  Matthews  and  Thurton  ware  fente  to  Hamton  to  le- 
vie  executy ones  and  fcrve  attatchments  and  warne  jureymen  for 
the  courte  in  May. 

They  arretted  feaven,  amonge  which  Capten  Shourborne 
one,  warned  the  ouid  jureymen,  executed  upon  Wm  Sanborne, 
tooke  foure  oxen  which  ware  redeemed  by  mony,  drove  away 
feven  cowes  from  Nath.  Batchelor,  wente  to  your  houfe,  met 
your  fon  Peter  goinge  with  his  foure  oxen  into  the  woods,  com- 
manded him  to  turn  the  oxen  hoome,  he  would  not  ;  they 
curfed,  fwore,  drew  upon  him,  thretned  to  run  him  through, 
bette  him,  but  hee  did  not  ftrike  againe.  They  came  to  your 
houfe,  ware  fhutt  oute,  your  wife  ferefully  feared  for  fere  of 
her  fon  who  was  oute  with  them.  At  length  fhee  lett  them  in, 
laid  three  pounds  on  the  table  which  they  tooke  and  then  le- 
vied On  feverall  young  cattel  but  relefed  and  lefte  them.  Your 
fon  came  hether  to  advife,  but  complaininge  is  bootlefs,  fiich. 


APPENDIX.  Ixiii 

a  dlfmal  cafe  are  wee  in.  They  tooke  awaye  two  bedds  from 
ould  Perkins,  but  his  fon  effered  his  perfon  and  they  tooke  it 
and  quitted  the  other  ;  what  more  they  did  there  wee  as  yet 
here  not. 

Capt.  Gerifli,  John  Woodman,  Liften.  Nutter  and  Nath. 
Batchelor  are  fwornc  conftables. 

17th.  I  went  to  Mr.  MafTon  at  Capt.  BarefooteV  houfe  and 
had  feveral!  witncffes  with  mee,  and  defired  him  to  take  depo- 
fityones  that  I  mighte  fend  them  hoome,  aboute  my  cafe  and 
the  refte  of  the  cafes,  butt  hee  refufed.  The  governor  had 
putt  mee  in  priflbn  when  I  afked  him,  and  now  in  his  abfents 
the  deputy  governor  denies  to  grant  them.  I  hope  this  will 
be  matter  of  jufte  complainte,  that  we  fhould  be  hindered  from 
applyinge  to  his  majefty  for  relefe  under  our  oppreffiones.  You 
will  have  evedenfe  of  his  denial  fente  home,  fworne  before  fom 
of  the  Baye  mageflratcs  ;  wee  can  doe  no  more  unles  the  Baye 
fhould  affilte  us,  which  they  arc  loath  to  doe  and  wee  are  loth 
to  putt  them  upon  as  matters  are  furcomftanfed  with  them; 
but  wee  thinke  it  fhould  be  taken  very  hainoufly  by  all  that 
love  juftis  and  willinge  to  admenefter  it,  that  his  magefties  fub- 
jec^s  fhould  bee  thus  treated.  Surely  they  are  afraid  or  afham- 
ed  of  there?  a&yones  (and  they  maye  be  boath)  elfe  they  would 
not  be  fo  fhye  of  having  them  knowne. 

This  is  what  offers  here,  what  moore  neidfull  coz  Waldron 
will  advife  from  Boflon.      With  dew  refpeefs  remaine, 

Your  affured  friend  and  fervant. 

For  Mr.  Nath.  Wire,  in  London. 
A  difcourfe  with  the  governor  aboute  my  imprifonment,  May 
84.      [Subjoined  to  the  foregoing  letter.^ 

AT  a  feffiones  held  the  6th  May,  16^4,  I  was  denied  coun- 
fell,  and  to  have  witneffes  fworne.  Mr.  Waldron,  Captain 
Stileman  and  Captain  Frofte  were  prefented. 

10th.  The  governor  was  with  me  in  prifon.  Mr.  Cham- 
berlin,  Mr.  Hinkes  and  Mr.  Sherloake  with  him. 

The  governor  proffered  mee  (that  whereas  1  was  fined  by 
thejuflices  in  Thurton's  cafe,  that  I  might  thinke  they  had  not 
done  mee  rite)  that  if  I  would  profecute  it  (giveing  fecuretv 
fo  to  doe,)  in  the  king's  bench  at  Weftminlter,  the  exchequer, 
or  before  kinge  and  counfeli,  I  fhould;  though  by  his  comi- 
tyon  hee  could  not  do  it.  My  anfer  was,  unles  I  could  have 
fecurety  given  mee  that  in  cafe  I  fhould  recover,  I  might  have 
my  charge  and  damidge  made  mee  good,  it  would  be  of  no 
benefit  to  mee.  He  faid  there  was  no  refon  for  that,  becafe  it 
was  for  the   kinge ;  though  it  was   his  becafe  Mr.  Mafon  had 

refind 


IxIt  appendix. 

re  find  up  to  the  kinge  all  fines  and  forfitures  and  the  kinge 
had  given  it  to  him.  But  he  faid  if  I  would  depofite  a  valu- 
able fom  hee  would  doe  the  like  and  would  give  bond,  and 
have  it  tried  as  abovefaid.  My  anfwer  was  I  thoughte  the 
forty  pounds  was  enefe  and  that  I  expected  executyon  would 
com  oute  at  the  time,  and  fhould  endevour  by  the  time  to 
provide  eno/e  for  it,  but  withal  tould  the  governor  it  was  at 
his  liberty  to  remit  it  if  he  pleafed  by  vertue  of  his  comityon. 

Allfo  for  my  beinge  in  prifon  for  not  giveing  bond  for  my 
good  behaviour,  when  the  fefilones  came  I  was  not  brouqhte 
to  my  triall  for  that,  but  remanded  to  priflbn  again. 

At  ditto  time  the  governor  tould  mee  hee  had  put  me  in 
priflbn  on  that  account,  and  hee  would  abide  by  it  till  I  would 
give  two  hundred  pound  bound.  My  anfer  was  I  had  r 
ly  in  priffon  then  give  bond  to  tempt  fuch  a  fello  as  TLurton, 
(or  fuch  others)  that  had  fworne  againlle  me  alredy,  and  falfly, 
and  judged  it  mioht  be  no  fcruplc  to  him  to  doe  the  like  ag 
And  withal  tould  him  that  if  his  honner  plefed  to  let  mee  oute 
pf  prifon,  I  would  ingaidge  myfelfe  by  bond  to  live  oute  of  the 
provines,  though  that  would  be  very  detrimental]  to  my  con- 
ferns  and  by  that  I  hoped  he  would  have  no  thoughts  of  my 
miibehaveinge  myfelfe,  that  would  be  detrementall  to  the 
kinges  govermentc  here  or  himfelf.  Not  that  I  fcrupled  give- 
inge  bond  for  my  good  behaviour,  though  not  accufed  for 
anny  thinge  but  for  layeinge  a  temptatyon  to  fom  bale  minded 
perfon  or  perfons  to  forfware  themfeives,  as  one  had  done  be- 
fore in  another  cafe  reiattinpe  to  me. 

May  j  2th.  Was  informed  that  whereas  Thurton  had  a 
comityon  to  be  priflbn  :  -eper,  (and  withal  had* vapored  and 
faid  the  priflbn  was  to  good  for  Vaughan,  and  the  roome  that 
hee  had  fited  up  did  intend  to  kepe  it  himfelfe  and  that  V. 
fhould  take  his  quarters  where  he  would  afiigne  it,  and  that 
the  prifoners  mould  not  be  >vaited  on  as  Abbot  had  done,  for 
he  would  keep  them  loaked  up,  only  com  morninge  and  even- 
inge)  lofte  his  poaket  booke  wherein  was  his  comityon  and 
fundry  papors  of  confernment . 

JV.  B.  The  orighial  of  this  letter  and  journal  is  in  the  hands 
ef the  Honorable  Frefidcnt  Weare. 

No.  XXXII. 
Copy  of  a  letter  fr ovi  the  governor  and  council  to  the  lords  of  trade. 

{Council  records.']  Province  of  New-Hampfhire, 

May  it  pleafe  your  lordfhips,  May  23.  1684, 

INCE    Robert  Wadly  is  returned  from  England  having 
lately  had  an  appeal  difmifled  by  the  council  board,  by 

taking 


APPENDIX.  l.w 

faking  advantage  of  Mr.  Randolph's  abfence,  who  was  atturney 
for  the  parties,  he  hath  put  the  people  of  this  province  into  fuch, 
a  ferment  and  diforder  that  it  is  not  pofTible  to  put  his  majeftys 
commands  in  execucon  or  any  ways  govern  them.     And  tho' 
notwithstanding    in  obedience  to    your  lordfhips  commands  we 
have  called  an  aflembly  (a    copy  of  the   proclamation  for  that 
purpofe  being  herein  inclofed)   we  cannot  think  it  prudent  or 
fafe  to  let  them  fit;  they  being  of  the  fame  ill  humour  or  worfe 
as  when  Gove  went  into  arms,  his  defign  being  hatch'd  at  the 
time  the  aflembly  fate.     And  it  looks  more  like  a  defign,  they 
having  thofe    four  conftables   into  the  aflembly   that  the  kings 
peace  may  not  be  preferved  (the  whole  number  of  tiie  aflembly 
being  eleven  :)   This  Wadly  being  formerly   an  aflembly  man 
and  hath  three  fons  condemned  in  Gove's  rebellion  (and  himfelf 
now  chofen  again)  the  oldcll  of  them  I  have  pardoned,  one  of 
them  is  dead  and  the  other  I  keep  in  prifon  till  I  receive  your 
lordfhips  further  order,    all  the  other  offenders  being  pardoned. 
Major  Waldron's  fon  is  conftantly  of  the  aflembly  and  fpeaker 
(this  being  the  third  that  hath  been  called)  I  wifh  Ins  mnjeilies 
clemency  do  not  caufe  fome  great  mifchief  to  be  done  here. 
They  have  never  given  tixio  pence*  to  the  fupport  of  the  govern- 
ment and  that  very  rate  that  was  made  in  the  time  of  prefident- 
Cutt  and  Waldron  we  have  according  to  his  majefties  royal com- 
miflion  continued  ;  but  do  not  think  it  fafe  to  publifh  it,  unlefle 
wc   had   ftrcngth  to   countenance  our  proceedings.     This  we 
conceived  our  duty  to  inform  your  lordfhips,  and  are, 
May  it  plcafe  your  lordfhips, 
Your  moil  humble  and  moft  obedient  fervants, 
The  appllants  claim  by  grant  ~]       EDW.  CRANFIELD, 
from    Mr.  Mafon;  and    as  I        ROBt.   MASON, 
for  Wadlev  he  hath    been  :       WALT.  BAREFOOT, 
thefe  fixteen    days   in  the  f       R.  CHAMBERLAIN, 
countrey,  and  tho'  I  have  j       JOHN  HINKS, 
heard  much  of  him,  I  have  J       JAMES  SHERLOCK, 
not  yet  feen  him. 
To  the  right  honble.  the  lords  of  the  comittee"? 
of  trade  and  plantacon,  at  Whitehall.  3 

No.   XXXIII. 
Qopy  of  a  letter  from  Cranfitld  to  Sir  Lcohne  Jenkins  of  the  fame  d.:tc. 
May  it  pleafe  your  honour,  (Council  records.) 

WE  humbly  beg  after  your  honour  hath  perufed  this  let- 
ter to  the  lords  of  the  council,  you  would  be  pleafed 

to 
*  The  firft  aflembly  voted  two  hundred  pounds  to  the  governor,  but  it 
is  not  certain  that  he  accepted  it  though  he  confented  to  the  aft. 


lrvi  APPENDIX. 

to  lay  it  before  their  lordfhips  and  defire  their  lordfhips  t« 
come  to  Come  ipeedy  refolution  ;  for  it  is  no  longer  in  my  pow- 
er to  promote  the  honour  and  intereft  of  his  majefty  here, 
without  a  fmall  fregate  to  fecond  his  majefty's  broad  feal  and 
other  his  royal  commands.  As  to  the  pirates  your  honour  may 
be  aflured  that  myfelf  and  the  council  will  punifh  them  accord- 
ing to  their  demerits,  if  they  fhall  at  any  time  happen  to  come 
within  this  jurisdiction ;  and  carefully  obey  all  other  commands 
which  (hall  be  fent  unto, 

May  it  pleafe  your  honour,  your  honour's  moft  humble  and 
moll  obedient  fervant,  EDW.  CRANFIELD. 

I  moft  humbly  befeech  your  honour  by  the  firft  opportuni- 
ty, to  fend  the  king's  letter  to  give  me  liberty  to  go  off  to  Ja- 
maica or  Barbados  for  my  health;  finding  fo  great  a  weaknefs 
in  my  legs,  which  indifpofition  hath  bin  contracted  by  the  fe- 
verity  of  the  cold. 

To  the  Right  Honourable  SirLeoline  Jenkins  one  of  his  7 
majefty's  principal  fecretarits  of  ftate  at  Whitehall.  3 

{The  two  prececding  papers  are  in  the  council  minutes  2d  Book.~\ 

No.  XXXIV. 

Copy  of  Mr.  Wearers  firjl  complaint  again]}  Cranfield. 
To  the  king's  moft  excellent  majefty  and  the  lords  of  his  moft 

honourable  privy  councill. 
r"r^  HE  humble  reprefentation  of  Nathanael  Weare,  inhabi- 
JL  taut  and  planter  in  your  majefty's  province  of  New- 
Hampfhire  in  New-England  in  America,  on  behalf  of  himfelf 
and  other  your  majefty's  loyal  fubje&s,  inhabitants  and  plant- 
ers there,  whofe  names  are  fubferibed  to  the  four  annexed  pe- 
titions, as  follows  : 

1.  That  the  hon.  Edward  Cranfield,  Efq.  your  majefty's 
governor  of  the  faid  province,  upon  his  firft  entrance  on  that 
government,  in  order  to  the  enlargement  of  his  power  as  go- 
vernor there  beyond  the  juft  bounds  and  limits  your  majefty 
was  by  your  royal  commiffion  pleafed  to  fctt  him,  and  to  en- 
grofs  the  whole  power  of  erecting  courts,  with  all  neceflary  fees, 
powers  and  authorityes  thereto  into  his  owne  hands,  exclufive 
of  the  general  aflembly  there.  The  faid  Mr.  Cranfield  at  the 
firft  general  aflembly  there,  when  the  words  of  his  commiffion 
ranne,  "  And  wee  doe  hereby  give  and  grant  unto  you  full 
«'  power  and  authority  to  eredt  or'conftitute  and  eftablifh  fuch 
<c  and  ioe  many  courts  of  judicature  and  publique  juftice  with- 
**  in  the  faid  province  and  plantacon  within  your  governrne.».t, 
«  as.  you  and  they  fhall  think  fit  and  neceffary  for  the  hearing 

«  and 


APPENDIX.  Ixvii 

"  and  determining  of  all  caufes,  as  well  criminall  as  civill,  ac- 
"  cording  to  law  and  equity,  and  for  awarding  execucon  there- 
"  upon,  with  all  reafonable  and  neceflary  powers,  authorityes, 
'*  fees  and  priviledges  belonging  unto  them,"  caufed  his  com- 
miflion to  be  entred  in  the  councill  book.es  there  and  delivered 
a  copy  thereof  to  the  general  affembly  without  the  words  \_and 
thcy~\,  affirming  thofe  words  to  have  been  put  in  by  miitake  of 
the  clerk  in  engroffing  the  commiflion  ;  whereby  the  laid  Mr. 
Cranfield  has  enhanced  the  fees  upon  tryals  there  to  his  own 
advantage,  as  will  appeare  in  one  of  the  articles  following. 

2.  Although  your  majelly  has  been  gratioufly  pleafed  by 
your  faid  commiflion  to  interpofe  between  the  inhabitants  of 
the  faid  collony  and  Mr.  Robt.  Mafon,  prt tended  proprietor 
thereof,   and  to  direct, 

'  That  on  non-agreement  between  thofe  inhabitants  and  Mr. 
Mafon,  the  faid  Mr.  Crantield  fhould  interpofe,  who  if  he 
could  not  end  the  differences  between,  was  by  the  faid  com- 
miflion diredled  to  tranfmitt  to  England  fuch  cafes  impartially 
ftatcd,  with  his  opinion  and  realons  on  the  fame,  that  your 
majeily  with  advice  of  your  privy  councill  might  heare  and  de- 
termine the  fame.'  That  neverthelefs  the  faid  Mr.  Cranfield, 
inftead  of  keeping  himfclf  indifferent  between  the  contending 
parties  Mr.  Mafon  and  the  laid  inhabitants,  hath  by  purchafc 
or  mortgage  from  Mr.  Mafon  made  himfelf  owner  of  the  pro- 
vince :  And  the  better  to  come  by  what  he  hath  foe  purcluled, 
he  hath  under  colour  of  the  authority  of  your  majefty's  com- 
miflion made  courts,  whereof  both  judges  and  jurors  have  a- 
greed  with  Mafon  for  their  own  lands,  and  fome  of  them  have 
taken  grants  from  Mafon  of  other  mens  lands.  That  neverthe- 
lefs this  jury  is  continued  from  month  to  month  and  kept  for 
this  fervice. 

That  Mr.  Mafon  has  call  forty  perfons  on  fuit  by  that  jury, 
the  court  rejefting  all  pleas,  and  though  the  verdict  be  jjiven 
for  Mr.  Mafon  according  to  your  majefty's  royal  commiflion 
(which  directs  as  before)  and  the  judgement  entered  accord- 
ingly, yet  upon  the  execucon  the  inhabitants  are  turned  out  of 
their  lands  and  houfes,  as  it  hath  fared  with  Win.  Vaughan 
and  others,  and  deprived  of  all  fubfiftance. 

3.  That  the  charge  of  every  action  is  raifed  from  20s.  to  61. 
which  is  exacted  in  money,  and  though  goods  tendered  (as 
ufual)  the  perfons  are  imprifoned  for  want  of  money  in  kind, 
and  Mr.  Cranfield  himfelf  takes  of  the  61. 

4.  That  the  faid  Mr.  Cranfield  under  colour  of  trying  ac- 
tions, has  by  fetting  the  fees  foe  extraordinary,  forced  fcverall 

to 


Ixviii  APPENDIX. 

to  quitt  their  claimes  for  want  of  money  to  carry  on  the  fufte. 

5.  That  the  faid  governor  taking  upon  himfelf  the  power  of 
priceing  money  not  entrufled  with  him  by  his  commiflion,  hath 
againft  the  agreement  of  the  general  affembly,  by  advice  of  his 
councill,  ordered  pieces  of  eight  however  wanting  in  theii 
weight  to  pafs  for  6  {hillings. 

6.  That  the  faid  governor,  without  good  and  lawful  caufe, 
hath  taken  upon  him  to  commit  feveral  men  to  prifon,  parti- 
cularly Wm.  Vaughan,  until  bonds  given  for  their  appear- 
ances and  good  behaviour,  when  nothing  further  objected  to 
them. 

7.  That  the  faid  governor  and  his  council  took  upon  them 
to  make  laws  and  put  them  in  execucon  without  the  general 
affembly. 

8.  That  to  prove  the  articles  above  againft  Mr.  Cranfield, 
the  complainants  have  fuccefslefsly  endeavoured  to  procure 
warrants  or  fummons  from  the  fecretary  to  fumon  their  wit- 
neffes  to  be  fworne  (which  cannot  otherwife  be  foe)  the  feek- 
ing  of  fuch  fummons  has  occafioned  being  bound  to  the  good 
behaviour,  foe  as  the  complaining  of  a  wrong  done  one  does, 
under  Mr.  Cranfield's  management,  but  draw  a  new  punifh- 
ment  on  the  afflicted,  but  noe  manner  of  redrefs. 

All  which  the  faid  Nath.  Weare  humbly  lays  at  your  ma* 
jetty's  feet,  imploring  your  majefty's  prefent  heareing  what 
your  petitioner  is  able  to  make  out  of  the  premifes,  and  or- 
dering fome  commiflion  to  examine  the  truth  of  the  refidue  of 
the  faid  allegacons  (fince  your  majefty's  governor  on  the  place 
will  not  admit  of  fuch  evidence.)  That  on  the  return  thereof 
your  majefty's  fubje&s  in  that  province  may  find  fuch  releife 
as  to  your  princely  wifedom  fhall  feeme  meete. 

And  that  in  the  mean  time  Mr.  Cranfield  be  admonifhed 
not  to  exceed  the  bounds  of  his  commiffion. 

And  your  petitioner  fhall  ever  pray,  &c. 

No.  XXXV. 
Att  the  court  at  Hampton  court, 
This  nth  day  of  July,    1684. 
By  the  king's  moft  excellent  majefty  and  the  lords  of  his   ma- 
jefty's moft  honourable  privy  councell. 
UPON  reading   this  day  at  the   board   the  peticon  and 
complaint   of  Nathaniel    Weare,  inhabitant  and  planter 
in  his  majefty's  province  of  New-Hampfhire  in    New-EnglaDd 
in  America,  in  behalfe  of  himfelfe  and  others  his  majefty's  loy- 
all   fubjedls  and  inhabitants  and  planters  there,  whofe  names 

are 


APPENDIX.  kix 

are  fubfcribed  to  the  fowcr  peticons  thereto  annext  againft  Ed- 
ward Cranneld  efq.  his  majefty's  governor  thereof; 

His  majefty  was  pleafed  to  order  that  the  laid  pcticon  and 
complaint  be,  and  they  are  hereby  referred  to  the  right  honour- 
able the  lords  comittecs  of  this  board  for  trade  and  foreigne 
plantacons,  who  are  to  confider  thereof  and  to  report  to  his  ma- 
jefty  att  this  board  their  opinion  thereupon,  and  then  his  ma- 
jefty  will  declare  his  further  pleafure. 

Philip  Lloyd. 
A  true  eoppie. 

[The  two  preceding  papers  are  in  the  hands  0/  the  Honourable 
Prejident  Weare.~\ 

No.  XXXVI. 
Letter  from  the  lords  of  trade  to  Governor  C  ran  field. 

AFTER,  our  hearty  commendations  to  you.  His  majefty 
having  received  the  petitions  and  complaints  of  divers  of 
his  fubjecls  inhabitence  and  planters  of  New-Hampfhier  againft 
you  for  certine  irregulcr  procedinges  alleged  by  them  to  bee 
had  by  you  in  the  execution  of  your  commiffion  and  admini- 
ftration  of  juftice:  and  it  being  ordered  in  councell  that  the  faid 
petitions  and  complaints  bee  examined  and  concidered  by  us 
that  wee  may  report  to  his  majefty  our  opinions,  to  the  end  his 
mnjefty's  further  pleafuer  may  be  figniiied  thereupon.  Wee 
have  therefore  herwith  fent  unto  you  copies  of  the  faid  petiti- 
ons and  reprefentations  that  you  may  return  your  particular 
anfwer  thereunto  with  all  fpeed,  and  that  wee  may  the  better 
diftinguilh  the  truth  of  what  is  aleaged  or  complained  of,  and 
of  fuch  defence  as  you  (hall  be  able  to  make.  Wee  doe  think 
fitt  that  all  perfons  whatfoever,  have  free  libertve  to  depofe 
upon  oath  what  they  know,  and  to  take  copies  of  all  records 
in  thefe  or  any  other  cafes  relating  to  yourfelfe  or  the  faide 
province,  and  that  the  faid  depositions  bee  taken  in  wrightinge 
by  any  member  of  the  councell  or  juftice  of  the  peace  in  that 
collony,  whome  you  are  duly  to  authorize  thereunto,  and  as 
we  cannot  belevc  that  you  will  put  any  reftricliion  or  difcourage- 
ment  whatfoever  upon  the  takinge  and  tranfmittinge  of  all  ne- 
eeflary  proofs  and  records,  atteited  by  the  proper  officers  for 
the  clearinge  of  truth  in  the  mattevs  complained  of,  foe  we 
thinke  it  requilite  that  copies  of  all  affidaves  bee  interchange- 
ably delivered,  to  each  party  concerned  as  foot)  as  they  fliall 
be  taken,  and  fo  not  doubtin^e  of  your  comply ance  herein 
wee  bid  you  hartyly  farewell. 

From 


Ixx  APPENDIX. 

From  the  councell  chamber  in  Whitehall   this  23d  day  of 
July  1684.  Your  very  loveing  friends 

Radnor.  Guilford.  C  S.  Halifax,  C.  P.  S. 

Craven.  Rochefter.  Ernie.  Godolphin. 

L.  Jenkins. 
To  our  very  lovinge  friend  Edward  Cranfield  efq. 
lieutenant  governor  and  commander  in  chief  of  his 
majefty's  province  of  New-Hampfhier  in  New-Eng- 
land. A  true  copy, 

William  Blathwayt. 
[This  paper  is  in  the  council  minutes  2d  book.~\ 

No.  XXXVII. 

At  the  court  at  Whitehall  the  8th  of  April],    1685. 

By  the  king's  moft  excellent  majefty  and  the  lords  of  his  majefty's 

moft  honourable  privy  council]. 

UPON  reading  a  report  from  the  right  honourable  the 
lords   of  the  comittee   of  trade  and   plantacons  in  the 
words  following  : 

May  it  pleafe  your  majefty, 
Having  received  an  order  in  council  dated  the  11th  of  July 
laft,  upon  the  petition  and  complaint  of  Nathanael  Weare, 
inhabitant  of  your  majefty's  province  of  New-Hampfhire  in 
New-England,  in  the  behalfe  of  himfelfe  and  others  your  ma- 
jefty's fubjefts  and  planters  there,  againft  Edward  Cranfield, 
Efq.  your  majefty's  governor  of  that  province,  whereby  wee 
were  directed  to  report  our  opinions  upon  the  faid  complaint 
Wee  did  accordingly  tranfmit  a  copy  thereof  to  the  faid  Ed- 
ward Cranfield,  and  upon  receiving  his  anfwer,  and  hearing 
what  the  complainants  could  alleage  and  make  out  againft  him  ; 
Wee  find  that  the  faid  Edward  Cranfield  has  not  purfued  his 
inftrudlions  in  reference  to  the  propriety  of  foile  which  Robert 
Mafon,  Efq.  claimes  in  that  province,  inafmuch  as  the  faid 
Edward  Cranfield  by  his  inftruftions  is  directed  that  in  cafe  the 
inhabitants  of  New-Hampfhire  fhould  refufe  to  agree  with  the 
faid  Mafon,  he  fhould  interpofe  and  endeavour  to  reconcile  all 
differences,  which  if  he  could  not  bring  to  effect  he  was  then 
to  fend  into  England  fuch  cafes  fairly  and  impartially  ftated, 
together  with  his  opinion,  for  your  majefties  determinacon  ; 
whereas  initead  thereof  he  has  caufed  courts  to  be  held  in  New- 
Hampfhire,  and  permitted  titles  of  land  to  be  decided  there, 
and  unreafonable  cofts  to  be  allow'd,  without  firft  reprefenting 
the  particular  cafes  to  your  majeftie.  As  to  the  complaint  of 
his  having  raifed  the  value  of  coines  againft  the  laws  of  the 

affembly 


APPENDIX.  lxxi 

afiembly  there,  wee  are  mod  humbly  of  opinion  that  although 
it  be  your  majefty's  undoubted  prerogative  to  fet  and  deter- 
mine the  price  and  value  of  coynes  vvitliin  your  dominions,  yet 
your  majefty's  governor  ought  not  to  have  made  any  alterations 
therein  without  having  received  your  majefty's  fpeciall  direc- 
tions. All  which  wee  humbly  propofe  may  be  Ggnifiedto  him 
by  your  majefty's  order,  and  that  the  differences  depending 
between  the  faid  Robert  Mafon  and  planters  in  that  part  of 
New-Hampfhire  may  be  at  length  decided.  Wee  further  of- 
fer that  William  Vaughan,  one  of  the  complaynants  attending 
this  board,  may  have  opportunity  allowed  him  of  appealing 
to  your  majeftie  within  a  fortnight  from  all  verdicts  and  judge- 
ments given  in  New-Hampfhire  in  his  private  cafe,  upon  hear- 
ing whereof  and  by  the  relation  it  has  with  others  your  majefty 
will  be  belt  able  to  judge  of  the  right  and  title  of  the  faid  Ro- 
bert Mafon  to  that  part  of  the  province  of  New-Hampfhire 
aforefaid,  and  upon  bringing  the  faid  appeale  that  all  proceed- 
ings at  law  relating  to  the  faid  title  may  forthwith  ceafe  until 
your  majefty's  further  pleafure  be  knowne. 

All  which  is  neverthelefs  molt  humbly  fubmitted. 
ROCHESTER,  ARLINGTON, 

HALIFAX,  P.  OXFORD, 

CLARENDON,  C.P.S.     CHESTERFIELD. 
BEAUFORT, 
Council  Chamber,  27  March,  1685. 

HIS  majeftie  in  councill  was  gracioufly  pleafed  to  approve 
of  the  faid  report,  and  to  order  that  his  majefty's  pleafure 
therein  be  fignirted  to  Mr.  Cranficld  accordingly.  It  was  alfoe 
ordered  that  Mr.  William  Vaughan  be  allowed  to  appeale  to 
his  majeftie  within  a  fortnight  from  all  verdicts  and  judgements 
given  in  his  private  cafe  in  New-Hampfhire,  according  to  the 
faid  report.  A  true  copy, 

wm/bridgeman. 

\The  preceding  paper  is  in  the  hands  of  the  hon.  pre/id.  Weare.~\ 

No.  XXXVIII. 

AFTER  our  hearty  comendations  unto  you,  we  have  in 
obedience  to  his  majefty's  comands,  received  and  exa- 
mined your  anfwer  to  the  complaint  of  Nathaniel  Wear,  inha- 
bitant of  his  faid  province  of  New-Hampfhire,  in  behalfe  of 
himfelfe  and  others  his  majefty's  fuhjects  and  planters  there, 
and  having  likewife  heard  what  the  faid  Wear  could  bring  in 
evidence  of  the  faid  complaints,  and  thereupon  reported  our 
opinions  to  his  majefty,  Wee  are  comanded  hereby  to  iignirie 

f  f  unto 


Ixxii  APPENDIX. 

utito  you,  that  you  have  not  purfued  your  inftru&ions  in  re- 
ference to  the  propriety  of  the  foyle  which  Robert  Mafon,  Efq. 
claymes  in  the  province  of  New-Harnpfhire,  inafmuch  as  you 
were  directed  that  in  cafe  the  inhabitants  of  New-Hampfhire 
ihould  rcfufe  to  agree  with  the  faid  Mafon  you  fhould  inter- 
pofe,  and  endevour  to  reconcile  all  differances,  which  if  you 
could  not  bring  to  effect,  you  were  then  to  fend  to  his  majefty 
fuch  cafes  fairely  and  impartially  {bated,  together  with  your 
opinion,  for  his  majefty's  determination;  in  Head  whereof  you 
have  caukd  courts  to  be  held  in  New-Hampfhire,  and  per- 
mitted titles  of  land  to  be  decided  there,  and  unreafonable  colts 
to  be  allowed,  without  firit  reprefenting  the  perticuler  caies  to 
his  majefty.  And  yet  although  it  be  his  majefty's  undoubted 
prerogative  to  fet  and  determine  the  price  and  vallew  of  coyne 
with  in  his  majefty's  dominions,  you  have  not  done  well  in 
directing  any  alterations  therein  without  his  majefty's  fpeciall 
order  :  In  both  which  you  have  been  wanting  in  your  duty  to 
his  majeity.  But  that  the  chicfe  occafion  of  difpute  that  pro- 
vince may  be  removed,  we  are  farther  directed  to  acquint  you. 
that  as  to  the  differances  depending  between  the  faid  Robt. 
Mafon  and  the  planters,  his  majeity  hath  been  gracioufly  pleaf- 
ed  by  his  order  in  councill,  dat.  the  8th  of  this  inltant  Aprill, 
to  permit  William  Vaughan,  one  of  the  complainants  attend- 
ing this  board,  to  appeale  to  his  majeity  with  in  a  fortnight 
from  the  date  of  the  faid  order  from  all  the  verdicts  and  judge- 
ments given  in  New-Hampfhire  in  his  private  cafe,  upon  hear- 
ing whereof,  and  by  the  relation  it  has  with  others,  his  ma- 
jeity will  be  belt  able  to  judge  of  the  right  and  title  of  the  faid 
Robt.  Mafon  to  that  part  of  the  province  of  New-Hampfhire  : 
And  his  majefty  doth  likewife  thinke  fit  that  upon  bringing 
the  faid  appeale  by  the  faid  William  Vaughan,  all  proceedings 
at  law  relating  to  the  faid  title  doe  forth  with  ceafe  until  his 
majefty's  pleafure  be  known.  Whereof  you  are  to  take  notice 
and  to  govern  your  felfe  accordingly.  And  fo  we  bid  yo'i 
very  heartily  farewell.  From  the  councill  chamber  at  White- 
hall, the  29th  day  of  Aprill,  1685.  Your  loving  friends, 
(Signed.)  W.  Cant.  Bridgwater, 

Guilford,  C.  S.  Chelterfield, 

Roche'fter,  Sunderland, 

Halifax,  P.  Craven, 

Clarindine,  C.  P.  S.        Aylefbery, 
Beaufort,  Midleton, 

Lindfliy,  Godolphan, 

Arlington,  J-  Ernie, 

Hunington,  Geo,  Jaffreys. 

Directed 


APPENDIX.  kxlii 

Dire&ed  to  our  loving  friend  Edw.  Cranfield,  Efq. 
bent,  governor  and  comandcr  in  chiefe  of  his  ma- 
jefty'sprovinceofNew-Hampfhirein  N.  England. 

No.  XXXIX. 

AFT  E  R  our  hearty  comendation  :  His  majefty  lvath  re- 
ceived the  petition  and  appeal e  of  Wm  Vaughan,  inha- 
bitant of  New-Hampfhire,  from  leverall  verdicts  and  judgments 
given  againfl  him  in  that  province,  which  being  retered  to  us 
by  his  majedy's  order  in  councill  of  the  2yth  of  Aprill  lait, 
that  we  mould  examine  the  allegations  thereof,  and  make  re- 
port of  the  fame,  with  our  opinion  thereupon,  wee  have  ac- 
cordingly appointed  to  hcare  all  parties  concerned  in  the  fe- 
verall  cafes  therein  contained,  on  the  firft  Tuefday  after  mid- 
fummer  day  which  mall  ba  in  the  yeare  168^:  To  which  end 
"we  herewith  fend  you  a  coppie  of  the  laid  petition  and  appeale, 
which  you  are  to  communicate  unto  Robt.  Mafon,  efq.  and  to 
all  others  whome  it  may  concern,  who  are  to  take  notice  there- 
of, and  to  give  their  attendance  at  that  time  either  by  them- 
felves  or  by  their  agents  fufficiently  impowered  by  them,  to 
anfwer  the  fa:d  appeale,  and  to  fubmit  to  fuch  judgment  here- 
upon as  his  majeity  in  councill  mall  be  thought  fitt.  And  you 
are  likewife  to  permit  all  perfons  to  have  free  accefle  to,  and 
take  coppies  of  all  records  with  in  that  province  relating  to  the 
matters  in  difpute,  and  to  depofe  upon  oath  what  they  know 
concerning  the  fame,  which  depofitions  are  to  be  taken  in  writ- 
ing by  any  of  the  members  of  the  council  or  juftiees  of  the 
peace  in  that  province,  without  any  hinderance  or  difcoura^- 
ment  whatfoever,  in  order  to  be  tranfmited  unto  us,  for  the 
clearing  of  truth  in  that  appeale.      And  io  we  bid  jitily 

farewell.      From   the  councill  chamber  in  White'     I,      ie  22d 
day  of  May  1685.  Your  loving  friends, 

Gilford,  C  S.      Rochefter, 
Halifax,  Pr.         Clarindicie,  CP.S. 
Ormond,  Sunderland. 

Lieut,  gou.  of  New-Hampfhire,  or  com-? 
ander  in  chiefe  for  the  time  being.         3 

\The  two  preceding  papers  are  in  tbe.pojfej/ion  of  John  Penha!~ 
low,  ej'quire.j 

No.  XL. 
To  the  kin^'?  mod  excellent  majeltv. 
The   humble    petition    and   addrefs   of  your   majefty's  dutiful 
and  loyal  fubjecls  inhabiting  in  the  province  of  New-Hamp- 
fhire in  New-England.  Cl^5-J 

f  f  2  Moft 


Ixxir  APPENDIX. 

Mod  humbly  flieweth, 

THAT  your  majefty's  loyal  fubje&s  of  this  province,  hat? 
for  more  than  fifty  yeares  been  peaceably  pofTefled  of 
the  lands  lately  challenged  by  Mr.  Mafon,  and  having  found 
the  fame  an  utter  defert  and  forefl  land,  with  excefiive  coft 
and  hard  labour  reduced  the  fame  to  a  tollerable  fupport  of 
our  felves  a:.d  familyes  and  lately  maintained  the  fame  with  a 
valt  enpence  of  our  eftates  and  lives  againft  the  incurfions  of  a 
barbarous  enemy  who  had  otherwife  reduced  the  fame  to  utter 
confuiion. 

That  upon  his  late  majefty's  declaration  and  order  for  the 
fettlement  and  government  of  this  province,  wee  accounted 
our  felves  happy  for  that  therein  we  were  by  his  faid  majefty's 
princely  grace  and  favour.,  faved  from  the  unreafonable  de- 
mands which  Mr  Mafon  might  have  made  upon  us,  by  the  li- 
mitations in  the  commiffion  for  government,  wherein  it  wa* 
provided  that  the  faid  prcfident  or  governor  for  the  time  being, 
mould  life  all  methods  by  his  good  advice  to  fettle  and  quiet 
the  people  in  the  matter  of  Mr.  Mafon's  title,  or  otherwife 
impartially  to  ftate  the  cafe  and  report  the  fame  to  his  majefty, 
that  a  iinall  determination  might  thereupon  have  been  made 
by  his  majefty  in  counccll,  which  if  it  had  been  duely  attended 
had  we  doubt  not  long  fince  by  your  majefty's  juftice  and  fa- 
vour putt  us  into  an  happy  eftate  of  quiet  and  repofe. 

That  notwithftanding  his  faid  majefty's  command  and  limi- 
tation, the  faid  Mr.  Mafon  hath  been  allowed  to  pur fue  many 
of  the  inhabitants,  in  feverall  fuites  and  actions,  wherein  the 
government  have  taken  to  themfelves  power  of  an  abfolute 
judgment  without  any  regard  had  to  the  faid  commands  and 
limitations,  and  with  that  exceffc  and  rigor  as  to  afllgne  th« 
faid  Mr.  Mafon  fometimes  tenn  pounds,  other  times  twenty 
pounds  colls,  when  damages  have  been  fometimes  not  above 
two  (hillings,  very  feldom  ten  according  to  the  orders  and  li- 
mitations abovefaid. 

That  the  faid  Mr.  Mafon  beyond  and  befide  the  faid  quit 
rents,  and  directly  againft  his  majefty's  order  in  the  faid  com-< 
million,  wherein  the  tennureof  improved  lands  is  affured  to  the 
ter-tenants  upon  payment  of  the  laid  quitt  rent,  or  otherwife 
as  his  majefty  in  council!  fhould  determine,  hath  difpofed  or 
given  away  the  fee  to  feveral  perfons  of  feveral  lands  which 
were  longe  before  his  challenee  fenced  and  improved  by  others, 
to  the  great  damage  and  injury  of  his  majefty's  good  fubjecls, 
beiide  many  other  irregularities  in  the  management  of  the  go- 
vernment, to    the  greate    oppreffion  and   deftruclion   of  trade 

within 


APPENDIX.  Isxv 

within  your  majefty's  province,  and  "the  utter  impoverishing 
thereof. 

That  for  the  laft  two  ycarc's  and  upward  dureing  the  whole 
management  of  Mr.  Mafon's  fuita  at  law  againft  your  majefty's 
fubjeiits,  there  hath  been  generally  one  jury  returned  to  ferve 
all  the  faid  iffues  with  little  alterations  and  almoii  conftantly 
one  foreman,  (who  for  that  end  wee  are  apt  to  tcr.vc)  was  ear- 
ly complyed  with  by  Mr.  Mafon  for  all  the  lands  in  his  owne 
poffeffion  formerly,  with  addition  of  feveral  other  lands  to  his 
owne  prorRtt. 

That  notwithstanding  your  majefty's  late  gracious  order, 
and  inhibiting  of  any  further  procedure  in  the  cafe  of  Mr. 
Mafon's  title,  until  the  caufe  were  brought  before  your  roajefty 
in  council],  Mr.  Walter  Barefoote  who  was  left  deputy  gover- 
nour,  hath  fince  the  arrival  of  your  majefty's  commands  per- 
mitted executions  to  be  extended,  and  perfons  thereupon  im- 
prifoned  in  caufes  concerning  the  faid  Mafon's  title,  with  ex- 
ceffive  and  unreafonable  coils  and  damages. 

And  lnitly,  whereas  your  majefty  hath  upon  complaint  mr.de 
ao;ainft  the  irregular  proceedings  clone  and  fuffcred,  been  gra- 
cioufly  pleafed  to  permit  Mr.  William  Vaucdian,  one  of  the 
principal  inhabitants  and  merchants  in  this  province,  to  take 
his  appeale  to  your  majefty  in  councill  for  reliefs,  againft  fe- 
v  ill  oppreffive  judgments,  one  whereof  referrs  to  the  title  of 
hifi  lands  within  this  province  holden  in  the  fame  forme  with 
the  reft  of  his  majefty's  good  fubjects  here,  wee  do  with  all 
humble  gratitude  acknowledge  your  majefty's  juftfee  and  favour 
herein  and  for  that  the  purfuancc  and  iflue  of  the  faid  appeale 
will  therefore  neceffarily  affect  the  whole  province  and  be  in- 
troductory to  the  determination  of  all  Mr.  Mafon's  challenge, 
wee  have  judged  it  our  duty  in  moil  humble  manner  to  proftrate 
ourfelves  at  your  majefty's  feete,  and  have  therefore  betrufted 
and  fully  impowered  Mr.  Nathaniel  Weare  one  of  the  inhabi- 
tants of  this  your  majefty's  province  our  agent  to  lay  before 
your  majefty  and  moll  honorable  privy  council  the  common 
cafe  and  condition  of  your  majelty's  poore  and  diftreffed  fub- 
je6ts  in  this  province,  who  is  fully  inftrufted  humbly  to  repre- 
fent  the  fame,  and  the  arbitrary  and  fevere  oppreffions  wee  have 
laboured  under,  from  which  wee  are  well  affured  oi  reliefe  by 
your  majefty's  moft  juft  and  gracious  determination,  and  to 
make  an  humble  and  entire  fubmiflion  of  ourfelves  unto  your 
majefty*!  pleafure,  moft  humbly  befeeching  that  wee  may 
henceforward  have  our  perfect  and  immediate  dependence  upon 
your  majefty  and  the  crown  of  England  r.s  well  in  the  tennure 


lxxvi  APPENDIX. 

of  our  lands  as  in  the  affairs  of  government,  which  gracious  in- 
fluence of  your  majefty  is  only  able  to  revive  and  reftore  this 
province  to  its  former  flouriftiing  eftate  and  growth,  whereby 
we  may  at  length  be  made  ferviceable  to  your  mod  facred  ma- 
jelly  and  the  crovrne  which  wee  are  devoted  to  ferve,  refolving 
therein  to  be  exemplary  to  all  other  your  majefty's  fubjecls  in 
the  territory  of  New-England,  and  for  which  wee  mall  ever 
pray,  &c. 

[This  paper  is  in  the  hands  of  the  hon.  Prejtdent  l¥eare.~] 

No.  XLI. 
At  the  court  at  Whitehall  the  19th  of  November  j686, 
(L.S.)  Prefent,     The  king's  mod  excellent  Majefty. 

Lord  Chancellor,  E.  of  Plymouth, 

Ld  Treafufer,  E.  of  Morray, 

Ld  Prefident,  E.  of  Middleton, 

Duke  of  Ormond,  E.  ofMelford, 

D.  of  Albermarle,  E.  of  Tyrconnell, 

D.  of  Beauford,  Vifcount  Stauronberg, 
Ld  Chamberlain,                Vifc.  Prefton, 

Earl  of  Oxford,  Ld  Bp  of  Durham, 

E.  of  Hunt'ngton,  Ld  Arrundell  of  Wardour, 
E.  of  Peterborough,  Ld  Dartmouth, 

E.  of  Craven,  Ld  Dover. 

£    ot  Povvis,  Mr. Chancellor ofthe exchequer, 

E.  of  Nottingham,  Mr.  Chancellor  of  the  Dutchy. 

T)  N  readiag  this  day  at  the  board  a  report  from  the 
/  . >  1 1  b  1  e  the  lords  of  the  committee  of  council  for  trade 
and  foi  ign  plantations,  bearing  date  the  6th  day  of  Novem- 
h<:r  inftant,  fetting  forth,  that  in  obedience  to  his  majefty's  or- 
ders in  council  of  the  25th  of  April  1685,  and  the  3d  of  July 
laft,  chey  have  examined  the  appeal  of  Wm.  Vaughan  from  a 
verdiSt  and  judgment  given  againft  him  on  the  6th  day  of  No- 
vember 1683,  in  his  majefty's  courts  in  New-Hampfhire  in 
New-Ei. gland,  at  the  iuit  of  Robert  Mafon  Efq.  as  proprietor 
of  that  province  for  certain  lands  and  tenements  in  Portfrnouth 
in  the  laid  province,  and  that  they,  having  heard  the  faid  Robert 
Mafon  and  Nathaniel  Weare  attorney  for  the  appellant  and  his 
council  learned  in  the  lavx,  are  humbly  of  opinion  that  his 
majefty  be  pleafed  to  ratify  and  affirm  the  verditt.  and  judg- 
ment aforefaid. 

His  majefty  in  council  was  pleafed  to  approve  of  their  lord- 
fhips  faid  opinion  and  report,  and  to  order  the  faid  verdift  and 
judgment  given  againft  the  laid  William  Vaughan  on  the  fixth' 

day 


APPENDIX.  lxxvii 

day  of  November  1683,  in  his  majefty's  courts  in  New-Hamp- 
fhire  in  New-England,  at  the  fuit  of  Robt.  Mafon,  eiq  as  pro- 
prietor of  that  prouince,  for  certaiue  lands  and  tenements  in 
Portfmouth  in  faid  province,  be  ratified  and  affirmed,  and  they 
are  hereby  ratified  and  affirmed  accordingly. 

WM.  BRIDGEMAN. 

Vera  copia,  per  Richard  Partridge,  clerk. 

Copy  as  on  file  in  the  cafe,  Allen  vs  Waldron, 

Exam,  per  Geo.  Jaffrey,  CL 

No.   XLIT. 
Four  letters   or  petitions  from   John  Hopkins t  commonly  called 
Hakim,  one  of  the  facbems  of  tie  Penacook  Indians,     \_From 
the  originals  in  the  Recorder  s  office.^ 
Honour  gouernor  my  friend,  May   15th,  1685. 

YOU  my  friend  I  defire  your  worfhip  and  your  power,  be- 
caufe  I  hope  you  can  do  fom  great  matters  this  one.  I 
am  poor  and  naked  and  I  have  no  men  at  my  place  becaufc  I 
afraid  allwayee  Mohogs  he  will  kill  me  every  day  and  night. 
If  your  worfhip  when  pJeafe  pray  help  me  you  no  let  Mohogs 
kill  me  at  my  place  at  Malamake  river  called  Panukkog  and 
Nattukkog,  I  will  fubmit  your  worfhip  and  your  power. 
And  now  I  want  ponder  and  fuch  alminilhon,  fhatt  and  guns, 
becaufe  I  have  forth  at  my  horn  and  I  plant  theare. 

This  all  Indian  haud,  but  pray  you  do  confider  your 
humble  fervant,  JOHN   HOGKINS. 

Simon  Detogkom,  Peter  3  Robin, 

»h  x  Trafke,  Mr.  Jorge  -f-  Roddunnonukgus 

j»  Hary,  Mr.  Hope   X   Hoth, 

jfc  Linis,  John  ■■■;-  Toueh, 

-uanat  J^  Saguachuwafliat  John  a  Canowa, 
Old  Robin  J^,  John  x  Owamofimmin, 

Mamanofguei  3  Andra,  I-Jatonil!  \  Indian. 

Another  from  the  fare. 
Honour  Mr.  Governor,  May  jij,    1685. 

NOW  this  day  I  com  your  houfe,  1  want  fe  you,  and  I 
bring  my  hand  at  before  you  I  want  (hake  hand  to  you  if  your 
worfhip  when  pleafe  then  you  receve  my  hand  then  fhake  your 
hand  and  my  hand.  You  my  friend  becaufe  1  remember  at 
old   time    when    live  my  grant    father  ami  .her  then 

Euglifhmen  com  this  country,  then  my  grant  father  and  I 
lilhmen  they  make  a  good  govenant,  they  friend  allwayes,  my 
grant  father  leving  at  pUce  called  Malamake  rever,  other  name 

chef 


kxvm  APPENDIX. 

chef  Natukkog   and   Panukkog,   that  one  rever  great  many 
names,  and  I  bring  you  this  few  hunt,  at  this  firft  time  I  will 
giv^  -  ou,  my  friend.     This  all  Indian  hand. 
{T  erejl  as  before.'}  JOHN  +  HAWKINS,  Sagamor. 

Another  from  the  fame. 
Pleafe  your  worfbip, 
I  WiLL  mtrtat  you  matther  you  my  friend,  now  this  if 
iny  Indian  he  do  you  long  pray  you  no  put  your  law  becaufc 
iom  my  Indins  fooll,  fom  men  much  love  drunk  then  he  no 
know  what  he  do,  may  be  he  do  mifchif  when  he  drunk  if  fo 
pray  you  muft  let  me  know  what  he  done  becaufe  I  will  ponif 
him  what  he  have  done,  you,  you  my  friend  if  you  defire  my 
bulinefs,  then  fent  me  I  will  help  you  if  I  can. 

Mr.  JOHN  HOGKINS. 

Another  from  the  fame. 
Mr.  Mafon, 
PRAY  I  want  fpeake  you  a  few  words  if  your  worfhip  when 
pleafe  becaufe  1  come  parfas  [on  purpofej  I  will  fpeake  this 
governor  but  he  go  away  fo  he  fay  at  laft  night,  and  fo  far  I 
understand  this  governor  his  power  that  your  power  now,  fo 
he  fpeake  hit;  own  mouth.  Pray  if  you  take  what  I  want 
pray  com  to  me  becaufe  I  want  go  horn  at  this  day. 

Your  humble  fervant, 
May  16,  16S5.  JONN  HOGKINS,  Indian  fogmor. 

No.  XL  1 1 1. 
"Letter  from  Capt.  H.ooke,  advifwg  of  danger  from  the  Indians. 
Capt.  Barefoot,   Sir, 

THIS  is  to  in  forme  you  that  juft  now  there  cam  to  me  a 
poft,  wherein  I  am  fully  informed  that  there  is  juft  ground 
to  feare  that  the  heathen  have  a  fouden  defyne  againft  us  ; 
they  havinge  lately  about  Sacoe  affronted  our  Englifh  inhabi- 
tants there  by  threatening  of  them,  as  alfoe  by  killinge  theyre 
doggs ;  but  more  pei tickularly  in  that  on  Friday,  Saturday, 
and  Lord's  day  laft  they  have  gathered  all  theyre  corne,  and 
are  removed  both  pack  and  packidge.  A  word  t®  the  wife  is 
enough.  The  old  proverb  is,  forwarned  forearmed.  Myfelf 
and  reft  in  commiffion  with  us  are  fourthwith  fettinge  ourfelves 
jn  a  poft  u  re,  and  tomorrow  our  counfell  meet  for  to  confider 
what  is  needful  to  be  done.  Not  els,  beinge  in  great  haft, 
butt  remayn,  Sir,  your  obliged  fervant, 

Kittery,  13  Aug.  16F5.     '  FRANCIS,  HOOKE. 

No.  XLIV. 


APPENDIX.  Ixxir 

No.  XL  IV. 
Report  of  perfr.ns  fent  to  enquire  into  the  above  matter.     (No 

date  or  ftgnature.) 
To  the  honourable  Walter  Barefoot,  Efq.  and  the  councell  of 
Great-Ifland. 
Gentlemen, 

ACcordinge  to  your  command  and  order  to  me,  bearinge 
date  the  2d  inftant,  1  have  to  the  utmoft  of  my  power 
obferved  every  particular.  Upon  our  arrival  there  on  Friday 
night  they  were  all  very  courteous  to  us,  and  in  the  morninge 
my  orders  were  read  which  was  very  kindly  received  by  them, 
and  the  reafons  why  they  deferted  the  places  where  they  ufu- 
ally  abode  among  the  Englifh  was, 

1.  That  four  Indians  came  from  fort  Albany  to  the  fort  at 
Fennicooke  and  informed  them  that  all  the  Mohawkes  did  de- 
clare they  would  kill  all  Indians  from  Uncas  at  mount  Hope 
to  the  eafhvard  as  far  as  Pegypfcut. 

2.  The  reafon  of  Natombamat,  fagamore  of  Saco,  departed 
his  place  was,  becaufe  the  fame  news  was  brought  there  as 
himfelf  declared  upon  reading  my  orders  at  Fennicooke. 

3.  Natombamat,  fagamore  of  Saco,  is  gone  to  carry  the  In- 
dians downe  to  the  lame  place  where  they  were  before  depart- 
ed from  us,  on  Sunday  morninge,  and  defired  Capt.  Hooke  to 
meet  him  at  Saco  five  days  after. 

4.  Both  fagamores  of  Pennicook,  viz.  Wannilanfet  and  Me- 
fandowit,  the  latter  of  which  is  come  downe,  did  then  declare 
they  had  no  intention  of  war,  neither  indeed  are  they  in  any 
pollure  for  war,  beinge  about  24  men  befides  fquaws  and 
papofes. 

5.  Afking  the  reafon  why  they  did  not  come  among  the 
Englifh  as  formerly,  they  anfvvered  they  thought  if  the  Mo- 
hawkes came  and  fought  them  and  they  mould  fly  for  fuccour 
to  the  Englifh,  that  then  the  Mohawkes  would  kill  all  the 
Englifh  for  harboring  them. 

No.  XLV. 
Articles  of  peace  agreed  upon  the  eighth  day  of  September, 
in  the  year  of  our  Lord  1685,  between  the  fubjecls  of  his 
majefty  king  James  the  fecond  inhabiting  the  provinces  of 
New-Hampfhire  and  Maine,  and  the  Indians  inhabiting  the 
fa  id  provinces. 

IT  is  agreed  there  (hall  be  for  the  future  a  lafting  peace, 
friend/hip  and  kindnefs  between  the- Englifh  and  the  In- 
dians, and  that  no  injury  fliall  be  offtred  by  the  one  to  the 
Cther.  That 


hxx  APPENDIX. 

That  if  any  Englifhman  doth  any  injury  to  an  Indian,  upoa 
complaint  made  to  any  juftice  of  peace  the  Englishman  (hall  be 
puniihed,  and  the  Indian  (hall  have  prefent  fatisfaction  made 
him.  And  if  any  Indian  doth  an  injury  to  the  Englifh  or 
threaten  to  do  any  injury,  the  fagamore  to  whom  that  Indian 
doth  belong,  fliall  punifh  him  in  prefence  of  one  of  the  king's 
juftices  of  the  peace. 

That  if  any  other  Indian  fhall  defigne  any  mifchief  or  harmc 
to  the  Englifh,  the  Indians  inhabiting  the  aforefaid  provinces 
fhall  give  prefent  notice  thereof  to  the  Englifh,  and  fhall  afiifl 
the  Englifh. 

That  fc  long  as  the  aforefaid  Indians  fhall  continue  in  friend- 
fhip  with  the  Engiifh,  they  fhall  be  protected  againft  the  Mo- 
hawks, or  any  others,  and  may  freely  and  peaceably  fet  downe 
by  the  Englifh  near  any  their  plantations. 

Robert  Mafon,  Walter  Barefoote, 

Robert  Elliot,  Henry  Green, 

John  Davis,  Francis  Hooke. 

The  mark  of    f  Mefandowit. 
The  mark  -f  of  Wahowah,  alias  Hopehood. 
The  mark    trf  °f  Tecamorifick,  alias  Jofias. 
The  mark   co  of  John  Nomony,  alias  Upfawah. 
The  mark  W  of  Umbefnowah,  alias  Robin. 
We   whoi'e    names  are  hereunto    written  do  freely  confent 
and  engage  to  comply  and  perform  the  within  written  articles 
as  our  neighbours    have  done,  and  do  further  engage  as  fol- 
loweth  : 

Laflly,  That  the  Indians  fhall  not  at  any  time  hereafter  re- 
move from  any  of  the  Englifh  plantations  with  their  wives  and 
children  before  they  have  given  fair  and  timely  notice  thereof 
unto  the  Englifh,  from  whence  they  do  fo  remove  ;  ai 
cafe  the  faid  Indians  fliall  remove  with  their  wives  and  chil- 
dren without  fuch  fair  and  timely  notice  given  to  the  Engiifh, 
that  then  it  fhall  be  taken  pro  confeffo  that  the  Indians  do  in- 
tend and  defigne  war  with  the  Englilh,  and  do  thereby  declare 
that  the  peace  is  broken  ;  and  it  fhall  and  may  be  lawful  to  and 
for  the  Englifh,  or  any  on  their  behalfs,  to  apprehend  the  faid 
Indians  with  their  wives  and  children,  and  to  ufe  acts  of  hofti- 
lity  againft  them  until  the  fagamores  fhall  make  full  latisfac- 
tion  for  all  charge  and  damage  that  may  arife  thereby. 

John  Davis, 
Francis  Hooke, 
The  mark        of  Netambomet,  fagam.  of  Saco. 
The  mark  x  of  Wahowah,  alias  Hopehood. 

The 


APPENDIX.  Ixxxi 

The  mark  )  of  Ned  Higgon. 

The  mark  3  of  Newcome. 

Kancamagus,  alias  John  Hawkins,  fagamore,  figned 

this  initrument,    19  7ber,  16S5 ,  his  G  mark. 
Bageffon,  alias  Joleph  Trafke,  O  his  mark. 
And  agreed  to  all  within  written. 

Tettis,  JOSEPH  RAYN. 

No.  XLVI. 
Portftnouth,  the  7th  of  Sept.  1687. 
To  the  much  honred  cort  now  fiting  in  faid  Portfmouth,  for 
the  prouinc  of  Newhampfhir, 
The  humbel  petifhon  of  William  Houchins,  on  of  his  ma- 
gefty  fubgiftb  belonging  to  faid  prouinc,   humbly  feweth 
for  aduic,  ade  and  relefF  in  his  deplorabell  eltat  and  con- 
dition. 

THAT  wh  areas  it  has  pie  fed  God  to  lay  his  hand  uppon 
him,  and  that  hee  is  in  fuch  a  condition  not  being  abell 
to  help  him  felff,  as  to  the  geting  a  liuing  or  proquering  help 
or  remedy  for  my  deftemper,  being  low  in  the  world,  and 
hauing  ufeed  all  the  menes  and  aduic  pofabell  for  nere  hue 
year  pall:  ;  hauing  bin  informed  by  fom  that  it  is  a  deilemper 
caled  the  king's  euell*,  fo  can  not  be  qureed  but  by  his  ma- 
gefty.  Hauing  littell  or  nothing  in  this  world,  if  my  lifffhould 
go  for  it  am  not  abell  to  trancfport  my  felff  for  England  to  his 
magefty  for  releff;  thareffor  humbly  and  hartly  beg  the  help, 
ade  and  alittanc  of  this  honred  cort,  that  thay  would  fo  far 
commiferat  my  deplorabell  condition  as  order  fom  way  ether 
by  breff  or  any  other  way  that  youer  hoiiers  fhall  think  moil 
meet  to  moue  the  harts  of  all  criften  people  with  compation  to 
befto  fomthing  uppon  mee,  to  trancfport  mee  for  England, 
whar,  God    willing,    I   intend  forth  with  to  goo  iff  polabell, 

but 

*  This  petition  is  inferted  merely  as  a  curhfty.  It  ivas  a 
received  opinion  in  that  day  that  the  dijiewper  called  the  king's 
evil  could  be  cured  only  by  the  royal  touch.  The  following  ad- 
vertifement  taken  from  an  old  Loudon  gazette  is  of  the  fame 
nature. 

"  Thefe  are  to  give  notice,  that  the  iveathc'r  grooving  nvarvte, 
his  majejly  to/7/  not  touch  any  inore  for  the  evil  till  towards  Mi' 
chaelmafs.  And  his  majejiys  chirurgeons  defire  to  prevent  his 
viajefly  being  defrauded,  that  greater  care  be  taken  for  the  fu- 
ture in  regi firing  certificates  given  to  fuch  as  com:  to  be  touched.'* 
Loud.  Gaz.  May  29,  16^2. 


Ixxxli  APPENDIX. 

but  without  help  not  pofabell.  This  humbly  Icuing  my  felff 
in  the  fad  condition  I  am  in,  trufting  in  God  and  youer  ho- 
llers for  help  and  aduice,  fubfcrib  youer  por  deplorabell  far- 
uant, 

WILLEAM  HOUCHINS. 

No.  XLVII. 

A  Utter  from  Secretary  Addington  to  Major  Waldron,  appriz- 
ing him  of  his  danger  from  the  Indians. 

[The  original  in  the  hands  of  the  hon.  Thomas  Wejlbrook  Waldron.~\ 

Honble  Sir,  Bofton,  27  June  16^9. 

THE  governor  and  council!  baveing  this  day  received  a 
letter  from  Major  Henchman  of  Chelmsford,  that  fome 
Indians  are  come  into  them  who  report  that  there  is  a  gather- 
ing of  fome  Indians  in  or  about  Penecooke,  with  defigne  of 
mifchiefe  to  the  Englifli.  Among  the  faid  Indians  one  Haw- 
kins is  faid  to  be  a  principle  defigner,  and  that  they  have  a 
particular  defigne  againft  yourfelf  and  Mr.  Peter  Coffin,  which 
the  councill  thought  it  neceffary  prefently  to  difpatch  advice 
thereof  to  give  you  notice,  that  you  take  care  of  your  own 
fafeguard,  they  intending  to  endeavour  to  betray  you  on  a 
pretention  of  trade. 

Pleafe  forthwith  to  fignify  the  import  hereof  to  Mr.  Coffin 
and  others  as  you  fhall  thinke  necefiary,  and  advife  of  what 
informations  you  may  at  any  time  receive  of  the  Indians  mo- 
tions. By  order  in  councill, 

ISA.  ADDINGTON,  Secy. 
For  Major  Richard  Waldren  and  Mr.  Peter  "^ 

Coffin,  or  either  of  them,  att  Cochecha;v 

thefe  with  all  poflible  fpeed.  j 

No.  XLVIII. 

Copy  of  an  addrejs  of  the  general  court  to  Queen  Anne,    Decern. 
6,   1709.      [Council  minutes.'} 

To  the  queen's  mod  excellent  majefiy. 
The  addrefs  of  your  majefty's  molt  dutiful  and  loyal  fubjecls, 
the  governor,  council,  aud  reprefentatives  of  your  majefty's 
province  of  New-Hampfhire  in  New-England,   convened  in 
general  affembly, 

Mo  ft 


-•, 


APPENDIX.  kxxiii 

Mod  humbly  fheweth, 

THAT  in  the  midft  of  the  great  diftrcffes,  that  your  ma- 
jefty's mofl  dutiful  and  loyal  fubje&s  of  this  your  majefty's 
province  were  involved  in,  by  the  frequent  incurlions  of  our  ill 
neighbours  the  French  of  Canada  and  their  dependent  Indians, 
to  the  great  hurt  of  our  plantations  and  fettlements,  your  fa- 
cred  majefty  has  been  pleafed  of  your  royal  bounty  and  com- 
panion to  fupply  us  with  a  number  of  cannon  and  (tores  for 
our  defence,  the  receipt  whereof  has  invigorated  and  encou- 
raged us  in  the  defence  of  our  frontiers,  and  our  inarches  a- 
gainft  the  Indians  in  their  fecret  receflea  in  the  woods,  which 
are  always  and  dill  fuccefsfully  put  forward  by  your  majefty's 
governor  for  our  fecurity,  to  our  perfect  fatisfaftion. 

That  while  we  were  thus  defending  ourfelves  and  families, 
againft  the  common  enemy  of  the  repofe  of  all  your  majeily's 
Britifh  fubje&s  in  the  plantations  abroad  as  well  as  in  Europe, 
we  were  purfuedby  the  challenge  of  Mr.  Allen  for  the  lands 
and  foil  under  our  feet,  which  we  have  this  fixty  years  defend- 
ed with  our  lives  and  eltates,  as  well  as  the  affiftance  of  our 
good  neighbours  of  your  majeily's  colony  of  the  Maffachufetts, 
your  majefty  of  your  royal  and  princely  regard  to  us  has  dif- 
miffed  that  challenge,  which  will  forever  encourage  us  to  our 
utmoft  power  to  defend  this  your  majefty's  province,  fince  wc 
may  now  hope  to  leave  our  children  in  the  poffeffion  of  the 
country,  with  an  entire  dependance  upon  your  majefty  and 
your  royal  fucceffors  without  the  danger  of  any  further  unjuft 
challenge  from  thofe  perfons  that  have  lb  long  difturbed  us  with 
their  claims. 

And  whereas  your  majefty  out  of  a  gracious  regard  to  this 
and  other  your  provinces  in  thefe  parts  of  America,  was  pleafed 
to  form  a  defign  againfl  the  French  fettlements  at  Canada  and 
Nova-Scotia  the  lait  fummer,  but  a  more  important  fervice  in 
Europe  requiring  your  majefty's  forces  which  were  intended 
hither,  whereby  that  defign  is  laid  afide  for  the  prefent ;  we 
moll  humbly  pray  your  majefty  that  it  may  coniift  with  you* 
royal  pleafure  to  revive  the  laid  defign,  and  that  the  expediti- 
on latel  v  intended  may  be  profecuted  fealonably  the  next  Iprinrr; 
and  that  your  majefty's  arms  in  America  may  have  a  glorious 
fuccefs  as  in  Europe,  to  the  utter  confuliou  of  your  enemies, 
and  Lifting  repofe  of  all  your  majefty's  good  fubjecis  inhabiting 
ilii.  continent. 

We 


jXXXiy  APPENDIX. 

We  mod  humbly  render  our  e^erlafting  praifes  to  Almighty 
God  for  your  majefty's  mod  glorious  fucceffes  againft  the  tyran- 
ny and  usurpation  of  the  French  king  and  heartily  pray  for  your 
majefty's  long  life  and  happy  reign  and  the  continnuance  of  the 
proteftant  fuccellion,  for  the  benefit  of  your  majefty's  fubjects 
of  Great  Britain,  of  all  your  majefty's  dominions  and  plantations, 
and  of  all  Europe  who  have  had  the  unfpeakable  benefit  of  your 
majefty's  unparalleled  reign. 

We  are  your  majefty's  moll  loyal  and  obedient  fubje&s, 


Mark  Hunking,  fpeaker. 
Signed  in  prefence  and  by  order 
of  theHoufe  of  Reprefentatives. 


Cha.  Story,  fecretary. 
Signed   in   the  prefence  and 
by  order  of  the  Council. 


Portfmouth,  in  New-Hampfhire,  6th  December,  1709. 


END  OF  THE  FIRST  VOLUME. 


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